Navigating Identity and Policy: The Afro-Caribbean Experience in Canada

Abstract

This interdisciplinary study examined the migration, settlement, and identity formation of Afro-Caribbean communities in Canada, with a focus on Haitian and Jamaican diasporas. It explored the historical transitions from racially exclusionary immigration policies to contemporary multicultural frameworks and assessed their impact on the socioeconomic integration and cultural identity of these communities. Drawing from archival records, government reports, and sociological literature, this research highlights how Afro-Caribbean populations have navigated systemic barriers while contributing significantly to Canadian society. Using racial capitalism as a theoretical lens, the study critiqued the structural inequalities embedded within Canadian immigration and labour policies, underscoring the persistent challenges of economic marginalization and racial discrimination. Additionally, it engaged with cultural capital theories to examine the resilience and agency of Afro-Caribbean communities in forging new opportunities through cultural knowledge and community networks. Ultimately, this research advocates for policy reforms that foster a more equitable and inclusive society by addressing the systemic exclusions that continue to shape the experiences of Afro-Caribbean Canadians.

1. Introduction

In the past half-century, Canada’s Afro-Caribbean population has grown significantly, with over 800,000 people of Caribbean origin residing in Canada today (Statistics Canada 2019). This demographic shift reflects Canada’s evolving immigration policies, which have moved from exclusionary to inclusive, reshaping the community’s dynamics and cultural contributions to Canadian society. The 20th century saw significant waves of Afro-Caribbean migration to Canada, shaped by both push and pull factors. On the one hand, political instability and economic hardship—such as the Duvalier dictatorship in Haiti and global capitalist restructuring in Jamaica—forced many to seek new opportunities abroad (Whitfield 2017). On the other hand, Canada’s evolving immigration policies and Commonwealth ties created structured migration pathways, particularly after the 1967 Points-Based Immigration System expanded opportunities for skilled and semi-skilled workers. These shifts laid the foundation for Afro-Caribbean communities to emerge as key contributors to Canadian society, despite facing systemic barriers—a theme explored in this paper (Audebert 2017). Additionally, Canada’s political stability, economic opportunities, and its historical positioning as a Commonwealth country played a role in attracting Caribbean migrants.

This established diplomatic and economic relationships between Canada and Commonwealth Caribbean nations provided a structured pathway for migration, offering many a sense of familiarity and access to social networks already present in Canadian cities. This re-settlement was driven by the hope of securing more opportunities and better living conditions.

Similarly, Jamaicans immigrated during the 1960s and 1970s to Canada during a post-colonial period marked by economic challenges and social upheaval that were exacerbated by ’global capitalist dynamics’—a term used to describe the economic forces and power structures that shape global economic relations and marginalize the working class (Government of Canada, Department of Justice Electronic Communications 2022). Programs like the West Indian Domestic Scheme in Canada attracted many Jamaican women who left behind families to secure better livelihoods (West Indian Domestic Scheme n.d.). These push factors shaped not only migration waves but also the settlement patterns of Afro-Caribbean communities, which in turn influenced their socio-economic integration in Canada—a topic explored in the next section. The presence of Commonwealth ties between Jamaica and Canada also played a crucial role, as it facilitated migration channels through policies that privileged skilled and semi-skilled workers from former British colonies. It should be noted that it was not until the 1960s that major changes in Canadian immigration policies opened the door to other countries aside from Western Europe and provided space for skilled workers from the Caribbean to immigrate to Canada. Hence, in 1967, Canada changed its immigration laws to facilitate the movement of people from the Caribbean to cities like Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver, thereby developing Afro-Caribbean communities centered on promoting identity formation and cross-cultural interaction.

Afro-Caribbean communities’ contributions are significant and invaluable across various spheres of Canadian life, including healthcare, education, culture, and community growth. These contributions, deeply rooted in their African heritage and the unique cultural elements they developed in the Caribbean, have enriched the fabric of Canadian society. This article will explore the impact of immigration policies and cultural capital in reshaping the nation’s socio-cultural environment. Through comprehensive analysis, we will gain an insightful overview of the lived realities of the Afro-Caribbean diaspora, enabling researchers to engage deeply with the journey of immigration and identity formation of Afro-Caribbean communities.

This study employed a qualitative historical analysis approach, integrating archival materials, government reports, and statistical data to examine Afro-Caribbean migration, identity formation, and socioeconomic integration in Canada. The research was guided by the following questions: (1) How have historical migration patterns influenced the socioeconomic realities of Afro-Caribbean communities? (2) How do contemporary policies continue to shape Afro-Caribbean identity and social mobility? By analyzing primary and secondary sources, this study provides a comprehensive understanding of the intersection of racial capitalism, cultural capital, and systemic barriers in Canada.

This study applied racial capitalism as a key theoretical lens to examine how systemic racism and economic exploitation have historically shaped Afro-Caribbean migration and labour market integration in Canada (Robinson 2021). Additionally, it draws on cultural capital theory (Bourdieu 1986) to explore how Afro-Caribbean communities navigate systemic barriers through cultural knowledge, community networks, and resilience strategies. By integrating these frameworks, the study situates Afro-Caribbean socioeconomic experiences within broader historical and structural inequalities.

By revisiting the migration narratives of Jamaicans and Haitians, this study examined why these specific groups were central to early Afro-Caribbean migration to Canada and how historical Commonwealth relations, coupled with shifting Canadian policies, influenced their settlement patterns. The aim was to develop more inclusive partnerships within community-based knowledge assemblages and generate an inclusive narrative encompassing the Afro-Caribbean contribution to Canada’s multicultural image. Ultimately, this article supports advocating for critical policy changes that more accurately address the challenges of the Afro-Caribbean communities. Engaging in such scholarly inquiry prepares us to offer more equitable and inclusive approaches to integrating diverse histories into the national narrative.

