Deities System and Ritual Practice: A Case Study of the Daur Shamanic Oboo Ritual

Abstract

The restoration and reconstruction of Daur shamanism is classical and representative of the revival of shamanism in contemporary China. The case study of the Daur shamanic oboo ritual in this paper discusses the connotation and classification of oboo. Through a brief description of the main process of the ceremony, the shaman spirits, and the main contents of the divine songs, this paper analyzes the characteristics and functions of the contemporary Daur shaman sacrificing oboo ceremony. The contemporary Daur shamanic oboo ritual also puts forward the concept of “mokun kurə” (mokun circle), which restores the function of the traditional clan organization of mokun, enhances the cohesion of the mokun family, and inspires a sense of responsibility and motivation in the mokun members.

1. Introduction

Many ethnic groups in China believe in shamanism, which has a long tradition and covers a wide range of geographical areas and presents in multiple formats. The Daur are one of them. Most of the Daur people live in the Hulun Buir of Inner Mongolia, Qiqihar of Heilongjiang Province, and Tacheng of Xinjiang. The basic unit of Daur society is the equal clan, xal—mokun (哈勒—莫昆)1 (Manduertu 1999, p. 298), and there were about 20 unique Daur clan surnames2 (Neimenggu Zizhiqu Bianjizu 1985, p. 188), each of which indicated a specific xal—mokun.

The Daur people traditionally practice shamanism. Its original form is mainly reflected in the presence of shaman spirits and the dependence of shaman inheritance on blood clans. However, in the late 1940s, traditional folk religions, including shamanism, were regarded as “feudalistic superstitions”. Since the 1940s, the inheritance of the Daur shaman had been interrupted for about 50 years, and it did not recover until the beginning of the 1990s. In the late 1990s, the shamanistic tradition began to recover (Sa 2019a, p. 2 of 19).

Daur shamanism, comparatively well-preserved throughout centuries, has always been a hot topic for scholars in China and abroad. There were Japanese scholars such as Ikejiri Noboru and Ōmachi Tokuzo as early as in the 1930s and 1940s, and British anthropologist Ethel John Lindgren, who investigated and recorded the Daur people and their shamanism. Ikejiri wrote a special account of oboo3 in the appendix of Dawoerzu (The Daur) (Ikejiri 1982, pp. 58–59). Ōmachi studied oboo sacrifice of the Daur from the perspective of common spirits and common sacrifices of “clan” (Ōmachi 1995, pp. 60–63). Lindgren studied the Daur and its neighboring ethnic groups from the perspective of Shaman regalia (Lindgren 1935, vol. 17, pp. 365–78).

Caroline Humphrey and Urgunge Onon’s book Shamans and Elders: Experience, Knowledge and Power among the Daur Mongols has attracted more academic attention since it was published in 1996 (Humphrey and Onon 1996). Since 1998, when shaman Siqingua held an initiation ritual, Daur shamanism began to revive and became a research hotspot again. Peter Knecht, who had conducted a long-term survey on the rituals of the shaman Siqingua and her disciples for nearly 20 years, wrote “Dawoer Saman Zhi Guanjian” (Glimpses at a Daur Shaman) (Knecht 2013, pp. 237–47). “A Revitalized Daur Shamanic Ritual from Northeast China” by Kara, Dávid Somfai, Mihály Hoppál was composed after the authors’ study on Siqingua’s ceremony (Kara and Hoppál 2009, pp. 141–69).

Meanwhile, a group of scholars in China have paid close attention to and studied the revival and ritual reconstruction of contemporary Daur Shamanism. Scholars such as Meng Huiying, Guo Shuyun, and Seyin have investigated contemporary Daur shamanism. Relevant research results include Sa Minna, Wu Fengling, and Meng Huiying et al. Observations and Reflections on the Orminan Culture—A Case Study of the Wo Jufen’s Ritual (Sa et al. 2011), Ding Shiqing and Saiyintana’s Dawoerzu Saman Wenhua Yicun Diaocha (Survey of the Shamanic Culture of the Daur) (Ding 2011), Meng Shengbin’s Dawoerzu Samanjiao Yanjiu (Studies on Daur Shamanism) (Meng 2019), etc.

In recent years, the ritual and practice of Daur shamanism have continued to draw academic attention. Qu Feng studied the spirit belief and landscape construction of Daur shamanism from the perspective of Ontology (Qu 2021). Aurore Dumont studied ecological environments and ethnic habitats from the perspective of ecological anthropology (Dumont 2021). However, only several scholars made in-depth studies on the details of the ritual itself and the connotation of the spirit system.

My father is Solon Ewenki and my mother is Daur. I was born in Morin-Dawaa Daur Autonomous Banner and speak both the Chinese and the Dauric languages, which is a distinct advantage in field research. With a good knowledge of Daur language, I was able to have a thorough and comprehensive understanding of the specific connotation of each ritual when I participated in the observation of various rituals of the Shaman and her disciples and carried out detailed descriptions of shaman rituals and translation and annotation of the content of divine songs. I have been observing and interviewing the Daur shamans and their rituals from 2009 and studying the rituals of Daur shamanism, the lyric texts of the shamanic invocation songs, polytheism, animism and their beliefs. By 2022, I had participated in more than 50 rituals of shaman Siqingua and shaman Wo Jufen and her other disciples, including offering sacrifices to ancestors, initiation rituals, ɔbɔː rituals, lʊs rituals, and ɔminaːn (ominaan) rituals.

Among the different categories of Daur shamanic ceremonies, the oboo worship ceremony has a large number of participants and a wide range of influences which can best reflect the belief concept and worship activities of natural spirits in Daur shamanism. Moreover, the revival of shamanism in the contemporary Daur society is largely related to the restoration and reconstruction of xal-mokun, the traditional clan organization of Daur. Among the functions of mokun, whether in the past or nowadays, the oboo worship is as important as the ancestor sacrifice ritual, which is the public sacrifice activity of mokun.

