1. Introduction
Psychological characteristics and behaviour will play a key role in the COVID-19 pandemic [
1]. Prevention of infection requires appropriate hygiene [
2] and social distancing [
3]. Social isolation will reduce exposure to the virus, but there is also evidence of increased stress and reduced wellbeing during quarantine [
4]. Indeed, reports from the media in the UK show that lockdown has led to increased social conflict and abuse. Management of COVID-19 by healthcare professionals requires the wearing of appropriate protective equipment, following appropriate procedures and coping with death and dying. It is not surprising, therefore, that healthcare professionals in China who have had to care for COVID-19 patients reported an increase in mental health problems [
5]. In the general population, COVID-19 has health consequences beyond the direct effects of the virus, with reduced mental wellbeing and increased psychological distress being widely reported [
6,
7,
8,
9,
10,
11,
12].
1.1. Nature and Extent of Communication about COVID-19
An additional risk factor for mental health problems has been the nature and extent of communication about the pandemic. Initially, it was recommended to increase information and communication technology to reduce anxiety and social isolation [
13,
14,
15]. However, this increase led to greater problematic internet use in China [
16], and social media exposure was associated with greater anxiety and depression there [
17]. As well as problems due to the amount of information about COVID-19, there have been issues related to the accuracy of the news [
18,
19]. Indeed, it is important to consider the direct effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, the effects of prevention and management strategies on mental wellbeing and the “infodemic” [
20], which also helps to create the “perfect storm” that affects physical and mental health.
The aim of the present study was to examine associations between perceptions of information overload and wellbeing in China in the first wave of COVID-19. Information overload (IO) is the state of stress experienced when the amount of information given exceeds the limit of the user’s information processing capacity [
21]. Excessive information about COVID-19 may lead to information overload, which could have a negative effect on wellbeing. Information overload from other sources and wellbeing have been investigated in several studies [
22,
23,
24,
25,
26]. Findings confirm the negative effect of information overload on wellbeing, although two studies demonstrated a positive effect if the person’s use is controlled. There are many causes of information overload, and a questionnaire, the Perceived Information Overload Scale (PIOS; [
27]), has been developed to measure exposure to these.
1.2. Demands–Resources–Individual Effects and the Wellbeing Process
Wellbeing is a difficult concept to define and involves many different factors. The “wellbeing process model” [
28] was used as the theoretical framework here, and it provides a holistic approach to wellbeing and a measuring instrument that is useful in practice and policy. The “wellbeing process model” was based on the “Demands–Resources–Individual Effects (DRIVE) model”, which was used to advance research in occupational stress [
29]. The DRIVE model (shown in
Figure 1) included job characteristics, perceived stress, personal characteristics such as coping styles and negative outcomes such as anxiety and depression.
Initial research using the DRIVE model [
30,
31] found strong support for direct effects of the predictors but little evidence of moderation or mediation. The next development of the DRIVE model [
32,
33] was to include positive personality characteristics such as psychological capital (self-esteem, self-efficacy and optimism) and positive appraisals (e.g., job satisfaction) and outcomes (e.g., happiness and positive affect). Positive outcomes form the basis of most approaches to subjective wellbeing, but it is important to include both positive and negative aspects of wellbeing as they involve different CNS mechanisms. The Wellbeing Process Questionnaire involved initial development that demonstrated significant correlations between short measures and the longer scales from which they were derived [
34]. Research [
35,
36,
37,
38] using the Wellbeing Process Questionnaire (WPQ) has identified established predictors of positive and negative wellbeing, with positive factors such as psychological capital being associated with positive outcomes and negative factors such as information overload and negative coping styles associated with negative outcomes. Again, the results suggest independent, additive effects rather than interactions between variables. The general principles of the wellbeing process model are shown in
Figure 2.
