The linguistic analysis was carried out step by step using the analytical model presented. The novel was divided into three parts for analytical purposes: beginning, transition, and conclusion. These were not divided in terms of percentages according to the number of pages in the book but are based on content, i.e., as soon as Samaa questions her belief systems, the transition phase begins, and when she has a fully developed value system, the conclusion begins. The beginning, therefore, includes the parts from the beginning of the story (page 9) to page 76 (41%). The transition takes effect from there and continues to page 133 (35%). The conclusion starts from where the transition ends and goes to page 171, where the main story ends (24%). This classification thus excludes the prologue and the epilogue, as they take place later and have nothing to do with the positioning of the—now-deceased—main character, Samaa.
3.1. First Part: Beginning
The beginning of the story has a particularly pronounced positioning, as all the characters are introduced here and connected to the main character, Samaa. The characters and their belief systems are introduced and described in detail so that readers can understand the relationships, who represents which position, and what someone looks or behaves like. In the analyzed book, Samaa is positioned primarily in relation to the elder and the hunters. They are two opposing groups: While the hunters advocate felling trees to reach the precious Oltz, the elder advocates the opposite and thus propagates the protection of nature.
For the analysis, we first look at the speech markings of the characters in relation to which the main character, Samaa, positions herself. This is then intertwined with visual character descriptions, character and trait assignments, and the main character’s wishes and hopes about the other characters in the story. In the story’s first section, the dilemmatic space continuity/change cannot yet be discussed, as events from the past must be compared with more recent events for changes.
At the beginning of the story, statements made by the elder are summarized with “blah blah blah” (
Pavlenko 2021, p. 18)
3 and dismissed as “nonsense” (ibid., p. 12) or “rubbish” (ibid., p. 31) that “gets on everyone’s nerves” (ibid., p. 17). Attempts by the “old know-it-all” (ibid., p. 77) to impart knowledge are usually—in almost three-quarters of the cases—framed dismissively: “she’s making something up” (ibid., p. 12), “she’s babbling” (ibid., p. 20), “she’s claiming” (ibid., p. 12), or “she is just talking nonsense” (ibid.). The latter, together with variations of
tell, occurs most frequently in quantitative terms. The lexeme
tell, however, is framed in a special way because Samaa dismisses the content of the stories told as fantastic because she believes “in what the elder tells us, just as one believes in fairy tales” (ibid., p. 83). From Samaa’s point of view, the “world conjured up by the elder” (ibid.) cannot be transferred to reality and is therefore not perceived as knowledge. The elder is thus defined as an imaginative, albeit confused and uncomfortable person, rather than being seen as a teacher who wants to provide fact-based information about real circumstances. After another teaching session by the elder, Samaa postulates: “I’m not listening anymore. She can’t change my opinion anyway.” (ibid., p. 18) Here, it becomes clear that Samaa has a fixed system of beliefs that is not based on the one of the elder and that she is not (yet) ready to adjust it. However, Samaa’s exact agenda remains unclear at this point. The quote, “The men, on the other hand, despise the elder. No wonder […]” (ibid., p. 12) also illustrates an adoption of the hunters’ negative opinion with regard to the elder. The personal aversion and demarcation are also reflected in the character description: the elder is described as
old five times, which is underlined five more times elsewhere by age markers such as toothlessness, bony fingers, and wrinkles, which set her apart from the young Samaa, who is not even considered a woman in her social group. In addition, the elder is described as “disgusting” (ibid., p. 19), “confused” (ibid., p. 25), and “an old witch” (ibid, p. 77) with “ice-blue eyes” (ibid., p. 43) and a “brittle voice” (ibid, p. 43), who should “rot in the Murfa [a tent]” (ibid, p. 78) or be eaten by predators. Overall, Samaa wants to have as little contact as possible with the elder.
At just 28% of all speech markings in this first part of the book, neutral speech markers such as say, add, or use/use word(s) are used significantly less often than negative speech markers. This percentage includes all words for the speech of the elder—be it those that accompany the elder’s speech in communication situations or those that are a referential, reflective or summary evaluation of the elder’s statements provided by Samaa. Words with positive connotations about imparting knowledge, such as explain, are not used at all. This negative evaluation of the elder’s statements shows that Samaa wants to distance herself from her and the knowledge she imparts, which is reflected on a lexical and semantic level.