2. Resilience and Integration: The Journey of Afro-Caribbean Migrants in Canada

To provide a comprehensive understanding of Afro-Caribbean migration to Canada, this manuscript structures the discussion in a way that not only examines key policy shifts but also contextualizes their socio-economic impact. Rather than presenting a linear policy summary, the analysis unfolds progressively—first establishing the exclusionary foundations of pre-1962 immigration policies, then tracing the gradual shifts towards merit-based systems, and finally assessing how these changes shaped integration experiences and identity formation among Afro-Caribbean communities. This approach ensures that the policy discussions remain closely tied to lived experiences, highlighting the resilience and agency of Afro-Caribbean migrants in navigating systemic barriers.

Afro-Caribbean migration to Canada, primarily to cities like Toronto and Montreal, is a testament to the resilience and determination of these communities. Among the largest non-European ethnic groups in Canada are those of Jamaican descent (Okeke-Ihejirika 2020). Despite facing numerous challenges upon arrival, including discrimination and prejudice, they have managed to establish themselves in their new home. For instance, half of all Canadians of Jamaican descent reported encountering prejudice. Fifty-one percent of Jamaicans residing in Canada said they had experienced discrimination or unfair treatment because of their ethnicity, colour, religion, language, or accent in the previous five years or since their arrival. Sixty-nine percent of Canadians of Jamaican descent who reported encountering prejudice said the discrimination had occurred in the workplace or when applying for a job (Statistics Canada 2024). Yet, despite these hardships, 71% reported feeling strongly that they belonged to their ethnic or cultural group (Statistics Canada 2024).

In Canada, the province of Ontario stands as the primary residence for the majority of Canadians of Jamaican descent. In 2001, a staggering 85% of Canadians with Jamaican ancestry called Ontario home. Quebec, Alberta, and British Columbia also hosted significant Jamaican populations, comprising 5%, 4%, and 3% of their respective populations during the same period. The number of individuals of Jamaican descent residing in Ontario was 181,000, a stark contrast to the approximately 11,000 in Quebec, 8000 in Alberta, and 7000 in British Columbia. In Ontario, Canadians of Jamaican descent accounted for around 2% of the overall population, while in all other provinces and territories, their share of the total population was less than 5% (Robinson 2021).

Furthermore, the Points-Based Immigration System (1962–1970), a discriminatory immigration policy based on race and country of origin, underwent significant changes in the late 1960s (Immigration Refugees and Citizenship Canada 2021). A notable shift during this era was Prime Minister Diefenbaker’s 1962 immigration policy, which prioritized skills, education, and training as critical criteria for the admission of prospective immigrants.

Before 1962, Canada’s immigration system was explicitly exclusionary, favouring European migrants while restricting entry for non-white populations, including Afro-Caribbean and African American applicants, on the basis of being deemed ‘climatically unsuitable’. These policies reinforced racial hierarchies by limiting migration opportunities for Black communities (Wong and Guo 2018). The introduction of Prime Minister Diefenbaker’s 1962 immigration reforms marked a shift away from explicitly race-based exclusions by prioritizing skills, education, and training as admission criteria. While this did not fully eliminate racial bias, it opened pathways for a small but growing number of non-European immigrants.

This resulted in the arrival of a small number of educated Haitians in the early 1960s who settled primarily in Montreal due to their proficiency in French (Walker 2022). This period coincided with the introduction of the Points-Based Immigration System in 1967, which focused on qualities such as occupation, education, and knowledge of Canada’s official languages (Wong and Guo 2018). The Official Languages Act (1969) formally recognized French and English as Canada’s official languages, reinforcing linguistic duality as a core national identity. However, language-based integration policies had already been in place since 1947, when the Canadian government introduced programs to teach newcomers French or English. The Act played a significant role in shaping Afro-Caribbean migration patterns, particularly for Haitians, whose French proficiency provided them with a relative advantage in Quebec’s immigration and labour policies. Nonetheless, for English-speaking Caribbean migrants, linguistic barriers remained an additional challenge in navigating social and economic integration outside of Quebec (Wong and Guo 2018).

It is worth noting that training programs aimed at teaching immigrants French or English to enhance their participation in Canadian society were introduced as early as 1947 (Gaffield 2015). These changes in Canadian policies and systems reflect the growing Caribbean population and a shift towards an attempt to establish an equitable and fair approach.

3. Historical Background, Challenges, and Community Responses

This section outlines the key historical challenges faced by Afro-Caribbean communities in Canada, particularly in terms of migration and integration. In response to these challenges, community organizations and cultural movements, such as Rastafarianism, emerged as vital tools for resilience and identity formation. The following discussion highlights both the structural barriers and the grassroots responses that shaped Afro-Caribbean experiences.