1.3. The Present Study
After the initial development of the wellbeing process model, research examined whether new variables (e.g., fatigue, rumination, daytime sleepiness) added to the predictive power when the established predictors were statistically controlled. This approach was continued here, with interest being in the associations between COVID-19-related information overload and positive and negative wellbeing outcomes. The analyses controlled for demographic factors and the established predictors of wellbeing outcomes. The established predictors from the wellbeing process model were general information overload (GENIO), negative coping (NEGCOP), psychological capital (PSYCAP) and positive coping (POSCOP). These predictor variables usually have independent effects, and prior research has shown little evidence of interactions between the variables. Measurement of these variables allowed testing of the hypothesis that COVID-19-related information overload would have associations with positive and negative wellbeing outcomes that were independent of the established predictors.
GENIO was measured using items from the Perceived Information Overload Scale [
27]. The Perceived Information Overload Scale has good internal consistency (α = 0.86) and validity. The scale consists of 16 items that measure two subscales of information overload, environment-based and cyber-based information overload. Although information overload is an indicator of stress, results indicate that the Perceived Information Overload Scale score and the Perceived Stress Scale score do not overlap, which suggests that cyber-based and place-based information overload scales measure different concepts from perceived stress [
27]. The present study adapted the PIOS so that items were related to communication about COVID-19 or to more general aspects of information overload. Examples of these items are shown in the Methods section.
The coping measures were derived from the Revised Ways of Coping Checklist [
39]. The negative coping measure (NEGCOP) included avoidance, self-blame and wishful thinking (α = 0.85). The positive coping measure (POSCOP) included problem-focused coping and seeking social support (α = 0.82). The measure of psychological capital (PSYCAP; α = 0.90) included measures of self-efficacy [
40], self-esteem [
41] and optimism [
42].
The COVID-19-related variables covered information overload about COVID-19 (COVID-IO), measured by adapting items from the perceived information overload scale to the COVID-19 context. The amount of time spent getting information about COVID-19 (COVID-TIME) from the media was also measured. The amount of attention paid to COVID-19 (COVID-ATT), issues related to the use of masks and hand sanitisers (MASKS) and panic due to COVID-19 (PANIC) were also recorded. Examples of these items are shown in the Methods section.
1.4. Objectives and Hypotheses
The aims and objectives of the present study were to use a multivariate approach, based on information overload and wellbeing models, to examine associations between overload from COVID-19 communications and positive and negative wellbeing outcomes. Demographics and established predictors of wellbeing were statistically controlled, and other aspects of behaviour related to COVID-19, such as wearing masks and fear of infection, were also included in the analyses. Data were collected using online survey technology. The following hypotheses were tested:
Hypothesis 1. It was predicted that COVID-19-related information overload would have a negative effect and be positively associated with negative wellbeing outcomes and negatively associated with positive wellbeing outcomes.
Hypothesis 2. It was predicted that the established wellbeing predictors would be associated with wellbeing outcomes. PSYCAP and POSCOP and positive wellbeing should be associated, and GENIO and NEGCOP associated with negative wellbeing.
Hypothesis 3. The above hypotheses are related to specific direction effects based on the previous literature. The final hypothesis, for which there was no prior relevant literature, examined whether associations between COVID-19-related information overload and wellbeing were still significant when the established predictors of wellbeing were co-varied.
4. Discussion
The present study examined wellbeing during the initial phase of the COVID-19 pandemic in China after community containment measures were imposed. At the time the study was conducted, there were no published studies on COVID-19 and information overload. A PubMed literature search now shows that since that time, 60 studies have been conducted on this topic. Some of these published studies have looked at other aspects of information overload and not its association with wellbeing. For example, some studies have examined how other measures of information overload (e.g., the cancer information overload scale) can be adapted for the COVID-19 context [
43]. Other research has examined the incidence of COVID-19-related information overload [
44]. Research has also tried to identify risk factors for the occurrence of information overload [
45,
46] and the impact it has on mental health [
47]. These studies on mental health are the nearest in content to the present one. However, the published research has not controlled for the established predictors of mental health, and the present study makes a novel contribution in that it considers both positive and negative wellbeing outcomes and adjusts for possible confounding factors. Another literature search, this time using Psycinfo, revealed that there were no published studies on COVID-19, information overload and wellbeing (or mental health, or stress). A search of PubMed revealed three articles on these topics, but most of these were related to the content of the information and are discussed in a later section.
