1. Introduction
Cyberbullying is an aggressive behavior in which an individual or group of individuals uses electronic information exchange tools to repeatedly and persistently victimize individuals who cannot easily defend themselves [
1]. Cyberbullying is quite common in all countries or regions of the world, and its incidence is increasing year by year, and the groups in which it occurs are mostly adolescents [
2]. Approximately 14.6% to 56.9% of adolescents have been exposed to various forms of cyberbullying, such as being verbally abused, harassed, denigrated, and having their privacy exposed [
3]. In earlier studies, researchers categorized the roles in cyberbullying into four types, namely, cyber bully, cyber victim, bully victim, and bystander [
4]. This division views bystanders as outsiders in cyberbullying who have no direct relationship with the bullying incident. This may be because most bystanders choose to remain silent during cyberbullying. Bystanders in cyberbullying are individuals who witness the cyberbullying incident [
5]. Since bystanders witness the bullying incident, they observe and perceive the existence of bullying behavior. As a result, bystanders react differently; for example, they can choose whether to get involved or ignore it [
6].
In cyberbullying incidents, positive bystander behaviors can provide various types of help to victims [
7], for example, stopping the bullying incident, reducing the impact of the bullying incident [
8], or reporting it to an authority figure (e.g., a teacher), which allows the bullying incident to be dealt with effectively [
9]. Such positive behavior in cyberbullying is also known as defending behavior. Defending behavior is the prosocial behavior of any bystander who tries to prevent a bullying incident from worsening or escalating [
10]. Those who reach out to support and help the victim of bullying are often referred to as a “defender.” Defenders in cyberbullying have long been viewed as those who provide help and support to victims, and defending behavior is a collection of helping strategies, i.e., defending behavior is viewed as a one-dimensional concept [
11]. Alternatively, bystanders in cyberbullying have been classified into different types, such as reinforcer, assistant, defender, and outsider, based on the reactions that bystanders make after witnessing the bullying incident. For example, researchers have categorized bystanders in cyberbullying into different types, such as defender, assistant, reinforcer, and outsider [
12,
13,
14]. This categorization has been extended to cyberbullying by drawing primarily on the types of bystander responses in school bullying (offline bullying) and following the types of divisions used in school bullying research.
This division by role rather than behavior can be problematic because someone may be excluded from other roles because they have similar scores in more than one role [
11]. In other words, an individual’s role in a cyberbullying incident is dynamic, such that those who come forward to offer help may also be victims of cyberbullying. For example, cyberbullying victimization significantly and positively predicts cyberbullying perpetration, and those adolescents who are victims of cyberbullying are often the perpetrators of cyberbullying behaviors, who also take advantage of features such as the anonymity and ubiquity of the cyber environment to vent their emotions or seek revenge [
15,
16]. Therefore, in studies of cyberbullying defending behavior, the role division tends to confuse the types of defending behavior. For example, some researchers have argued that previous studies have not further distinguished between categories, such as positive and negative defending behaviors in cyberbullying [
17]. In contrast, in cyberbullying, bystanders engage in a broad and diverse range of defending behaviors, and they use different strategies depending on the form of bullying. For example, some may provide emotional support (e.g., comforting the victims) and technical support (e.g., helping the victims block or delete information). Others will fight back with the bullied person, thus maintaining the bullied person’s safety or protecting the victim’s legal rights [
18].
With the increasing research on cyberbullying, researchers mainly consider defending behavior in bullying incidents as a concept with a multidimensional structure rather than a collection of single strategies and try to differentiate the types of defending behavior [
17]. For example, in a study in which researchers interviewed 113 adolescents to understand the bystander behavioral responses they endorsed during a cyberbullying incident, 16 different response types were identified, and bystander helping behaviors were categorized as direct defending and indirect defending. Direct defending refers to the response in the face of a cyberbullying incident and is directed toward the bully; indirect defending refers to providing help to the bullied by asking for help and reporting and is directed toward the bullied [
19]. Another study also found that adolescents who witnessed cyberbullying were more likely to use direct defending if they perceived themselves as more powerful or capable than the bully. In contrast, adolescents who witnessed cyberbullying were more likely to use indirect defending if they perceived themselves as less capable of helping the victim or as having fewer resources available to them [
20]. In addition to classifying defending behavior in cyberbullying into direct and indirect defending, some researchers have argued that a further distinction can be made between aggressive and prosocial defending, with aggressive defending representing a different type of defending in a different form. For example, bystanders will stand up for the victims and, in turn, fight back against the bully through verbal abuse, intimidation, and manhandling the bully [
18]. Previous research has found that adolescents who witness cyberbullying incidents typically use aggressive behaviors to protect their bullied peers, such as verbally abusing the bully in retaliation or threatening the bully to stop bullying, in addition to using direct and indirect defending strategies [
21].