The tradition of offering sacrifices to oboo comes from ancient shamanistic beliefs. According to the Daur Social History Survey, which began in the 1950s, and the data compilation published in the 1980s, Daur oboo worship is very common and has a long history. Originally, when people lived in a community with mokun as the basic unit, they set up oboo to offer sacrifices annually and killed bulls, sheep, or pigs for sacrifice. Later, when people from different mokuns lived together within the same region, villages became the units of oboo worship, and members of mokuns jointly held sacrifice rituals (Neimenggu Zizhiqu Bianjizu 1985, p. 256). In addition to Morin-Dawaa Daur Autonomous Banner, Daur people in Qiqihar and Ewenki autonomous Banner also had the habit of offering sacrifices to oboo. It is said that a shaman is not the main conductor of the ritual; they only sing and dance to pray for good luck when offering sacrifices to oboo in Qiqihar (Wu 1999, p. 296). Lamas were invited to chant sutras. There were no such traditional activities as horse races or wrestling in an oboo worship ceremony, and all men except woman are expected to participate the rituals. The oboo is built in mokun cemetery in Ewenki autonomous Banner (Manduertu 1999, p. 296). Although the specific sacrificial customs are varied, the purpose of sacrifice is generally the same, that is, to pray for good weather, good crops, and prosperous livestock (Neimenggu Zizhiqu Bianjizu 1985, p. 256).

2. The Image, Meaning, and Classifications of Oboo

2.1. Image of Oboo

Japanese scholar Ikejiri Noboru said in the appendix of The Daur that people get the impression of oboo when they set foot in Mongolia. On the top of mountains, on high slopes, on small mounds, on the banks of rivers, on the banks of lakes, as long as there are targets, there are cairns piled up by stones, which are called oboo. Oboo’s form is not fixed or exactly the same. It is usually about 5 to 6 feet tall and about 1.5 feet in diameter. They are usually made of stones4 (Ikejiri 1982, pp. 58–59). This is the general image of oboo.

2.2. Meaning of Oboo

Why did the Daur people sacrifice to oboo? One of the most renowned reasons recorded in the literature is to ask for rain (Ikejiri 1982, pp. 58–59). The second is to pray for good weather, harvests, and prosperous livestock (Neimenggu Zizhiqu Bianjizu 1985, p. 256). However, why do people think that worshipping oboo will result in being blessed and fulfilled? It comes from their traditional shamanistic beliefs.

Since ancient times, the Daur people have believed in shamanism and animism. In addition to the God of Heaven (təŋɡər, 天神), the spirits of ancestors (xʊʤʊr barkən, 祖先神) and the Niangniang goddess (njaŋnjaŋ barkən, 娘娘神), the mountain spirits (aʊləi barkən, 敖雷巴日肯), and the waters (rivers) spirits (lʊs, 罗斯, Morin-Dawaa lʊsʊŋ 罗松) (Sa 2014, pp. 64–68). The natural spirits they worshipped could be roughly divided into two categories: the spirits of mountains and the spirits of water (namely the spirits of rivers). The spirits of mountains are called aʊləi barkən, including the animal spirits living in the forests, mountains, cliffs, hills, etc.5 The spirits of waters (rivers) are collectively known as the lʊs, the animal spirits around the river, lake, sea, and spring, and so on6 (Sa 2021, pp. 3–4). The spirits living inside the house are symbolized by portraits and idols, while oboos are built for the spirits in the wild. These animal spirits could all be the master of oboo, which are called ɔbɔː əʤin (master of oboo, 敖包额金). There are many different kinds of animals, and these animal spirits could all become ɔbɔː əʤin. Therefore, Shaman Siqingua said that oboo came from different sources (Ding 2011, p. 240).

2.3. Classifications of Oboo

According to the different sacrificial subjects and organizers, the oboo sacrificial ceremonies mainly include folk sacrificial ceremonies and official sacrificial ceremonies. The oboo subject to folk sacrifice can be divided into two categories: xal—mokun ɔbɔː (哈勒-莫昆敖包, namely clan oboo) and local oboo (地方敖包). Among them, xal—mokun ɔbɔː includes clan oboo and mokun oboo, with mokun oboo being the majority. Local oboo evolved from xal—mokun ɔbɔː (Sa 2021, p. 182).

According to the corresponding natural deities worshipped by the Daur people, oboo can be divided into two categories: mountain spirit series oboo (山系神灵敖包) and water spirit series oboo (水系神灵敖包, dragon spirit oboo, river spirit oboo). In the general sense, the daily oboo refers to the mountain spirit oboo, and the water spirit oboo or river spirit oboo are called lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː (罗松敖包) (Sa 2019a, pp. 3–4 of 19).

Both the mountain spirit oboo and the water (river) spirit oboo are originally xal—mokun ɔbɔː. After the continuous differentiation of the traditional clan organization xal—mokun, the single clan oboo gradually evolved into the local oboo (regional oboo) owned by different clans. The above two categories of oboo are folk sacrifice oboo.

2.3.1. Mountain Spirit Oboo

The mountain-system spirit oboo is divided into xal—mokun ɔbɔː and local (regional) oboo. The most common example of the former is the mountain spirit oboo. In the past, each clan built their own oboo and offered sacrifices periodically. The local oboo evolved from clan oboo. The local oboo is usually named after the place name.

2.3.2. Water Spirit ɔbɔː

The water-system spirit oboo, collectively known as dragon spirit oboo (lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː), can be divided into local (region) oboo and xal—mokun ɔbɔː. According to the difference of water sources, the water-system spirit oboo is divided into lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː (dragon spirit oboo) and spring water oboo.

Lʊsʊŋ (罗松, Morin-Dawaa) is the lʊs (罗斯, Hailar and Nantun), which is the general name of the dragon spirit and the spirit of water (river). In the past, xal—mokun of the Daur ethnic group had a tradition of building lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː by the riverside.

Bʊlar (布拉日) means spring water, and bʊlar ɔbɔː (布拉日敖包) means spring water oboo, which is built at the foot of the mountains or hills where the spring comes out. The spring oboo is mainly based on local oboo. (Please see some photos in Appendix A.)

2.3.3. Shaman’s Tomb Oboo- ʃandəŋ ɔbɔː

ʃandəŋ ɔbɔː (山登敖包) is a special type of oboo. The ʃandəŋ (山登) is the deceased shaman’s tomb. A ʃandəŋ ɔbɔː is an oboo built on the hill around ten to dozens of meters north of the ʃandəŋ. Shaman Siqingua said that “Each ʃandəŋ must have an oboo”. This is a request to the earth god (土地神) for a precious land to open a path to the future for the next generation of shaman, which has profound meaning (Sa 2021, pp. 3–4). While the Daur people in Hailar call the tomb of a shaman ʃandəŋ, Daurs in Morin-Dawaa call the shaman’s tomb jad’ən ɔbɔː (雅德恩敖包). The difference is that the jad’ən ɔbɔː is a two-in-one form of the ʃandəŋ and the ʃandəŋ ɔbɔː, which are not built separately.