An in-depth analysis of the Great Migration and World War I revealed a dynamic era for diasporic communities, influencing Afro-Caribbean identity and their contributions to Canadian culture (Parekh 2006). The increase in migration during the post-World War II era contributed to the foundation of vibrant Afro-Caribbean communities in cities like Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver (Belshaw 2016). For example, many Afro-Caribbean communities took the initiative to create organizations (e.g., Maison d’Haiti, Bureau De La Communauté Haïtienne De Ottawa, Centre Communautaire des Haitiens d’Ottawa-Gatineau, Jamaican association in Ottawa, Jamaican Community Association Inc., and the Jamaican High Commission Ottawa) and support groups to address systemic barriers. These groups were essential in promoting social justice activism, community involvement, and cultural knowledge. Their primary objective was to bring public attention to removing systematic obstacles that interfere with equitable access to resources. The collaboration of these grassroots organizations aimed to advance education and job prospects. Additionally, these community-led groups provided safe spaces for Afro-Caribbeans to express their cultural heritage without fear of repercussions and social marginalization. Furthermore, Afro-Caribbean communities influenced Canadian culture significantly through music, literature, art, and culinary traditions.

For instance, Rastafarianism, a political and cultural ideology, has played a central role in shaping Black identity among many communities of African descent in Europe and the US. Paul Gilroy (1987)’s book “There Ain’t No Black in the Union Jack: The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation” highlights how Jamaican immigrants brought Rastafarianism to the UK and other Western countries, using it as a cultural tool to resist assimilation and affirm a bond with an idealized Africa. This is just one example of Afro-Caribbeans’ diverse and significant contributions to Canadian culture. Additionally, Rastafarianism in Canada provides a vibrant cultural exchange, enriching Canadian multiculturalism through their spiritual, musical, and artistic expressions. Notably, Rastafarianism contributed to the popularization of reggae music and played an essential role in Canada’s civil rights and social justice movements by advocating for the rights and recognition of African Canadian communities (Labelle et al. 2021). This message of Afrocentric pride and identity encourages discussions on racial equality and cultural respect within Canada’s diverse society, adding a valuable dimension to the cultural fabric of Canada. Thus, it illuminates the dynamic interaction of immigration and cultural identity and how diasporic movements influence and reshape national settings. Exploring the history of Haitians and Jamaicans in Canada provides insight into how cultural capital—encompassing education, linguistic skills, community networks, and cultural expression—shapes the formation of Blackness in Canada. While traditional models of cultural capital emphasize assimilation into dominant structures (Bourdieu 1986), Afro-Caribbean cultural capital often operates within a framework of resistance, reinforcing identity, solidarity, and advocacy against systemic barriers.

4. Demographic Distribution, Socioeconomic Integration, and Structural Barriers

While this section primarily discusses the demographic distribution and socioeconomic integration of Afro-Caribbean communities in Canada, it is important to consider how systemic structures, particularly racial capitalism, influence these processes. The following analysis contextualizes economic participation and settlement patterns within broader historical and structural frameworks.

For example, Afro-Caribbeans in Canada have been integral to the labour force and social movements for centuries. The British and French colonies of Canada began with the forced labour of over 4,000 enslaved Black people in the early 19th century (Maynard 2017). Thousands of Black people fled to Canada between 1830 and 1850, where they found ‘abundant’ and ‘fairly rewarded’ work (Adams 2011). By the early 20th century, Black men in Canada were limited to low-status blue-collar and service jobs due to a ‘growing tide of prejudice’ (Adams 2011). Black women’s labour was concentrated into even more limited and lower-paying jobs than their male peers. For example, author Cedric Robinson (2021) brought attention to this unequal treatment of Black migrants and referred to it as a form of racial capitalism—looking beyond the traditional Marxist focus on class and modes of production and uncovering how racial inequalities and oppression (including imperialism and slavery) are intrinsic to capitalism. Nowadays, immigrants from the Caribbean and Africa arrive in Canada amidst a neo-liberal form of capitalism that includes immigration consulting firms and lawyers before they arrive and then integrate into a capitalist labour market shaped by systematic racism.

Recent Statistics Canada (2024) data reveal that Afro-Caribbean communities continue to face significant employment and income disparities, with their unemployment rate (9.4%) remaining disproportionately higher than the national average (5.8%). While 77% of Afro-Caribbean individuals aged 25–44 hold a post-secondary diploma or degree, 43% work in jobs below their qualifications, reflecting the systemic deskilling of Black professionals. Wage gaps persist, with Black workers earning 17% less than their white counterparts in comparable positions, while only 4.1% of senior management roles are held by Black professionals. Additionally, hiring discrimination remains prevalent, with applicants bearing Afro-Caribbean-sounding names receiving 40% fewer callbacks than those with Anglo-Saxon names despite identical credentials. These structural barriers reaffirm how racial capitalism continues to shape Afro-Caribbeans’ labour market integration, as their contributions are systematically undervalued despite high educational attainment and workforce participation.

Cedric Robinson (2021)’s concept of racial capitalism highlights how economic structures reinforce racial hierarchies, ensuring that Black labour remains systematically undervalued. This is evident in Canada’s historical and contemporary immigration policies. For instance, before the 1967 Points System, Caribbean workers were primarily admitted under domestic labour programs, reinforcing their placement in low-wage, service-sector roles. Even after policy reforms, Afro-Caribbean professionals continue to experience credential devaluation and hiring discrimination, exemplifying how racial capitalism operates not just in early migration but persists in present-day labour market disparities. The neoliberal restructuring of Canada’s labour market further entrenched this dynamic, reinforcing the precarity of Afro-Caribbean workers under racial capitalism. For instance, the historical employment patterns of Caribbean domestic workers under the West Indian Domestic Scheme and the ongoing deskilling of Black professionals in Canada illustrate how Afro-Caribbean labour is continually positioned within exploitative economic structures.