Researchers use three main methods to measure and assess defending behavior. The first is the questionnaire method, in which researchers develop a cyberbullying bystander role scale or defending behavior scale that lists typical helpful bystander behaviors and guides study participants to respond according to their reactions to cyberbullying incidents. For example, in one study, researchers used a 50-question cyberbullying role scale corresponding to five roles (bully, bullied, defender, assistant, and outsider) [
22]. In another study, a researcher presented 14 questions about general defending behaviors, and the research subjects made choices based on the descriptions provided in the questions [
17]. The second method is the experimental method, in which the researcher establishes an experimental context to assess the behavioral responses of research subjects in the context of a cyberbullying incident. For example, researchers have set up cyberbullying situations in experiments where research subjects are guided to make choices in order to determine whether they are passive bystanders or active defenders in cyberbullying situations [
23]. The third method is the interview method, in which the researcher engages in verbal discourse with the research subjects to ascertain the defending behaviors they have engaged in about cyberbullying, thereby determining their type of defending. For example, one researcher conducted in-depth interviews with study participants to gain insight into their defending strategies during cyberbullying incidents [
19].
Of these three methods, the questionnaire method is the most widely used. Researchers have measured defending behavior by adapting or developing existing questionnaires. For example, the Styles of Bystander Intervention Scale developed by Moxey and Bussey consists of two dimensions: aggressive intervention (e.g., “making threats to the bully”) and constructive intervention (e.g., “Encourage the child to report that he or she being bullied”), respectively [
24]. Overall, the previous scale was deficient in two ways: First, the items were mostly directly adapted from school bullying (offline bullying). The second deficiency was the simplification of bystander behavior and the use of a simplified questionnaire for the measurement of defending behaviors in cyberbullying. These shortcomings cause the research on defending behavior to face the problem of inaccurate measurement and incomplete description.
In sum, the defending strategies employed by adolescents in cyberbullying are diverse and multifaceted, extending beyond the scope of a mere aggregation of discrete behaviors as delineated and evaluated by some bystander role scales. Furthermore, most extant studies must clarify the various forms of defending actions, failing to make additional distinctions. In conjunction with the attributes of the online milieu, including anonymity and a vast potential audience, the defending strategies employed by adolescents in response to cyberbullying incidents diverge significantly from those observed in offline bullying. For example, the defending behaviors exhibited by bystanders in the context of offline bullying are more costly and risky. In contrast, those observed in the context of cyberbullying are less costly and less risky. In light of the above, the primary objective of this study is to examine the structure and dimensions of defending behavior in cyberbullying and to develop a scale that is appropriate for measuring defensive behavior in cyberbullying among adolescents (aged 13–19 years), which can provide a foundation for a more comprehensive and more in-depth study of defending behavior in cyberbullying among this age group.
5. Discussion
This study developed the defending behavior scale of cyberbullying for adolescents. The scale exhibited satisfactory psychometric properties and is a reliable and valid measurement tool for assessing defending behavior. The initial clarification of the connotation and structure of adolescents’ defending behavior was achieved through the use of in-depth interviews. The scale was developed for the adolescent group through exploratory and validation factor analysis, resulting in a reliable and valid instrument. The scale comprises four dimensions: emotional support, reporting authority, aggressive defending, and problem-solving. The internal consistency coefficient for the scale was 0.92, and the internal consistency coefficients for the four dimensions were 0.88, 0.92, 0.92, and 0.87, respectively. The reliability analysis results showed that the developed defending behavior scale had high reliability. The results of the validated factor analysis showed that the χ2/df value of the four-factor model was less than 5, the values of CFI and TLI were above 0.90, the RMSEA was less than 0.08, and the fit indices of the indicators were better, which indicated that the scale had a good structural validity. The convergent validity analysis revealed that the factor loadings of the items corresponding to the four dimensions of the scale were all greater than 0.5, indicating that each dimension was represented by the question to which it belongs, with good representativeness. The discriminant validity of the four scale dimensions was evaluated, and the findings indicated that the four dimensions exhibited a certain degree of correlation and a sufficient level of differentiation, thereby supporting the conclusion that the scale demonstrated good discriminant validity.