It needs to be explained that since a ʃandəŋ ɔbɔː is the deceased shaman’s tomb, its sacrifice rituals are usually conducted by shamans from his/her family and the descendants of the family. Other types of oboo, whether mountain system spirits oboo or water(river) system spirits oboo, xal—mokun ɔbɔː, or local (region) oboo, are worshiped by xal—mokun members or village groups.

2.4. The Tradition of Official Oboo Sacrifice

Since the Qing Dynasty, in addition to the ɔbɔː sacrifice rituals held in the folk society, there are also official oboo sacrifice ceremonies. According to the resources collected by the above-mentioned investigation group, a map, drawn before the Aigun Treaty (瑷珲条约) was signed, which showed the Buteha Eight Banner soldiers’ patrolling route to the Outer Khingan Mountain area (外兴安岭地区). It was marked with many oboos. These oboos were mainly subject to official sacrifices (Neimenggu Zizhiqu Bianjizu 1985, p. 256). In the system of public sacrifices, the official sacrifices shall be shared by the chief officials and the deputy. The chief official’s oboo is called Yamen Oboo (衙门敖包), which is on the top of the hill about five miles north of Yiwoqi Houtun. The deputy’s oboo is called Qi Oboo (旗敖包), which is on the east hill of Nierji Tun (尼尔基屯, namely Nierji town 尼尔基镇). Its sacrificial system still uses cattle, pigs, sheep, and other livestock, and sacrifices are offered in spring and autumn twice every year. The official in charge led all the officers and soldiers to burn incense and read the prayer. The content refers to heaven and earth, mountains and rivers, and gods and goddesses, and the words of prayers are the same as the folk sacrifice. The baɡʧi (巴格其, healer and priest) usually did not join the ceremony. The autumn sacrifices were to thank the blessing of deities’ good weather, good crops, safety of people and animals, and still to pray for mercy, exempt from all disasters as the main sacrificial words. Following that, the meat for sacrifice was distributed within the department. The sacrificial method of Qi Oboo was the same as that of Yamen Oboo. There were games for the festival, such as shooting, horse racing, wrestling, or dancing (Dawoer Ziliaoji 1998, p. 222).

There are no records to tell when the Official sacrifices of Yamen Oboo ceased, but the Qi Oboo’s official sacrificial activities have continued. This Qi Oboo is just the nir’i ɔbɔː built by mərdəŋ xal nir’iʧen (莫日登哈勒尼日耶浅). Although it was built by nir’iʧen, the other six mokun people of the “dʊlʊ mərdəŋ”7 also come to worship. After the Qing government set up the Eight Banners Yamen of Buteha, the deputy steward led officers and soldiers to worship nir’i ɔbɔː every year and formed the tradition of the official offerings to Qi Oboo. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, on 15 August 1958, the Morin-Dawaa Daur Autonomous Banner was established. Since then, every year on 15 August, all departments and units of the Autonomous Banner government and local people gathered to celebrate the founding Day and held commemorative activities on the east hill of Nierji Town, beginning with the worship of the nir’i ɔbɔː.

In 2001, to build the Nierji Reservoir (尼尔基水库), it was necessary to level the east hill of Nierji Town.8 Nir’i ɔbɔː must be removed. The Autonomous Banner government decided to consolidate primary Qi Oboo and Yamen Oboo to build the Buteha Eight Banners and Yamen Oboo (布特哈八旗衙门斡包). Mərdəŋ xal needs to build a new nir’i ɔbɔː. From then on, the original two-in-one function of the nir’i ɔbɔː was separated, and the function belonging to Qi Oboo was incorporated into Yamen Oboo, continuing the tradition of official offering oboo. It is scheduled to offer sacrifices to Buteha Eight Banners and Yamen Oboo in the morning of Wobao Festival (斡包节, mainly oboo festival) on June 28 every year. The functions belonging to xal—mokun ɔbɔː were returned to mərdəŋ xal. The new nir’i ɔbɔː located in the mountainous region southwest of the Daur Minzu Garden (达斡尔民族园) led by those of other Daur people with different surnames, in total input and effort, including such as uərə xal, gʊ:bəl xal, and aʊla xal. Therefore, this new nir’i ɔbɔː is no longer the original oboo of single mərdəŋ xal. However, it is still believed to be controlled and periodically sacrificed to by the members of the mərdəŋ xal.

3. The Overview of the Main Performances of the Ceremony of the Nir’i ɔbɔː

3.1. The Cause of a nir’i ɔbɔː Ceremony

In 2014, in order to win the contest for the title of “the Hometown of Shaman Culture in China” (中国萨满文化之乡), the Morin-Dawaa Daur Autonomous Banner decided to invite shaman Siqingua (斯琴掛) and shaman Wo Jufen (沃菊芬) to hold a Daur shaman ritual for the judging experts. Because of the dual attributes and special status of the nir’i ɔbɔː in Morin-Dawaa, the two shamans decided to perform the nir’i ɔbɔː ritual. Although the ceremony was officially initiated, it was not an official ceremony or a common folk ceremony, but a traditional ritual of offering sacrifice to oboo performed by Daur shaman. Its most prominent feature and most important ritual is that the chief shamans invoke their deities and proclaim the oracles.

On 29th June, the ceremony started. Those who participated in the nir’i ɔbɔː ritual were the staff of the tourism department of the government, the family members and disciples of the chief shamans, the seven mokun members of mərdəŋ xal. As for the people involved in the restoration and reconstruction of the new nir’i ɔbɔː, there are as many as the mokun family members as described in the uərə xal, gʊ:bəl xal, and aʊla xal, as well as other people, as described in the xal-mokun and other local peoples. The offerings and sacrifices were jointly funded by the government department, mərdəŋ xal, the chief shamans, and their disciples.

3.2. Preparation of the nir’i ɔbɔː Ritual

A few days before the oboo ritual, preparations had begun. The shaman Siqingua led her family members and disciples from Nantun to Morin-Dawaa. The shamans’ assistants, family members, and helpers bought ritual supplies, including assorted Hada (哈达), seven colors of silk fabric cut into about two-fingers-wide color strips, colorful square flags, thread incense, special incense “sang” (桑), one red bull, two black pigs, three white sheep and other sacrifices, assorted pastries, a variety of fruits, milk, liquor, red wine, and other offerings.

3.2.1. Pre-Prayer Ceremony

On June 28, the night before the ceremony of oboo, the pre-prayer ceremony daːrkabe (达日卡贝) was held at Wo Jufen’s home. The seven mokun members of mərdəŋ xal knelt down, worshiping the ancient spirits of the shaman Siqingua and shaman Wo Jufen. Wearing Daur costumes and shaman headdresses, the two shamans beat drums and sang prayers, alerting the xal-mokun and animal signs (属相) of the worshipers to the ancient spirits and oboo spirits, so that when the worshipers performed the ritual the next day, the shaman ʊŋɡʊr (ongons) could talk to them.