A secondary aim of the present study was to determine whether predictions from the wellbeing process model could be replicated in a Chinese sample. The majority of the research using the WPQ has been conducted in the UK. Two studies in other countries, one in Kuwait [
48] and one in Kazakhstan [
49], have replicated the results from the UK. The results from the present study showed that the established predictors of either positive or negative wellbeing were significant in this study, confirming previous findings [
34,
35,
36,
37,
38] and showing that the model generalised to a Chinese sample. The one predictor that showed an unusual profile of associations was negative coping, which was positively associated with both negative outcomes (the usual finding) and positive outcomes. There are a number of possible reasons for this result. First, coping may be a more global concept for the Chinese, and this was supported by a small positive correlation between positive and negative coping (usually, there is a negative correlation). Secondly, the concept of negative coping may have been lost in translation. Further research is needed to address this issue, which is not the only time that differences in the effects of psychosocial variables have been observed with Chinese samples. In an unpublished study, we found that social support has a very different meaning to the Chinese and in that country reflects a reliance on social services.
One aim of the present research was to examine whether specific COVID-19 behaviours also had significant associations with wellbeing. Spending time getting information about COVID-19 was associated with greater positive wellbeing. COVID-IO and PANIC were associated with reduced (more negative) wellbeing. These results suggest that in order to maintain their wellbeing, individuals should avoid information overload and reduce the time spent on, or take a break from, the news and social media information related to COVID-19. Actively searching for information about COVID-19, rather than being exposed to it from sources outside of one’s control, appears to be good for wellbeing. These findings support recent research [
50], which examined the WHO view that misinformation through social media is a major threat to an appropriate COVID-19 response.
Correct information about COVID-19 is central in dealing with the pandemic, and the present study shows that spending time obtaining appropriate information on the topic is beneficial for the person’s wellbeing. Other research [
51] confirms that it is essential to use methods of disseminating relevant information about COVID-19 without increasing the risk of information overload. The content of the information should also be considered, and “Fake News” is also very prevalent, and it is important to reduce this to maintain a balanced perception of the pandemic. It was not the aim of the present research to investigate the content of the information. However, three recent articles have done this, and these findings are relevant here. The first paper [
52] describes the “infodemic” in the COVID-19 pandemic in terms of false news, conspiracy theories, magical cues and racist comments. This information has been increasing at an alarming rate and has the potential to increase stress and anxiety and even lead to loss of life. The second study [
44] demonstrated that COVID-19 information is often conflicting and can lead to confusion, which in turn can have unfavourable effects on the prevention and management of the pandemic. The last study [
53] shows that one should not consider information on its own but must consider it in combination with isolation, stress and other risk factors, such as physical inactivity, which create vicious circles accelerated by COVID-19.
Other research has focused on loneliness during COVID-19, and the negative effects of social isolation can potentially be reduced by social media and the internet. However, this needs to be done in a controlled way, as loneliness can also increase problematic internet use [
54], which can lead to increased distress [
55]. Indeed, as described above, there are a number of risk factors for reduced metal health during the pandemic, and it is important to include these other risks when investigating the possible negative effects of COVID-19. The present study showed that feelings of panic (PANIC) and COVID-IO had independent effects that led to reduced wellbeing. Future research must include other known risks such as job insecurity and risk of personal infection and infection of family/friends.
The present results have implications for the dissemination of information during pandemics. This information should have a clear message supported by science, and be presented in a concise, easy to understand message. Misinformation, lack of clarity and excessive information should be avoided. However, the present study has a number of limitations. The first limitation is that the study was only conducted in one country, and there is a need to replicate the present results using samples in countries where different approaches to the prevention and management of COVID-19 are used (e.g., less emphasis on lockdown and greater track-and-trace approaches). The present study had a cross-sectional design, and further longitudinal research is required as this will provide a better indication of causality. Further, the sampling method meant that it is highly unlikely that the present sample is representative of the entire Chinese population (many of whom do not use social media), and there is no easily accessible information about the characteristics of regular social media users in China to allow analysis of a representative sub-sample.