The hunters “speak loudly” (ibid., p. 22), call, and shout, thus demonstrating their presence and strength. This is underlined by statements such as “I feel his power” (ibid., p. 24) or “I thought he was wise, powerful. Immortal” (ibid., p. 20). Samaa looks up to them. Therefore, the hunters’ statements are initially framed differently than those of the elder: 95% of the speech markers are neutral or positive. In 81% of cases, neutral verbs such as answer, say, speak, entertain, or tell are used. For the hunters, the word tell counts as a neutral speech marker—in contrast to the elder—because Samaa treats their stories as truth. When the hunters “tell about the hunt” (ibid., p. 28), they unquestionably share actual events. In 14% of cases, the speech markers are framed positively: The hunters “report[…] on their adventures” (ibid., p. 22) and “explain” (ibid., p. 35) the world. A hunter “is right”, and Samaa absorbs “his words, whatever he says” (ibid, p. 20) because a hunter is a “respected man” (ibid., p. 26) who is full of strength and represents security. Overall, Samaa treats the positively connotated hunters as a much more potent source of information than the elder. While Samaa is afraid that the elder “will talk to me for hours” (ibid., p. 42), she is sad if there is no extensive conversation with the hunters: “Afterwards, Solas […] will not tell me about the hunt. […] The euphoria that still prevails in the camp has not affected me.” (ibid., pp. 28–29) There is a clear distinction in assessing the value of conversations for Samaa and, thus, also a difference in group membership. Samaa feels that she belongs with the hunters, which is also reflected in her desire to participate actively in their work and to accompany them. The hunters are perceived as knowledgeable adventurers who imply the tribe’s survival and security. This is shown in quotes such as “If the hunters are successful, we will live” (ibid., p. 15) and “Now that the hunters are with us again, no predator will attack me” (ibid., p. 22). The elder, on the other hand, preaches exactly the opposite: According to her, the hunters are ignorant “fools” (ibid., p. 17) who close themselves off from the truth and, therefore, endanger nature by cutting down trees, thereby making everything worse and endangering humanity’s survival. Since Samaa distances herself from the elder as a person, her assessments, and the content of her attempted knowledge transfer, Samaa positions herself as different (difference). She adopts the hunters’ belief system and is convinced that felling trees means the tribe’s survival. Therefore, she wants to engage in the same activity that her role models do. In order to avoid being conflicted, she, therefore, assesses the elder in the same way as the individuals in the group of hunters do: as an old woman who spreads nonsense and who is to be despised. With her decision, “I will be a hunter” (ibid., pp. 46, 49), she shows that she feels she belongs with the hunters and not with the elder and thus shares their beliefs and goals (sameness), even though the hunters deny her participation based on her gender. Her defiance in accepting this demarcation and the social role assigned to her—initially without any ecological reference—points to her rebellious nature (initial approach to individual agency and thus to change). In the beginning, Samaa does not have a clear agenda of her own and instead takes on that of the hunters, which is explained by naming a purpose (ensuring survival).
These kinds of representation of different world views and values and their connection with characters appearing in the text is prototypical for ecological CYL (
Mikota 2017, p. 8). The ecological discourse can thus be presented as comprehensively and accurately as possible, and the eco-rebels can distance themselves from or embrace dominant groups and their agenda.
3.2. Second Part: Transition
In the transition phase, the main character, Samaa, increasingly calls into question the two groups. She deals with their agendas and the underlying knowledge and makes her own observations based on these varying sets of knowledge. In doing so, she examines the content of the knowledge transfer of both groups and links it with her own findings, which leads to an initial change in her evaluation of the other characters. The transition-phase is already foreshadowed by the discovery of a tree in the sinkhole: “If I were a hunter, I would cut down this tree and bring it to her [the elder] to prove to her that she is wrong” (
Pavlenko 2021, p. 66), where it becomes apparent that she is not a hunter, and then Samaa begins increasingly to deal with the nature around her.