Neoliberal restructuring in Canada, particularly from the 1980s onward, has intensified the precarious economic conditions faced by Afro-Caribbean migrants. The shift toward privatization, deregulation, and a reduction in state welfare programs, disproportionately affecting racialized communities, particularly those whose migration was historically linked to labour-intensive industries. As Sunera Thobani (2007) asserts, neoliberalism operates in tandem with multiculturalism to mask the racialized economic exploitation embedded in Canada’s labour market. Policies that emphasized self-sufficiency and economic class as a measure of worth placed Black migrants at a structural disadvantage, forcing many into low-wage, precarious jobs while limiting access to social mobility.

This aligns with Robinson’s concept of racial capitalism, wherein Black labour is systematically devalued within a capitalist economy structured around racial hierarchies. In the context of Canada, neoliberal policies further entrenched this dynamic by removing social protections while simultaneously using multicultural rhetoric to obscure ongoing racial inequalities. For Afro-Caribbean communities, this meant continued economic marginalization under the guise of equal opportunity.

Robinson challenged the Marxist idea of capitalism as a revolutionary negation of feudalism. In its place, capitalism developed from the medieval order of Western civilization that was instilled with racialism. Therefore, capitalism and racism are a reproduction of the primitive orders that evolved in the production of goods and services in the modern world—racial capitalism involving slavery, imperialism, and oppression (Robinson 2021). This is linked to colonization and slavery within Europe. Correspondingly, the immigration of Haitians and Jamaicans to Canada reveals a pattern of displacement and diaspora shaped by capitalist exploitation and racial discrimination. Both groups sought refuge and economic opportunities in Canada, but systemic barriers and marginalization marked their experiences. As Canada began to urbanize and industrialize at the turn of the century, Black people in Canada experienced a significant shift in the labour market. This historical narrative underscores the resilience and contributions of Afro-Caribbean communities to Canadian society.

It was not until 1982 that protection from discriminatory practices was put into place with the implementation of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, offering protection for “official languages, minority language rights, and equality rights” (Wong and Guo 2018). This protection was needed in part due to racist groups and organizations promoting racism (Canadian Multiculturalism n.d.).

5. Policy Shifts and Community Responses

In the 1990s, there was a paradigm shift from equality rights in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms to neoliberalist idealism (Arat-Koc 1999). Before this neoliberalism era, the well-being of citizens was viewed as a collective responsibility, whereas during the era of neoliberalism, individuals became responsible for their well-being. As neoliberal policies redefined economic class as the primary marker of success, the value and recognition of Afro-Caribbean cultural capital—such as non-Western credentials, multilingual abilities, and community-driven knowledge—were diminished. Policies that prioritized economic self-sufficiency devalued these assets, reinforcing systemic exclusions in the labour market (Arat-Koc 1999). The preconceived notion was that immigrants of a higher economic class would have better employment opportunities because they tended to have more education and therefore would participate more in the labour market and be less reliant on welfare (Arat-Koc 1999). This transition influenced how the Canadian population determined and categorized the value of the social and cultural capital of Afro-Caribbeans in Canadian society and what were the parameters of Blackness.

The 1971 multiculturalism policy strongly encouraged and facilitated the full participation of cultural minority groups in Canadian society (Immigration Refugees and Citizenship Canada 2021). The implementation of this policy resulted in the arrival of a diverse range of skilled and semi-skilled immigrants from Haiti and other Caribbean countries with varied backgrounds (Walker 2022). While the 1971 Multiculturalism Policy aimed to promote inclusivity and facilitate cultural preservation, scholars like Thobani (2007) have critiqued it as a tool for managing racial differences rather than dismantling structural inequities. Thobani (2007) argues that multiculturalism operates within a framework of white supremacy, where racialized communities are expected to conform to a state-sanctioned version of diversity that does not challenge existing power structures. This policy did not fundamentally disrupt the racial and economic hierarchies that positioned Afro-Caribbean migrants as labourers within a neoliberal economic order. Instead, it functioned to incorporate racialized groups into Canada’s national identity while maintaining the dominance of Euro-Canadian cultural norms.

This perspective challenges the assumption that multiculturalism equates to racial equality. In reality, the policy reinforced systemic barriers by treating cultural differences as a matter of representation rather than redistributing power and resources. By failing to address economic and social disparities, multiculturalism became a mechanism for racial governance, ensuring that Afro-Caribbean communities remained structurally positioned in low-income labour markets and underrepresented in decision-making roles. Before 1981, the Black immigrant population in Canada was a testament to this diversity, with 83.3 percent from the Caribbean or Bermuda, 6.7 percent from the rest of the Americas, 5.1 percent from Europe, 4.8 percent from Africa, and 0.1 percent from Asia and Oceania (Immigration Refugees and Citizenship Canada 2021).

However, despite this demographic expansion, immigration policies remained structured around racial hierarchies. While multiculturalism was presented as an inclusive framework, it did not eliminate systemic inequities but rather regulated and managed racialized populations within a neoliberal labour economy. The vast majority of Black immigrants, particularly those from the Caribbean, were incorporated into Canada’s economic system as labourers rather than as political and social stakeholders. This reinforces Thobani (2007)’s critique that multiculturalism, while celebrating diversity, ultimately maintains existing racial power structures rather than dismantling them.

This policy attempted to form a welcoming and inclusive environment for immigrants from diverse backgrounds. Once settled in Canada, many newly arrived Black immigrants began to set up services and businesses that not only provided culturally and linguistically sensitive professional, recreational, and essential services to ethnic groups throughout Canada (Walker 2022), but also made significant contributions to Canada’s economy and society (Gaffield 2015).