3.2.2. Offering and Sacrificing

On the morning of 29 June, shaman Siqingua and shaman Wo Jufen led the group to the nir’i ɔbɔː located northwest of Nierji Town and began a busy schedule of preparations. On the altar in front of the nir’i ɔbɔː, shamans and helpers put the offerings such as fruit, cakes, cooked eggs, and milk, and lit the incense and butter lamp. From the top of the center post of the nir’i ɔbɔː, a string of colored square flags was drawn in all directions. The men of the shaman’s household represent the shaman. The men of mərdəŋ xal ascended to the nir’i ɔbɔː and bound the various colors of Hada across the central pillar of the nir’i ɔbɔː. On the west side of the nir’i ɔbɔː, about 70 cm high, thick plum-wood shelves which were lined with willow branches were used to display the head, limbs, arterial blood, and major internal organs of the sacrificed red bull. Shamans and the xal-mokun families’ members attending the ceremony tied ribbons of colorful silk to new willow branches, while men replaced them with bundles of old willow branches in the nir’i ɔbɔː’s central column. A special blend of spices “Sang” incense was lit in the four corners of the ɔbɔː to clean the ceremonial site. Shaman Siqingua and Wo Jufen and other disciples spread milk around the oboo, worshiping the gods of heaven and local gods, simultaneously calling their own spirits. A few dozen meters west of oboo, the helpers set up four big iron pots to slaughter pigs, bull, and sheep, then they cooked the meat, which were taken out when the appearance of the flesh had been slightly cooked and discolored.

At the same time, some disciples and aides put fruits, cakes and pastries, liquor, red wine, eggs, and other offerings, and lit the incense and butter lamps for the local god (ɡaʤir əʤilŋ)9 and mərdəŋ xal lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː10. The offerings of the local gods were placed in the forest not far from the southeast of the nir’i ɔbɔː. The offerings for the lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː (dragon spirit oboo) were taken by the shaman’s family members by car to be placed in front of lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː sitting on the cliff of Nenjiang River in the Daur Minzu Garden.

3.3. The Main Rites and the Spirits Be Invoked

3.3.1. Offering Sacrifices and Praying, the Chief Shamans Invoked Their Spirits

When the offerings were all laid out, the steaming pigs, beef, and mutton were sent to the altar, shaman Siqingua began to wear the shaman costume samaːʃək (萨玛仕克), and the copper mask abaɡaladaj (阿巴嘎拉岱) sang the divine song “Inviting the Spirits of Shaman Costume to Help” (请神衣佑助歌). Shaman Wo Jufen wore the shaman costume samaːʃək and shaman hat. After dressed, standing side by side facing the nir’i ɔbɔː, the two shamans started to sing and beat the drum together. The general meaning of the prayer song was to tell out who had come with the spirits of various xal-mokun peoples, and what offerings and sacrifices had been made to the oboo spirits, etc.

3.3.2. Shaman Siqingua Possessed by the Shaman Spirit

Shaman Siqingua’s ʊŋɡʊr nir’iʧen daːʧi ɔbɔː sairdiə əʤin (尼日耶浅·达其敖包·赛日跌额金) came and summoned ten groups of people to talk to them. The xal-mokun and their animal signs of the summoned people are as follows:11

(1) The aʊla xal laːliʧen (敖拉哈勒拉里浅) child, born in the Year of Chicken, wanted to offer the wine (white wine).

Around the time, that shaman ʊŋɡʊr expressed his joy because of having houses and seats, told the people to pay attention to their body, and then recounted his soil and water damage and the lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː polluted.

(2) The aʊla xal dʊ:ənʧen æli (敖拉哈勒多恩浅爱里) boy born in the Year of Tiger.

(3) The mərdəŋ xal (莫日登哈勒) some boy.

The shaman ʊŋɡʊr introduced himself as nir’iʧen daːʧi ɔbɔː sairdiə əʤin,12 and talked about where he came from and what he experienced.

(4) The mərdəŋ xal (莫日登哈勒) boy born in the Year of Tiger, to sacrifice tea.

(5) The mərdəŋ xal ʃiboʧī æli (莫日登哈勒西博奇爱里) boy, born in the Year of Dog, wanted him to offer tea, blessed him, and gave him kʊtʊr bʊjin (阔托日·博音).13

(6) The mərdəŋ xal ʃəʊrutʊrsuʧen (莫日登哈勒寿儒托日苏浅) children from the Year of Chicken and Dog.

(7) The mərdəŋ xal ʃiboʧīʧen (莫日登哈勒西博奇浅) boy born in the Year of Monkey, the mərdəŋ xal (莫日登哈勒) man born in the Year of Dragon, to offer the flagon of wine (wine).

(8) The (mərdəŋ xal) ʃiboʧī æli (西博奇爱里) boy, born in the Year of Monkey, and the girl born in the Year of Horse.

(9) The du:lar xal (杜拉日哈勒) girl born in the Year of Dog.14

(10) The leader born in the Year of Monkey to offer tea.15

Shaman Siqingua’s ʊŋɡʊr left the scene.

3.3.3. Shaman Wo Jufen Possessed by the Shaman Spirit

Shaman Wo Jufen’s ʊŋɡʊr lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː əʤin mərdəŋ tajti (罗松敖包额金·莫日登太提) came, introduced herself, said that the members of “dʊlʊ mərdəŋ” (多罗·莫日登)16 (Sa 2019a, p. 11 of 19) all came, she expressed the joy of seeing their descendants, and talked to 19 groups of people. The xal-mokun and their animal signs of the summoned people are as follows:17

(11) The ʃəʊrutʊrsuʧen (寿儒托日苏浅) great-grandson, born in the Year of Pig, wanted him to offer white wine (wine).

(12) The nir’iʧen (尼日耶浅) great-grandson born in the Year of Sheep.

(13) The ʃiboʧīʧen (西博奇浅) great-grandson, born in the Year of Dog, to the colored wine (wine). mərdəŋ xal ʃiboʧīʧen (莫日登哈勒·西博奇浅) great-grandsons, born in the Year of Dog, Dragon, Tiger, Pig, Monkey, to offer the colored wine, blessed them with white water tærmit (泰日米特).18

(14) The ʃi’ə mərdəŋʧen (西额莫日登浅) great-grandson born in the Year of Tiger to offer white milk; the grandson born in the Year of Horse to offer white milk, and blessed them with spring water tærmit for ʃi’ə mərdəŋʧen (西额莫日登浅), and the children of mərdəŋ xal (莫日登哈勒).