In the transition phase, based on her own direct experiences with nature, Samaa begins to check the truth of the elder’s statements and discovers apparent inconsistencies but also much confirmation. As she deals with the nature around her, she unintentionally returns again and again to the elder’s stories: “I have to think about the elder again” (ibid., p. 67). She takes a closer look at the knowledge of the elder and tries to classify it and, if necessary, to add her own insights: “The elder talked about trees that heal and others that poison, but I think she meant the bark.” (ibid., p. 102) This is also reflected in the speech markings, which are presented in a more differentiated manner (change). Although there are still many negative labels such as lying, telling nonsense/rubbish, claiming, mocking, or swearing, 27% of these are afterward called into question or put into perspective. For example, the statement “She lied” (ibid., p. 107) is invalidated a short time later by “On the other hand…” (ibid.) after the apparent lie has been linked to new knowledge and thus has been proven to be the truth. Another example is “The elder was not just talking nonsense” (ibid., p. 127). This makes it clear that Samaa cannot yet accept the entirety of the knowledge transfer as truth, but based on her findings, she has to acknowledge that some of it is true. Instead of formulating this positively, however, the derogatory formulation makes clear that this does not yet mean a rapprochement with the elder. This is then reinforced in terms of content by the following statement, in which the death of the elder is presented as an event worth longing for: “I imagine that she has been in the belly of a predator since the day I left. Or in its feces. In any case, that is where she belongs” (ibid., p. 108). The statement also denigrates the older woman by linking her to animal excrement and thus demoting her again. When Samaa surmises the connection between trees and water sources and is thus reminded that the elder has already explained that the roots hold back water, Samaa shouts angrily: “Get out of my head, elder! Finally get away!” (ibid., p. 122). Overall, Samaa wants to preserve her old belief system (agency of the hunter) but has to accept that it is flawed in some respects. The resulting gaps are then filled with the attempts at persuasion and thus knowledge of the elder (agency of the elder). Early on, Samaa resorts to terms used by the elder to describe her surroundings: “They are insects, I assume. In any case, I believe that this was the word that the elder used, this old know-it-all” (ibid., p. 77) and thus partially approximates her. However, the subsequent insult immediately takes distance from this approach. Despite strong counterarguments, the reluctance to change long-held beliefs highlights a fundamental aspect of human nature. When Samaa, representing humanity as a whole, begins to acknowledge that some of the assumptions underlying her opinions are incorrect, it raises the possibility that she may have been mistaken in other areas as well. Clinging to beliefs that have already been identified as false can provide a sense of security, as it allows one to avoid the need to reevaluate the subject completely. However, Samaa would not be a good role model for the recipients if she continued to be in denial: The knowledge of the elder is repeatedly compared to that of the hunters to reach an actual truth. The two different bases of knowledge are presented by way of statements such as “The elder told […]” (ibid., p. 102) and the substantive comparison of “My father said that […]” (ibid.). This is then followed by “But what about […]” (ibid.), which shows that Samaa now gives equal weight to the statements of both groups when it comes to finding out the actual truth.
At another point, Samaa first postulates: “My father and all the hunters said that the felled trees enable us to survive. But that is not true” (ibid., p. 121), and thus indicates an initial differentiation from the hunters (first approach to
difference). At the same time, the knowledge-transferring position of the hunters is questioned several times: “But they never talk about animals” (ibid., p. 128) or “Do the hunters know that?” (ibid., p. 127). Since the elder talked about large animals and Samaa finds proof of their existence in the form of a skull, these quotes show that Samaa is slowly coming to terms with the limits of the hunters’ knowledge, which is a first step towards calling them into question in general (
change). Immediately afterward, she returns to the stories of the elder and accordingly blames humanity for the extinction of the animals: “How could people let them die? Why did they do that?” (ibid., p. 128). This shows a first attempt to confront the injustice caused by humans, which can be understood as a further step towards Samaa’s own agenda, now also in the sense of being an eco-rebel. The utility assessment of nature is no longer used in the same way as that of hunters: “My father always said that the bushes were worthless, but I discovered one whose branches would make perfect splints for my ankle” (ibid., p. 80). Adopting an anthropocentric view, nature is evaluated by the hunters—here represented by the father—only in terms of its immediate usefulness for humans (
Feine 1995, p. 68). Since they do not see bushes as a monetary asset, the bushes are generally judged to be worthless. Although Samaa also adopts an anthropocentric perspective, she includes other aspects of utility, which can be analyzed as ecological rethinking. Although this does not yet show any accommodation of the ecological perspective of the elder, it does show a difference in how the hunters and the main character view nature (
difference). Samaa’s perspective becomes more differentiated overall, which is also evident in other passages of the text (
change). For example, as Samaa examines and fascinatedly plays with the water source, she wonders whether her father did the same during his tree hunts, or if he was merely “wasting no time in getting to know the water at the bottom of a sinkhole better” (
Pavlenko 2021, p. 81) while filling canisters with it. So, she questions whether her role model shared her more nature-oriented view or whether this distances her from him. In addition, Samaa’s desire to become/be a hunter is reframed in this section of the text. Ultimately, the dream seems to have arisen from the desire to be connected to her father, who died while tree hunting: “That was the best, the only way to be close to him” (ibid., p. 119). For her, being a hunter stands for freedom, camaraderie, and adventure, not primarily for finding and felling trees.