We also conducted a criterion-related validity analysis of the scale. The results indicated that the correlations between the dimensions of the scale and cyberbullying behavior were non-significant or significantly negative, with a significant positive correlation between the aggressive defending dimension and cyberbullying behavior, which suggests that individuals who use aggressive defending in cyberbullying are also more inclined to bully others in cyberbullying incidents, a result that is also in line with the findings of previous studies [
12]. In addition, there was a significant positive correlation between the total score and dimensions of the defending behavior scale and bystander’s intention to help. The findings were also consistent with previous research [
33], suggesting that the stronger the adolescents’ intention to make interventions in cyberbullying, the higher the likelihood that they will engage in defending behaviors in actual cyberbullying incidents.
We identified four types of defending: emotional support, reporting authority, aggressive defending, and problem-solving. Previous research has also distinguished between types of defending behavior in cyberbullying [
17]. For example, adolescents who witness cyberbullying are more likely to resort to direct defending when they perceive themselves as more powerful or capable than the bully. Direct defending refers to responses directed toward the bully when confronted with a bullying incident. Typically, direct defending includes fighting back against the bully, consistent with the aggressive defending in this study.
In contrast, adolescents who witness cyberbullying incidents are more likely to use indirect defending when they perceive their ability to help the victim to be low or have few resources available to them [
38]. This result is generally consistent with the reported authority found in this study. In addition, some researchers have identified aggressive and prosocial types of defending, with aggressive defending representing a different form of another type of defending, such as bystanders who stand up for the bullied and, in turn, strike back at the bully in the form of verbal abuse, intimidation, and mansplaining [
18]. Some studies support this view, suggesting that adolescents who witness cyberbullying may use aggressive behaviors to defend their bullied peers, such as verbally abusing the bully in retaliation or threatening the bully to stop the bullying behavior, in addition to direct and indirect defending strategies [
21]. The aggressive defending found in this study is consistent with the results of previous studies.
The four types found in this study are mainly consistent with offline bullying. Previous studies have found that Chinese students use tactical defending, a strategy specific to offline bullying [
28]. We did not find this strategy, which may be due to the anonymity characteristic of the online environment. It makes it less likely for bystanders to fail to notice when they engage in defending behaviors and, therefore, less likely to be concerned. However, because of the unique environment of cyberbullying (e.g., anonymity), we also found that reporting incidents of cyberbullying to an authority was a commonly used strategy.
Finally, this study also found differences in defending behavior between boys and girls. At the overall level, there is a clear gender difference in adolescents’ defending behaviors in cyberbullying, as shown by the fact that boys will engage in more defending behaviors. Also, boys will be more likely to employ aggressive defending. Previous research on gender differences in defending behavior has been controversial. For example, girls usually provide emotional help during cyberbullying incidents, such as comforting and accompanying the bullied [
11]. In contrast, boys take a more direct approach, such as joining in with the victim to fight back, e.g., by threatening or verbally abusing the bully [
39]. However, it has also been found that there are no significant gender differences in defending behaviors between boys and girls and that both boys and girls provide help to the bullied when confronted with cyberbullying incidents [
6].
The results of this study also have some implications and limitations. First, defending behavior is a typical prosocial behavior, and most of the data in this study came from self-reported questionnaires, which makes them susceptible to social expectations. Second, only secondary school students in two regions of China were selected for our study. In the course of our study, we found that the schools had strict regulations on secondary students’ use of cell phones to access the internet, so their experience with the internet and even the amount of time they spend using the internet may have had an impact, which may limit the generalizability of the findings. Future research could select adolescents from different cultural backgrounds as study subjects and explore whether they differ in their strategies.