However, it is essential to note that despite the possibilities that the 1971 multiculturalism policy created for immigration to Canada, it did not meet the needs of those it aspired to serve because policymakers assumed they knew the needs of visible minority immigrants (Leman 1999). Policymakers thought the obstacles to success were cultural and linguistic, whereas in reality, the needs of new immigrants were more complex and related to equity issues such as housing, employment, education, and the tools to fight discrimination. To address this, policymakers from the host country must involve Black people in decision-making as stakeholders, knowers, and actors of their own life experiences (Okeke-Ihejirika 2020).

Another influential Canadian immigration policy of the 1970s was the 1976 Immigration Act. This Act aimed to welcome refugees, address the country’s economic, social, and demographic needs, and guarantee family reunification (Arat-Koc 1999). Although the goal was quite vague, the policy provided a commitment to protecting refugees and guaranteed the implementation of family reunification policies. A milestone regarding protections for marginalized groups achieved during the mid-1990s was the implementation of the 1995 Employment Equity Act, which mandated that employers provide protection and equal opportunities for members of traditionally marginalized groups, including women, people with disabilities, Indigenous persons, and visible minorities (Wong and Guo 2018). These policies helped combat discriminatory employment practices, making the workplace more accessible to marginalized populations. Many Black newcomers who arrived in Canada between 2011 and 2016 came through the economic class program from countries such as Nigeria, Haiti, Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire, and Jamaica (Statistics Canada 2024).

6. Contemporary Implications of Historical Migrations and Policies for the Afro-Caribbean Diaspora in Canada

The Afro-Caribbean diaspora’s journey in Canada, influenced by preceding events, has led to systematic policy changes from immigration to integration. The understanding that economic opportunities and political uprisings often fuel migration is key. During historical movements, diverse economic opportunities and political upheavals were prevalent, and the social cohesion and integration strategies among these migrant communities directly affected the interplay between social integration and identity formation. This history has led to intricate community networks, which new immigrants can tap into for growth and development. This potential is particularly promising for the youth, as a new culture offers them a new identity and a future filled with hope and optimism. However, it also presents challenges, primarily in culture clashes and identity crises. The migratory situations in the past have created a context in which the evolution of the current social structure and national identity of the Afro-Caribbean diaspora in the Canadian context can be understood.

One critical factor to include is that racism and discrimination experienced by Afro-Caribbeans in Canada are two legacies resulting from interpersonal interactions and the participation of Black people in various social and political realms. Starting way back, the discrimination and inequalities faced by Afro-Caribbeans, among other minority races in Canada, first resulted from racially defined prejudicial behaviour, which has caused riots, killings, and hostility for generations since. Therefore, there is an aspect of appreciation for how the past influences people’s perception of contemporary racial injustice. This is expressed among the Afro-Caribbean communities by supporting mass emancipation movements like Black Lives Matter, which advocate for justice system restructuring and equitability and contribute to such transformations to a great extent. Again, the development of immigration policies and political lobbying evidence how past politics and policies have inspired the Afro-Caribbean diaspora to influence and reboot policies to meet their interests and purposes. Some of the political and historical insights are the building blocks for understanding the community’s current limitations in pushing for a conclusive instructive policy that comes with community-led transformative directives building diversity and inclusivity in their society.

Canadian authorities in the field of public policy have begun to pay more attention to the need to recognize and satisfy the needs of Afro-Caribbean Canadians. It is also essential to highlight the connection between public policy and sociology, as sociological research provides critical insights into the social structures and behaviours that inform policy decisions, ensuring that policies address the needs and dynamics of diverse communities. Moreover, public policy shapes social environments and societal norms, accenting the reciprocal relationship where policies influence social behaviour, and sociological findings guide policy development. Hence, governmental activities and projects are designed to ensure integration and tolerance for various forms of diversity, providing a conducive environment for people of Afro-Caribbean origin to enjoy all the benefits of living in Canada and contribute to society. However, it must be recognized that it is impossible to provide a comprehensive understanding of the state of Afro-Caribbeans in Canada based only on the conducted research and the available data on the Afro-Caribbean diaspora, which refer to the dispersed population of people of Afro-Caribbean descent living outside their ancestral homeland. Ongoing research and dialogue are crucial. They allow us to develop policies and intervention programs that accurately address the challenges of the Afro-Caribbean community. For instance, Seidle (2013)’s research highlighted that even in the 1960s, Quebec’s provincial government was pushing for changes in the policy framework to gain the right to approve or decline individual migrations to the province. This led to the signing of the first of four subsequent immigration agreements between Quebec and the federal government in 1971.

Canada’s immigration policy has continued to evolve to offer better protection to immigrants. Despite the implementation of many legislations that embraced multiculturalism and prohibited discrimination, acts of discrimination still occur regularly in Canada, particularly against racialized people (Cheyne-Hazineh 2020). The historical accounts of Black people and the policies that impact their lives highlight the challenging context in which Black immigrants find themselves in, particularly regarding racism. The historical account also highlights the population’s agency and resiliency as they rebuild their lives in the host country (Okeke-Ihejirika 2020). Social intersectional factors, mainly race and gender, have a significant impact on Black migrants as they navigate the challenging task of rebuilding their lives in Canada.

7. Discussion

This section examines how specific immigration policies shaped the Haitian and Jamaican diasporas in Canada, focusing on three key areas: (1) labour market integration, (2) community identity formation, and (3) ongoing systemic barriers. By tracing historical policies alongside contemporary realities, the discussion highlights how Afro-Caribbean communities continue to negotiate their place in Canadian society, balancing social integration with the preservation of cultural identity.