(15) The urkun mərdəŋʧen (乌其肯莫日登浅) great-grandsons born in the Year of Tiger, Pig, and Cow.

(16) The xʊitʊr mərdəŋʧen (会托日莫日登浅) great-grandson, born in the Year of Monkey to offer white milk, and blessed him with white milk tærmit.

(17) The urkun mərdəŋʧen (乌日昆莫日登浅) great-grandson born in the Year of Pig, asked him to offer white milk.

(18) The ʃəʊrutʊrsuʧen (寿儒托日苏浅) great-grandsons born in the Year of Chicken, Pig, Monkey, Dragon, Pig, Rabbit, Snake, Sheep, grandson and great-grandchildren to offer colored wine, then blessed them with white milk tærmit.

(19) The mərdəŋ xal (莫日登哈勒) great-grandson born in the Year of Dog.

(20) The mərdəŋ xal (莫日登哈勒) great-granddaughter born in the Year of Chicken, nir’iʧen (尼日耶浅) great-granddaughter born in the Year of Monkey to offer the white milk, ʃiboʧīʧen (西博奇浅) great-grandson born in the Year of Dog. The shaman’s ʊŋɡʊr admonished and taught them.19

(21) The boːroŋʧen (博荣浅)20 great-grandson, who was born in the Year of Pig, to offer white wine, and blessed them with white milk tærmit for him and his children.

(22) The aʊla xal laːliʧen (敖拉哈勒拉里浅) children, to offer colored wine, and blessed them with spring water tærmit.

(23) The gʊ:bəl xal mannaʧen (郭博勒哈勒满那浅) great-grandson born in the Year of Dog, asked him to offer white milk, and blessed him and his children with white milk tærmit.

(24) The official who initiated the ceremony.

(25) I asked for white milk from ənən xal (鄂嫩哈勒), and those who came with her, I called them and blessed them with white milk tærmit.

(26) The scholars, experts, journalists, the granddaughter born in the Year of Monkey, was asked to offer colored wine, and blessed them with white wine tærmit.

(27) The likən xal (李肯哈勒)21 daughters and sons, born in the Year of Rabbit and Tiger to offer white milk.

(28) The Ewenki barʃ from afar, the great-granddaughters come from deŋtekeʧen (登特科浅) born in the Year of Monkey and Tiger, and blessed them with white milk tærmit.22

(29) Some Daur people from afar pray for peace (amʊl tajbən, 阿姆勒·泰本).

Shaman Wo Jufen’s ʊŋɡʊr left the scene.

3.3.4. Circling the nir’i ɔbɔː and Praying for Good Luck

Shaman Siqingua, wearing the shaman costume samaːʃək and shaman hat, beat the drum and sang blessing songs to the nir’i ɔbɔː. Her assistants and disciples stood behind her. She sang a few prayers and then called out three times xʊre-xʊre (霍日耶！霍日耶！)23. Those people standing behind her called xʊre-xʊre three times. While shouting, people held food such as snacks, milk, and fruit in their hands and drew with their hands in clockwise circles. Meanwhile, shaman Wo Jufen, dressed in a shaman costume samaːʃək and shaman hat, led the people attending the ceremony to go around the nir’i ɔbɔː three times in a clockwise direction to pray for good luck. Accompanied by her son, shaman Wo Jufen beat the drum as she walked, hit the drum a few times, and shouted xʊre-xʊre (霍日耶！霍日耶！) three times. Those people following her also called out xʊre-xʊre three times, and occasionally sprinkled milk, liquor, and red wine on oboo.

3.3.5. Shamans Sending Back the Spirits

Shaman Siqingua and shaman Wo Jufen stood side by side facing the nir’i ɔbɔː. They leaned forward and half squatted to face the nir’i ɔbɔː and shook the drums three times to show their respect. Following that, they stood up straight and gently beat drums, silently reciting prayers to send back their ʊŋɡʊr. When the two shamans took off their samaːʃək (shaman costumes) and hats, putting on their traditional daily dresses, it marked the end of the ceremony of offering sacrifices to the nir’i ɔbɔː.

3.3.6. Bowing Down and Biding Farewell to the nir’i ɔbɔː

The two shamans, their disciples, the mərdəŋ xal-mokun members, and other people of different clans who attended the ceremony all kowtowed three times at the nir’i ɔbɔː before leaving. The others circled the nir’i ɔbɔː three times and then left.

4. A Brief Analysis of the nir ’i ɔbɔː Ritual

The contemporary Daur oboo worship ceremony restores an important procedure in the traditional oboo sacrifice ritual, in which the shaman invokes the spirits to announce the oracle to the people, which reveals the true meaning of oboo spirit as the spirits of mountains and waters(rivers) and shows the original characteristics of traditional shamanism. It continues the traditional functions of praying for rain and fertility and adapts to the development of the times to expand and extend the function of offering sacrifices to oboo.

Compared with the ordinary folk sacrificial oboo and the official sacrificial oboo ceremony, the biggest difference and characteristic of the oboo ritual presided over by Daur shaman (jad’ən) is that the shaman’s ʊŋɡʊr, the oboo spirits (ɔbɔː əʤin), invoked and looked for people to speak, as proclaimed by the oracles. During the nir’i ɔbɔː ritual in 2014, the two main chief shamans evoked their spirits one after another and summoned seven mokuns of mərdəŋ xal and other xal-mokun members to talk. They called on 29 groups of people with different clan to admonish, counsel, and instruct. These contents are very rich, involving all aspects of people’s production and life24. Limited by the length of this paper, I will only select several representative shaman divine songs to briefly analyze the characteristics and functions of the contemporary Daur shaman’s oboo ritual.

4.1. The Characteristics of the Ceremony of the nir ’i ɔbɔː

4.1.1. The Meaning of Oboo Indicates That Oboo Is the Residence and Symbol of Natural Spirits

In Daur shamanism, oboo has the same symbolic significance as the “barkən” (God or spirit) portraits and idols in the home, which are the spirits in the home, and ɔbɔː is the dwelling place built by the xal-mokun family (which later developed into a village, a local place) for a specific wild animal spirit, the spirit of mountain or water (river). The oboo represents various mountain or water(river) spirits “ɔbɔː əʤin”, namely oboo spirits, becoming the common patron saint of xal-mokun family. As the shaman Siqingua’s ʊŋɡʊr “daːʧi ɔbɔː sairdiə əʤin” said during the nir ’i ɔbɔː ritual in 2014, “children of mərdəŋ xal, I had stood in the middle of the seven brothers’ mokun, you gave me a house to live in”. This “livable house” refers to the restoration of the new nir ’i ɔbɔː.