There is an apparent change in this section of the work: Samaa slowly turns away from the hunters’ belief system and begins to call it into question. Initially defined by their purpose, the hunters are now seen more from a social–emotional perspective. Meanwhile, Samaa is growing closer to the elder without fully adopting her belief system. In terms of percentages, the knowledge of the elder is used much more frequently in this section of the text than that of the hunters. Initially, the elder’s teachings were directly opposed to Samaa’s beliefs. However, a change occurs as Samaa gains knowledge through her own experiences with trees. This symbolizes the first step towards change in Samaa, which is shown in an explicatively framed first distantiation from the agency of the hunters and a first rapprochement with the agency of the eldest. This transition is linguistically reflected in the speech markings and in terms of content, calling into question, and demarcation from and confrontation with the belief systems presented.
During this transition phase, Samaa finds herself detached from both groups. This text section can be seen as a phase of ecological self-discovery, a pivotal moment in Samaa’s journey.
3.3. Third Part: Conclusion
In the final phase, Samaa’s belief system changes by her confronting her environment and fact-checking previously imparted knowledge. She is friendly towards nature—she even gives names to the tree and an animal in the sinkhole
4, and she talks to them—and wants to protect it. The arrival of the hunters, who have a diametrically opposed agenda, triggers a conflict of significant proportions, which is both lexically and semantically framed and leads to a profound change in Samaa’s positioning. Samaa, as an eco-rebel, opposes the nature-destroying hunters. These disagreements over different environmental ideas and the resulting rift between those responsible for environmental destruction and the environmentalists represent a defining plot element in CYL. This is often implemented using a good–evil scheme, with the young protagonist as an ecological bearer of hope who confronts the unecological antagonists (
Mikota 2017, pp. 11, 22 f.).
Since Samaa first encounters the hunters towards the end of the story, Samaa’s positioning in relation to this group is first addressed in this section. When she first meets the hunters, Samaa is relieved and feels like she belongs with them, as shown in the following quote: “My people” (
Pavlenko 2021, p. 157). However, after the hunters cut down her tree—despite verbal and physical resistance from Samaa—the relationship changes: “I should be happy to be with my people again. But their stupidity killed Naia” (ibid., p. 164). The positioning changes suddenly, and the hunters are seen as different—especially regarding their beliefs and agenda—which can be easily identified on a lexical level. Samaa no longer supports the hunters’ purpose in life; she evaluates their work negatively and tries to dissuade them from doing it based on her newly formed ecological agenda (
agency). Thus, the purposeful act of felling a tree is emotionally framed by Samaa as “killing Naia” (ibid., p. 159), who has become a “mother” (ibid., p. 150) for Samaa. This cannot be understood by the uncomprehending hunters, who call it “felling a tree” (ibid, p. 159) and objectify the tree as a source for timber. This objectification of nature by the hunters is a key factor in the environmental disconnect between Samaa and them. According to
Trampe (
2017, p. 328), using euphemisms to conceal undesirable connotations—in this case, the fact that a tree dies when it is felled—makes connecting such content with more pleasant associations possible. Therefore, a clear distinction is manifest in the evaluation of nature by Samaa and the hunters, as reflected in the act’s linguistic realization. While Samaa uses
killing, an affectively charged, anthropomorphic lexeme, the hunters use
felling, an anthropocentric one, which excludes the emotional component. These lexical differences in the first and second designations mark the different positions linguistically. The circumstance appears in a different light, for which “the entire range of stylistic powers of lexical units in their embedding in the text structure” (
Feine 1995, p. 75) is utilized to highlight people’s environmentally destructive behavior. The narrative’s structure plays a crucial role in this, as it guides the reader’s attention: while the hunters gain Oltz (= timber), Samaa only sees “Naia’s remains” (