The immigration policy developed in 1967 also involved the creation of immigrant classes (Wong and Guo 2018). This placed prospective immigrants into one of three classes: independent, family, or refugee, helping to process prospective immigrants’ applications more fairly and consistently. Some immigrants who arrived in Canada in the 1980s and 1990s were invited by family members, primarily women from Jamaica and Haiti, who were already living there (Statistics Canada 2024).

The following chart outlines the effects of specific immigration policies. For instance, the Points-Based Immigration System’s implication in 1967 marked a significant shift in Canadian immigration policy. Rather than racial or national origin, the focus was now on skills, education, and language. While the shift to a points-based immigration system in 1967 is often viewed as a progressive departure from explicitly racist immigration policies, it must also be understood as a reformulation of racial exclusion rather than its eradication. Such policies continue to privilege whiteness by setting criteria that, while race-neutral on the surface, disproportionately benefited applicants from European countries due to their access to formal education and professional credentials. The new system allowed for increased immigration from the Caribbean, but it simultaneously placed Afro-Caribbean migrants into a framework where they had to constantly justify their worth through economic productivity, reinforcing their role as disposable labour within the neoliberal economy.

This logic of racial governance ensured that Afro-Caribbean migrants were admitted primarily to meet labour market demands, not to challenge Canada’s racial hierarchy. As a result, immigration policies continued to reflect a white supremacist logic wherein non-white migrants were valued only insofar as they could serve economic needs, with little regard for their social or political rights. The presumed intention of this policy was to facilitate the recruitment of more skilled Afro-Caribbean immigrants, mainly from English-speaking countries like Jamaica. We see increases in migration over the decade after changes in immigration policies in Canada.

7.1. Immigration Policy Changes and Impacts

Table 1. Immigration reforms and their impact on Afro-Caribbean communities. Key Canadian immigration policies from 1962 to 2002 and their specific effects on Afro-Caribbean communities.

Year	Policy Description	Impact on Afro-Caribbean Communities
1962	Immigration Act: Loosened restrictions on non-European immigrants	Allowed more Caribbean immigrants, increasing community size
1967	Points-Based Immigration System: Skills, education, and language focus	Facilitated skilled worker immigration from the Caribbean
1976	Immigration Act: Formalized points system, family reunification	Enabled family-based immigration, strengthening community ties
2002	Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA): Modernized framework	Increased protections and streamlined immigration processes

outlines key Canadian immigration policies between 1962 and 2002 and their specific effects on Afro-Caribbean communities. The transition from restrictive immigration policies to a points-based system in 1967 facilitated skilled migration, while later reforms, such as the 1976 Immigration Act, prioritized family reunification, strengthening community ties. The 2002 Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA) further modernized immigration procedures, increasing protections for migrants and streamlining entry processes.

This change profoundly impacted Afro-Caribbean communities, opening doors for greater economic integration. Skilled workers from these communities could now contribute to sectors such as healthcare and education, laying a solid foundation for community development. These policies were also shaped by Afro-Caribbean descendants such as Jean Augustine, originally from Grenada, who moved to Canada in the 1960s. She became the first African–Canadian woman elected to the Canadian House of Commons and was a champion for social justice, playing a pivotal role in establishing Black History Month in Canada (McLeod 2016). She also made significant contributions to policies related to immigration, multiculturalism, and education, inspiring a hopeful future for all.

Another notable figure is Michaëlle Jean, a Haitian-born Canadian who served as the 27th Governor General of Canada from 2005 to 2010 (Azzi 2021). Her journey from being a refugee in the 1960s to the highest office in the land is a testament to the opportunities Canada offers. Her tenure was marked by a focus on youth, Indigenous rights, culture, and women’s issues. She used her position to amplify the struggles and contributions of Afro-Caribbean Canadians and other minorities. Her impact did not end with her term. Through the Michaëlle Jean Foundation, she continues to shape policy and culture using arts and culture to improve the lives of at-risk youth, creating programs that give youth a platform to amplify their voices and take action, and arts-based initiatives that foster creative and constructive connections (Lola n.d.).

The push and pull factors that explain these migrations help show the challenges Afro-Caribbean immigrants face. Therefore, the contribution of Afro-Caribbeans to Canadian society is far more profound and broader than one would think. For example, Professor Rinaldo Walcott from the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto, stated during a panel discussion that “Afro-Caribbean Canadians have been at the forefront of challenging and shaping policies around race and equity in Canada. Their efforts have highlighted systemic issues and prompted significant legislative changes in Canadian society” (John Hope Franklin Humanities Institute at Duke University 2023).

Afro-Caribbeans have made significant artistic contributions to Canadian culture, particularly in the realms of music, dance, literature, and cuisine. Prominent figures such as writers Austin Clarke and Nalo Hopkinson, as well as musician Jully Black, exemplify this influence. The 1971 multiculturalism policy, which prioritized cultural preservation, allocated funding to support festivals and educational programs conducted in languages other than English or French (Hawkins 2007). This policy facilitated greater political engagement and created an inter-generational impact by enabling the children of immigrants to benefit from these initiatives, thus enhancing their potential to achieve higher socioeconomic statuses. Nevertheless, despite these advancements, Afro-Caribbeans continued to encounter subtle forms of discrimination, such as polite racism. In response, the diaspora developed various coping strategies to navigate predominantly white-centered spaces.