The natural spirits worshipped by Daur people can be divided into at-home and in-the-wild worship. The natural spirits worshipped at home generally are big mountain spirit and small mountain spirit.25 In addition to mountain spirit (aʊləi barkən), shaman (jad’ən) and bone-setter (barʃ) also worship the snake spirit (nuʤir barkən). The natural spirits at home are usually enshrined in the family units. The natural spirits worshipped in the wild mainly fall into two categories: mountain spirits and water (rivers) spirits. Generally, animal spirits outnumbered the others, and among them large animal spirits are the majority. To the natural spirits in the wild, for whom xal-mokun built oboo and made regular sacrifices and offerings, they had a nature and significance of public sacrifice comparable to the mokun family.

4.1.2. The nir’i ɔbɔː Has Its Particularity and Typicality That the nir’i ɔbɔː Ritual Is a Comprehensive Platform for Offering Sacrifices to Natural Spirits and Ancestral Spirits

The nir’i ɔbɔː ritual in 2014 is a comprehensive platform for the sacrifice of the ancient mountain spirit oboo, the water spirit oboo, the ancestral spirit of mokun of mərdəŋ xal, and the gods of the place where the new nir’i ɔbɔː is located. It is a specific and typical representative among the ethnic minorities in northern China. This is decided by the particularity of the “nir’i ɔbɔː” and “lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː” of mərdəŋ xal.

First, the nir’i ɔbɔː ritual is the sacrifice of mərdəŋ xal nir’iʧen’s original ancient mountain oboo spirit. Although it was moved from the original site and reconstructed, its oboo spirit is still the original “ɔbɔː əʤin” (oboo spirit). Therefore, shaman Siqingua’s ʊŋɡʊr showed up (came in) and introduced himself as “nir’iʧen daːʧi ɔbɔː sairdiə əʤin, namely “The old master of the original oboo”. Moreover, although it was first built by nir’iʧen, the other six branches of dʊlʊ mərdəŋ also worship and offer there. As such, it is the mountain god oboo of the whole mərdəŋ xal.

Secondly, before the ceremony of the nir’i ɔbɔː, there was also an offering for the lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː (dragon spirit oboo) of mərdəŋ xal. Because of the distance between the two oboo, the chief shamans and the clan members attending the ceremony could not appear in front of the two oboo at the same time. However, when setting up the site for the nir’i ɔbɔː ceremony, the members of the chief shaman’s family and mərdəŋ xal-mokun’s drove to lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː to place various offerings of fruits, pastries, and red wine before lighting incense and butter lamps. Therefore, in the process of the nir’i ɔbɔː ritual, the spirit of water oboo “lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː əʤin” came in front of the mountain spirit oboo, the nir’i ɔbɔː, and proclaimed the oracles.

Thirdly, the sample for the sacrifice of the nir’i ɔbɔː is also a tribute to the ancestral spirit of mərdəŋ xal. The master of the lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː əʤin is precisely Mərdəŋ tajti (莫日登太提). Mərdəŋ tajti, meaning the grandmother of mərdəŋ xal, is also known as mərdəŋ ətəu (莫日登额头乌), respectfully called Old Lady of mərdəŋ xal (Neimenggu Zizhiqu Bianjizu 1985, p. 256). Her legendary stories are well-known among the Daur people. From what she said to seven mokun members of “dʊlʊ mərdəŋ” in the nir’i ɔbɔː ritual, it could be seen that she, as the ancestral spirit, came to educate, instruct, and advise her descendants.

After the arrival of the shaman Wo Jufen’s ʊŋɡʊr, she beat a drum and introduced herself:

Generation after generation, I came down from the Amur. I came along the Naven River and the Normin River. I rolled seven springs along the river. Today, on a good day like this, I have come, I have seen my children and grandchildren, I am happy! I am “lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː əʤin mərdəŋ tajti”. I’m glad to see all my grandchildren and great-grandchildren here (3.3.3-11).

(Sa 2021, pp. 202–4)

The shaman Wo Jufen’s ʊŋɡʊr first spoke to an old man born in the Year of Pig. She spoke many words. She explained why she, as an ancestral spirit, had become “lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː əʤin” (master of dragon spirit oboo):

When I walked around the “dʊlʊ mərdəŋ”, people called me the crazy old lady. I always ran to the "nir’i xad"(nir’i cliff) and cried," lʊsʊŋ əʤin "(Nenjiang River spirit) said to me to give me power. When I tell people, they said I was a fool, and I was crazy. I was running in the wild of the "dʊlʊ mərdəŋ". I was running around inside "ʤaːməj ilə’a" (Zhamei flower). Then, people said I was a fool and threw me into the water. So, I sat my body on the top of lʊsʊŋ (dragon spirit, river spirit). I have "xar ʧiaŋ əʤin" (black and white snake spirit), I have "xar nuʤir əʤin" (black snake spirit). I let the spring water roll. My power is good! (3.3.3-11).

(Sa 2021, pp. 202–4)

After her arrival, she described her experiences and talked to mokun members. Although she was the master of “lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː”, she taught and advised the descendants mostly as the ancestral spirit.

Ōmachi said “Today, there are very few examples of such sacrifices to ancestral spirits in lineage (血统) or UMNO (巫统) in this (oboo) ritual of sacrifices” (Ōmachi 1995, pp. 62–63). He had not yet seen such vivid examples. At the nir’i ɔbɔː ritual, mərdəŋ tajti explained her experience after her arrival, showing that she had the dual identity of the spirit of water (lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː əʤin) and the predecessor of mokun. She was the grandmother of mərdəŋ xal, the ancestor in the sense of blood, she was a wise woman and a prophet, and she was also a shaman, the witch master. Therefore, the nir’i ɔbɔː ritual means both blood and Umno’s tribute to the ancestral spirit. Of course, this situation is very special; even in the Daur, other northern minority shamanism god (spirit) belief systems and worship activities are extremely rare. However, it is also very representative, indicating that the Daur take the ancestor spirits as the core belief object and the blood relationship as the bond to inherit the typical characteristics of shamanism.