Pavlenko 2021, p. 165) in the “dismembered trunk” (ibid). This divergence in the perception of the world is semantically underpinned by Samaa accusing the leader of the hunters: “Kalo if you knew, you wouldn’t do that. If only you knew…” (ibid., p. 163). Samaa thus blames the hunters’ lack of knowledge for the horrific act they commit. This clearly shows that Samaa’s belief base has changed drastically: In the final phase, a confrontation occurs between the hunters and Samaa, similar to the one between Samaa and the elder at the beginning of the work. One party advocates protecting the trees for ecological and emotional reasons, while the other cannot comprehend this. While Samaa initially supported the unecological decisions, she ultimately becomes an eco-rebel and stands up for the opposite course of action. She tries to stop the hunters because she now has a robust belief system of her own (
agency), but she cannot. Samaa condemns the hunters’ actions and their raison d’être because her agenda (protecting nature) runs counter to that of the hunters (cutting down trees as a source of money). For Samaa, the hunters are transformed into animal abusers and murderers who “kill trees” (ibid., p. 165), and she is angry with them and therefore initially stays “away from them” (ibid.), although she “does not want to hate” (ibid.) them. Over the course of the story, she has developed into an ecological individual who can be classified as an eco-rebel by virtue of rebelling against the hunters. Accordingly, she has undergone a change that the hunters (initially) cannot follow, creating a difference between the eco-rebel Samaa and the environmentally destructive hunters. This demarcation from the hunters is also evident in the speech markings. Overall, 64% of them are now negative and harmful, such as
telling untruths,
screaming,
shouting,
growling, and
cursing. The words
shouting and
screaming, which initially symbolized strength, are now inverted and become expressions of violence against helpless nature and Samaa. “He holds my hands behind my back, with force, the pain increases, if he continues like this, he will break my shoulders” (ibid., p. 163). Samaa’s plant friend is then “murdered” (ibid.) with the same raw force—linguistically framed as a fight for the survival of the tree. The hunters’ violent nature is thus made perceptible on an acoustic level, intensifying the narrative’s impact. The explicit depictions of violence and their assessment further heighten the intensity of the sensory perception of violence.
The elder is also framed very differently in the conclusion. Her speech markings are those that one would expect from a teacher: the elder “is right” (ibid., p. 167), “asks” (ibid., p. 170), and “says” (ibid.). They are consistently neutral or positive, which expresses a change in the perception of the elder on a lexical level. This change in speech markings could indicate a shift in the power dynamics, with the elder assuming a more authoritative role than the hunters. Semantical differences as compared to the beginning are also apparent. The possible death of the elder becomes a terrible thought in the end, and Samaa is “so happy” (ibid., p. 170) that she has survived the time of her absence since she “would not achieve anything without her” (ibid., p. 168). Moreover, when she returns, she first goes to the tent of the elder to see her again and even ignores her mother on the way, although she has missed her the whole time. This contradicts Samaa’s wish for the elder’s death at the beginning of the story and highlights her closeness to the elder and the emotional bond that has grown out of a shared value system.
In the end, the positioning relationships are inverted: Samaa feels that she belongs with the elder (sameness) and distances herself from the hunters (difference). Through this change in the work, the actual theme of the story can unfold: the transformation of an individual who is not thinking ecologically into an ecologically acting person. The main character is no longer a passive recipient of external forces (passivity) but an active agent who shapes the narrative through her actions (change); Samaa develops into a true eco-rebel (agency). She is responsible for her own actions and bases them on a system of values she has developed, thus influencing the world. It is through her actions that the utopian world in the epilogue can first come into being.