Despite the evolution of immigration policies to recruit skilled immigrants to Canada, social intersectional factors including class and ethnicity do not explain the higher unemployment rate among Black migrants compared to other marginalized communities. They also do not explain the overrepresentation of Black migrants employed in caregiving roles—occupations that often have “few legislative protections and numerous exploitative conditions” because they are usually seen as lesser roles (Kihika 2013). This has implications for addressing policies related to the health and well-being of Black families, who may have to work multiple jobs (often care-related) while juggling homemaking and childrearing in new cultural contexts. Of particular note are issues related to the mental well-being of caregivers (Armstrong and Jansen 2015).

Below is a breakdown of the implications of various immigration policies for Afro-Caribbeans in Canada. The chart starts from 1967 because it is during this period that Canada introduced an immigration policy implementing a points-based system. This policy marked a significant move towards an attempt to be more equitable and focus on merit-based immigration systems to contribute to the economic development of Canada.

7.2. Immigration Reforms and Community Support

Over the past three decades, various reforms have aimed to support Afro-Caribbean immigrants by addressing socio-economic challenges and systemic barriers. As shown in

Table 2. Sociological dynamics of Afro-Caribbean migration. Reforms and strategies to support Afro-Caribbean immigrants, including efforts to address socioeconomic challenges and systemic barriers.

Year	Reform Description	Impact on Afro-Caribbean Immigrants
1990	Recognition of Foreign Credentials (1990s)	Improved assessment and recognition of foreign qualifications, enhancing employment opportunities for Afro-Caribbean professionals. However, systemic barriers in credential recognition persisted.
2002	Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA 2002)	Established clearer guidelines for immigration processing, emphasizing security and efficiency. Increased transparency in immigration decisions, but challenges remained in equitable application of policies.
2014	Expedited Processing for Family Reunification (2014)	Reduced wait times for family sponsorship applications, allowing for quicker reunification. Strengthened Afro-Caribbean family structures but did not fully eliminate administrative delays.
2017	Expanded Eligibility for Family Reunification (2017)	Broadened eligibility criteria, enabling more Afro-Caribbean immigrants to sponsor extended family members. Facilitated greater family support networks within Afro-Caribbean communities.
2019	Bias Training for Immigration Officers (2019)	Implemented mandatory training programs to reduce biases in decision-making. Aimed to improve fairness in immigration assessments, but enforcement and oversight remain concerns.
2020	Pathways to Permanent Residency for Temporary Workers (2020)	Provided clearer routes for temporary workers to obtain permanent residency. Increased stability and security for Afro-Caribbean migrants working in low-wage sectors, though precarious labour conditions persist.
2022	Enhanced Worker Rights and Protections (2022)	Strengthened legal protections to prevent the exploitation of temporary workers. Improved labour conditions and legal support for Afro-Caribbean workers, though gaps in enforcement remain.

, policy initiatives such as the recognition of foreign credentials in the 1990s, the introduction of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA) in 2002, and family reunification reforms in 2014 and 2017 have shaped migration experiences. Despite these efforts, systemic barriers persist, particularly in credential recognition and equitable policy application.

By implementing these targeted immigration reforms and community support programs, Canada can better support the Afro-Caribbean diaspora, fostering their full participation and integration into Canadian society while celebrating their unique cultural contributions.

8. The Sociological Dynamics of Afro-Caribbean Migration and Identity Formation

The sociological perspective provides a crucial framework for understanding the motivations behind Afro-Caribbean migration. Central to this analysis is the pursuit of an enhanced quality of life, driven by idealized representations of immigration as a solution to existing challenges. This perception is deeply rooted in colonial structures that shape social metrics, portraying immigration as a form of salvation. The notion of relocation as a panacea reflects a social imaginary that fundamentally guides collective and individual actions, shaping societal values. Thus, the sociological lens becomes a significant tool in the study of human rights, particularly in the context of Afro-Caribbean immigration.

The reproduction of identities through immigration and social movements is a dynamic process that reflects shared culture and ancestry. The binary power dynamics (e.g., white/Black, good/bad) and the emergent cultural politics of difference reveal how Afro-Caribbean cultural capital is valued or dismissed in Canadian society. Unlike Eurocentric models of cultural capital, which privilege institutional recognition and Western social norms, Afro-Caribbean cultural capital functions as a mechanism of resilience and counter-narratives, shaping alternative forms of success and social mobility. Culture profoundly influences our understanding of the world, shaping social perception and the social imaginary, which are sustained through social practices. Du Bois (1903) introduced the concept of the veil to describe the visible differences of Black individuals, which consists of three elements: the dark skin complexion of Black people, the refusal by whites to see Blacks as true Americans, and the misunderstandings by Blacks about white Americans’ views and prescriptions for them. This concept highlights the societal position of Black individuals as perceived problems within the Western world.

The concept of Blackness is complex and multifaceted, varying across different countries and influencing the production of space and the formation of Western and Eurocentric notions of place, belonging, and geographic knowledge (Finney 2015). From a sociological standpoint, Black identity is diverse, with lived experiences varying significantly. For example, first-generation Afro-Caribbean immigrants and second-generation Black Canadians often perceive racism differently. Recent Black immigrants may interpret racist acts distinctively compared to those born in Canada, underscoring the need for nuanced understanding and empathy in discussions of Black identity.