Fourthly, according to traditional Daur shamanistic beliefs and customs, offering sacrifices to oboo requires offering sacrifices to the local gods at the same time. Therefore, the ceremony of offering sacrifices to the nir’i ɔbɔː was also held to worship the local god “ɡaʤir əʤin” of the place where the nir’i ɔbɔː was located at the same time. Worshippers must display offerings for the local god in the woods a few meters southeast of the nir’i ɔbɔː. Additionally, when the nir’i ɔbɔː was relocated and rebuilt, in addition to mərdəŋ xal, several other xal-mokun families who lived there, such as uərə xal, aʊla xal, and gʊ:bəl xal, also made contributions. This shows that the Daur people who live here also worship the nir’i ɔbɔː.

4.2. The Functions of the Ceremony of the nir ’i ɔbɔː

The function of traditional sacrifices oboo is very clear, which is to pray for rain. “In the past, Daur people used to pray to oboo for rain. When praying for rain, sacrificial cattle and sheep are brought to oboo and slaughtered as offerings. The chief priest reads the offerings, and then everyone kowtows together. After the prayers, a meal is served with the offerings” (Noboru Ikejiri 1982, pp. 58–59). It was further explained that the purpose of the offering oboo was to pray for good weather, a good harvest of grain and prosperous livestock (Neimenggu Zizhiqu Bianjizu 1985, p. 256). Oboo worship increases the fertility function. However, this still falls under the category of rain-seeking function.

According to field investigations in recent years, both the official offering oboo and the folk offering oboo are becoming more prosperous. Good weather, peace and prosperity of the country, grain harvest, livestock prosperity, and so on, are the likely purposes of praying. Judging from the content of shaman divine songs in the nir’i ɔbɔː ritual in 2014, the function of offering sacrifices to oboo by Daur shamans has been expanded and extended. After the sacrificial ceremony, the chief shaman Wo Jufen said that anything can pray for oboo. Therefore, the functions of contemporary Daur shaman sacrifices oboo are diversified. Among them, it is very important to firstly increase the blessing and praying for the health and safety of the mokun family members, and secondly to promote the recovery and reconstruction of the traditional blood clan organization. In addition, there is lively all-around education, guidance, and exhortation from the clan members.

4.2.1. Bless and Pray for the xal-mokun Members in Peculiar Ways

An important function of the contemporary Daur shaman sacrificial oboo ceremony is to bless and pray for the xal-mokun family members in some special ways.

In the nir’i ɔbɔː ritual 2014, there are three symbolic blessings and praying ceremonies, namely gathering good fortune (kʊtʊr bʊjin 阔托日·博音), a special form of blessing (tærmit 泰日米特), and converging prosperity (xʊre xʊre 霍日耶-霍日耶). These are all Daur shaman’s peculiar methods of blessing people. These methods were shown in this sacrificial nir’i ɔbɔː ceremony.

Shaman Siqingua’s ʊŋɡʊr told a disciple born in the Year of Dog of mərdəŋ xal ʃiboʧīʧen’s that she wanted to gather good fortune for him. She held three cups of milk in her mouth one by one, with the help of an assistant, and flung them one by one into the front of the disciple’s Daur traditional costume. The shaman talked and sang with her eyes closed in the spirit possession state. The assistant helped to put the milk cups in the shaman’s mouth for her to grip by her teeth. The blessed one took the front of his robe with his two hands and drew the three cups one by one into his arms, close to the front of his robe, which symbolized receiving fortune and wealth. This is Shaman Siqingua’s usual way of blessing people in the presence of spirits (3.3.2.-5) (Sa 2021, p. 200).

Shaman Wo Jufen’s ʊŋɡʊr blesses in a different way from Siqingua’s. She blesses people with spring water, milk, or liquor tærmit when ʊŋɡʊr comes. In the state of divine possession in the nir’i ɔbɔː ritual in 2014, she blessed the grandsons and great-grandchildren born in the Year of Dog, Dragon, Tiger, Pig, Monkey of mərdəŋ xal ʃiboʧīʧen, and blessed the children of ʃi’ə mərdəŋʧen and other members of mərdəŋ xal, and the children of aʊla xal laːliʧen with white spring water tærmit (3.3.3.-13\14\22). She blessed the great-grandson born in the Year of Monkey of xʊitʊr mərdəŋʧen, the great-grandsons born in the Year of Chicken, Pig, Monkey, Dragon, Pig, Rabbit, Snake, Sheep of ʃəʊrutʊrsuʧen, and blessed the great-grandson born in the Year of Pig of boːroŋʧen and his children, and also for the great-grandson born in the Year of Dog of gʊ:bəl xal mannaʧen and his children, for the ənən xal people, for the Ewenki barʃ from afar, for the great-granddaughters born in the Year of Monkey, Tiger coming from deŋtekeʧen with white milk tærmit (3.3.3.-16, 18, 21, 23, 25, 28). She blessed the experts, scholars, and journalists from the outside, as well as the grandchild born in the Year of Monkey with white liquor tærmit (3.3.3-26) (Sa 2021, pp. 201–18).

Shamans also use ”tærmit” (泰日米特) in their daily blessing and healing for people. The tærmit can not only pray and bless in this way, but also drink tærmit milk, tærmit tea, and so on. Shaman Siqingua’s ʊŋɡʊr told the boy of mərdəŋ xal born in the Year of Tiger to ask for some “tærmit tea” (tærmit ʧe) from the xʊʤʊr jad’ən (mokun shaman) of uərə xal to drink (3.3.2.-4).

The tærmit liquor can also be used to “repair roads” (修路). Shaman Wo Jufen’s ʊŋɡʊr said to the great-grandson born in the Year of Tiger of ʃi’ə mərdəŋʧen, in order to “repair roads”, she will make tærmit with wine for him. She said “Aren’t you being crushed by someone else’s mouth and tongue (means wagging of tongues)? So, you should often sprinkle milk, drink. Then, your road will be better and better” (3.3.3.-14).

The ceremony of “xʊre -xʊre“ (Converge, converge means converging prosperity) prays for good fortune and blessing. After the spiritual possession was over, beating drums and singing prayers, shaman Siqingua led the clans people to call xʊre -xʊre and circle to draw circles three times, as they held up products, pastries, milk, and other foods. At the same time, shaman Wo Jufen led the people to go around the nir’i ɔbɔː. She beat the drum as she walked. As she walked a few steps, she called out three times xʊre-xʊre, and the people following her shouted three times xʊre-xʊre. Going around oboo is the inevitable ceremony of offering sacrifices to oboo. Whether it is an official offering to oboo or a folk offering to oboo, people will go around oboo three circles to pray for good luck after the chief priest sings the prayer. However, a shaman presides over the sacrifice to oboo and leads people to turn around oboo, which is unique, special, and important in the folk offering to oboo.

4.2.2. Restore and Re-Establish the Traditional Clan Organization “xal-mokun”

Another major function of the contemporary Daur shaman sacrificial oboo ceremony is the restoration and reconstruction of the xal-mokun, the traditional social clan organization, which is mainly embodied in the introduction and emphasis of the concept of “mokun kurə” (Mokun Circle)26 (Sa 2019b, pp. 385–89).

In 2014, during the nir’i ɔbɔː ritual, a shaman ʊŋɡʊr repeatedly referred to the concept of “mokun kurə”, advocating that mokun elders and shamans and other leaders should restrain mokun, help the Daur group, and contribute to the nation. The development and emphasis of the concept of “mokun kurə” serves as a rallying call for unity and progress among the mokun members to strengthen family cohesion. It is also related to the genealogical activities of xal-mokun. In recent years, the xal-mokun generally built and offered sacrifices to oboo, and then held genealogical conferences to continue the genealogy. For example, the ənən xal ɔbɔː was restored and rebuilt in 2015, offered sacrifices to oboo for three consecutive years in 2016 and 2017, and held a genealogical conference in 2016 to repair the family tree (修缮家谱). The uərə xal was sacrificed to the clan lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː in 2017 and then continued genealogy. The aʊla xal duəjin mokun also sacrificed to oboo in 2018 and continued to repair the genealogy. Most of these activities of the xal-mokun to offer sacrifices to oboo and to continue the genealogy were conducted after the nir’i ɔbɔː ritual in 2014, which can be seen as being influenced by the gradual expansion of water-wave-like circles(the expanding influence of the water ripple theory of the circle) (Fei 1999, pp. 24–36). All these increase mokun members’ sense of identity and belonging to mokun.

The sacrificial oboo ceremony is often synchronized with the xal-mokun, repairing the family tree. Different from the purpose and appeal of sacrificial oboo in the past, the function expands and extends. The function of Daur shaman’s oboo ritual has changed from single to multiple, which reflects the characteristics of contemporary Daur shamanism. These activities of offering sacrifices to the clan family and continuing the genealogy play a role in gathering the hearts of mokun members and stimulate their sense of responsibility and ambition.

4.2.3. Comprehensively Educate mokun Members

In the nir’i ɔbɔː ritual in 2014, the two shaman’s ʊŋɡʊr were invoked. They placed high hopes on the elders, dignities, and those bearing the mission of the ancestral spirit of xal-mokun, and gave advice and instruction to the members of xal-mokun family and other clans’ people, mainly concerning the following aspects:

1. The elders should educate the descendants to inherit the Daur culture. It is necessary to educate young people to study hard and develop their skills to promote the prosperity and national progress of xal-mokun. 2. The shamans and other priests and healers do not forget the sacred mission, that is, to control their spirits, not for money, but to restrain mokun, to help the ethnic group. 3. Worship ancestral spirits, and worship oboo. 4. Don’t eat wild animals and cherish everything in nature. 5. Pay attention to health, pay attention to travel safety, go out to choose the direction of the day. 6. Pay attention to the tongue, avoid disputes. 7. Young people should learn more from their elders, and don’t take the wrong roads. 8. Call on the people to “Restrain Mokun, Help the Ethnic Group and Contribute to the Country”. Help should be given equally to different mokun and different ethnic groups.

5. Conclusions

Contemporary Daur shaman sacrificial oboo ceremonies continue the traditional shamanism polytheistic worship concept and the original characteristics of shaman deities. In 2014, during the ceremony of offering sacrifices to the nir’i ɔbɔː, the chief shamans came successively to talk to the members of xal-mokun. The identity of the shaman spirits and the content of the divine songs reveal the true meaning of oboo, that is, oboo is the residence and symbol of the natural spirits. Due to the particularity and representativeness of the shaman’s ʊŋɡʊr “nir’iʧen daːʧi ɔbɔː sairdiə əʤin” and “lʊsʊŋ ɔbɔː əʤin mərdəŋ tajti”, the nir’i ɔbɔː ritual is not only to worship natural spirits, but also a comprehensive platform to offer sacrifices to ancestral spirits and local gods.

The contemporary Daur shaman sacrificial oboo ceremonies not only continue the traditional functions of praying for rain and fertility, but also expand and extend the functions of oboo ritual, making it diversified. Shaman deities prayed for and blessed the family members of xal-mokun (clan) in Daur shaman’s unique ways during the nir’i ɔbɔː ritual in 2014. The concept of “mokun kurə” (mokun circle) is also proposed to restore and re-establish the functions of the xal-mokun, the traditional consanguinity clan organization. In addition, all mokun members, mainly mərdəŋ xal, are educated in an all-round way, and the slogan “Restrain Mokun, Help the Ethnic Group and Contribute to the Country” is put forward. The mokun elders, shaman groups, and mokun members are called on to inherit traditional shaman culture, strengthen self-discipline, study cultural knowledge, be proactive and treat each other as equals, etc. These practices and words, to a certain extent, play the role of uniting the family members of the clan.

Over the past decade, shaman Siqingua and shaman Wo Jufen have presided over the restoration and reconstruction of many of the xal-mokun oboo and local oboo of the Daur ethnic group. These restorations and reconstructions (constructions) and oboo ceremonies have exerted an extensive and far-reaching influence on the Daur people in Hulunbuir area of Inner Mongolia, especially in Morin-Dawaa Daur autonomous Banner and Ewenki Autonomous Banner. After the ceremony of the nir’i ɔbɔː in 2014, the construction (reconstruction) of the clan oboo and the genealogy of the family began in xal-mokun. Local people believe that the construction of xal-mokun oboo and the restoration of local oboo will bless the xal-mokun members and the local people. The construction and sacrifice of oboo is even associated with the progress of their children in school and work by some mokun families. They believe that building and sacrificing their own xal-mokun oboo can also bring prosperity and progress to mokun members (Sa 2019b, pp. 388–89). Therefore, the ritual of offering sacrifice to oboo restores and strengthens the clan’s consciousness of the Daur people to a certain extent, arouses the sense of honor and belonging to the mokun family, stimulates the sense of responsibility and ambition of the clan, and can have a positively significant impact on enabling the unity and progress of the mokun family.

In short, in the process of inheriting and innovating shamanism in contemporary China, Daur shamanism is classical, symbolic, and representative. The Daur shaman sacrificial oboo ceremony has special significance and value in the reconstruction and innovation development of contemporary shamanism in China.