Examining laws within a country can reveal how racism evolves based on its history of colonization. Colonization fosters a form of intimacy, where systems of power and domination aim to control the bodies and minds of the oppressed. The historical trajectory of Blackness—from colonization, slavery, and capitalism to assimilation and the intersectionality of class, race, and gender—shapes contemporary North American perceptions of Blackness. Furthermore, the politics of difference that emerge upon relocating to Canada must be examined. West Indian Domestic Scheme (n.d.) emphasized that the new cultural politics of difference advocate for diversity, multiplicity, and heterogeneity, rejecting monolithic and homogeneous identities. These politics highlight the importance of concrete, specific, and particular experiences over abstract, general, and universal notions, emphasizing the contingent, provisional, and variable nature of identity. For instance, Johnes (2000) highlights Kymlicka’s perspective that multiculturalism in Canada involves immigrants’ rights to express their ethnic identity without experiencing prejudice or discrimination. This perspective can shape the construction of Blackness, yet it is essential to understand that Blackness encompasses a variety of experiences and representations. The spatial dynamics of Blackness, societal fears of Black spaces, and interactions involving Black bodies reflect broader contexts of racial and geographical intersections (Finney 2015).

The power dynamics associated with knowledge can be described as a “Racial Isosceles”, where the intersection of social hierarchy and class status due to capitalist demands creates social inequalities. Class systems in Canada often do not accurately reflect social status, as illustrated by the differing societal recognitions of a professor versus a YouTuber. Identity has become increasingly significant in social sciences and humanities, with social identities being critical factors in understanding social, political, and economic life. Recognizing how Afro-Caribbean Black (ACB) cultural capital is both leveraged and marginalized in Canadian institutions is crucial for developing effective Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI) strategies. By analyzing the ways in which cultural capital operates within power relations, policymakers can design more equitable frameworks that address systemic barriers in education, employment, and social mobility.

By analyzing how cultural capital is formed and contested within power relations, policymakers can better address race-related systemic barriers. This understanding is essential for contributing to longitudinal studies that identify areas where barriers are established, ultimately enhancing resources for Afro-Caribbean communities in Canada.

9. Conclusions

This study traced the historical and contemporary experiences of Afro-Caribbean communities in Canada, revealing how immigration policies have both enabled and constrained their socio-economic mobility. While multiculturalism policies have celebrated diversity, they have also functioned as regulatory frameworks that maintain racialized economic stratification. Moving forward, addressing these systemic barriers requires policy shifts that go beyond symbolic inclusion, recognizing Afro-Caribbean cultural capital as a legitimate economic and social asset. Only through such changes can Canada move toward true racial equity, rather than mere representation.

The information presented is vital as Afro-Caribbeans have faced unique challenges in Canada, including systemic racism, discrimination, and marginalization, which have hindered their socioeconomic status and general well-being. Therefore, more profound research about the experiences and contributions of Afro-Caribbeans in Canada will be necessary to formulate policies and programs that address these challenges and facilitate their full participation in Canadian society.

Community organizations play a vital role in addressing the struggles of Afro-Caribbean Canadians. These organizations, driven by a concern for their well-being, promote cultural awareness, social engagement, and social justice advocacy. Their efforts focus on creating educational and employment opportunities that remove barriers to fair resource access. The Afro-Caribbean community has also made significant cultural contributions in Canada, particularly in music, literature, art, and culinary traditions. Celebrations of their culture through festivals are integral to Canadian multiculturalism, providing platforms for cultural expression and raising awareness about Afro-Caribbean heritage.

Scholars and policymakers need to continue to probe these narratives and, in doing so, recognize the vibrancy and heterogeneity of the experiences of the Afro-Caribbean diaspora within the larger tapestry of Canada’s history and society. This discussion broadens our understanding of Canada’s multicultural identity and strengthens further historical scholarship in the light of inclusivity and diversity.

This study underscores the necessity of critically examining Canadian immigration and multicultural policies through the lens of racial capitalism and white supremacy. While multiculturalism and neoliberalism are often framed as mechanisms of inclusion, they have functioned as regulatory frameworks that maintain racialized economic stratification. Based on the literature, it becomes clear that Afro-Caribbean migration must not only be understood in terms of policy shifts but also in relation to the broader mechanisms of racial governance that continue to shape Black life in Canada.

By framing the Afro-Caribbean experience within racial capitalism, this study demonstrates how systemic inequalities are not incidental but foundational to the economic and social positioning of Black migrants in Canada. The persistence of labour market segmentation, underemployment, and the devaluation of Afro-Caribbean cultural assets reflects a broader historical pattern of racialized economic exploitation. Likewise, an expanded understanding of cultural capital, beyond Bourdieu’s Eurocentric framework, reveals how Afro-Caribbean communities leverage their cultural and social networks as strategies of resistance and survival. These theoretical insights highlight the need for future research and policy efforts to address the structural barriers that continue to constrain Afro-Caribbean socioeconomic mobility. A truly equitable multicultural framework must go beyond representation and incorporate systemic changes that recognize and uplift the cultural capital embedded in racialized communities.

By situating Afro-Caribbean labour outcomes within racial capitalism and migration policy frameworks, this study bridges historical and contemporary debates on Black migration, labour exploitation, and economic stratification in Canada. It offers a critical intervention into discussions on multicultural policy, highlighting the ways in which state-sponsored inclusion mechanisms obscure rather than eliminate racial inequalities. This structural analysis deepens our understanding of how policy rhetoric and economic realities interact, providing a necessary foundation for future research and policy development.

Moving forward, more work must be conducted to dismantle the structural inequalities that persist despite Canada’s official multicultural rhetoric. A true commitment to racial equity requires moving beyond symbolic inclusion and addressing the material conditions that sustain racial disparities. By recognizing how policies reproduce rather than eliminate white supremacist ideologies, policymakers and scholars can work toward genuine transformation in the socio-economic and political realities of Afro-Caribbean communities in Canada.