Exploring Karmic Capital in the Context of Cultural Information Practices

Abstract

This paper uses an ethnographic approach to explore the religious practices of the modern religious organization called the Mahamevnawa Buddhist Temple. This study aims to investigate the spiritual information practices of both monks and devotees of the temple. The findings reveal that participants’ religious practices lead to a range of outcomes, expressed in terms of the Bourdieusian notion of capital, with karmic capital emerging as a very important outcome of these practices. An essential argument posited by the author pertains to the distinctive nature of karmic capital—a hybrid manifestation of capital that is intricately interwoven with cultural and symbolic capital. Unlike the conventional influence of economic capital or social affiliations, the potency of karmic capital hinges upon a distinct paradigm. However, the fact that a resource gives power within a society also applies to karmic capital too. Furthermore, the author underscores the epistemological standing of karmic capital, which derives its essence from the principal sociological forms of capital—namely, economic, cultural, and social forms. This article also delves into the characteristics of karmic capital and its transformative nature. A key contribution of this study lies in its recognition of the impact of cultural norms on the consequences of information science.

1. Introduction

The conceptual underpinning here is that the “Types of capitals” are created from the action and activities of ordinary people. Given the current sociological perspective, it is important to consider how these types of capitals are generated and manifested in non-secular environments.

In the context of non-secular environments, Buddhist practice is rooted in meritorious and virtuous actions aimed at generating good karma, which ultimately lead to a better life. These actions are morally good. By giving alms and performing other benevolent deeds, cultivating mental discipline and knowledge, as well as engaging in meditation, individuals develop morality, wisdom, and concentration rather than pursuing financial gains.

Given the current understanding, the sole means to rationalize Buddhist practices is through the framework of cultural production and consumption. Nonetheless, this researcher contends that it is overly simplistic to attribute these practices merely to “cultural capital”. Using the term “cultural capital” tends to evoke the idea of generating money and wealth. However, based on existing Buddhist teachings, Buddhism does not fundamentally revolve around issues of money, attachment, and materialistic pursuits.

Hence, the author asserts that there is a need to delve deeper into these cultural practices (referred to as cultural capitals). The author further contends that contemporary sociological perspectives should focus more on the diverse dispositions and cognitive assessments, rather than adhering solely to Western ideologies of capital creation theories.

The findings of the study are linked to the information practices of the diasporic Buddhist society in Sydney. The aim is not only to comprehensively understand the relationship between religious information practices, but also to explore new avenues that connect information practices with the formation of various types of capital. Thus, this paper bridges practice theories of religious Buddhist information practices with broader sociological considerations that are related to the generation and transformation of different forms of capital.

Likewise, the cultural norms associated with this Buddhist temple community differ significantly from the cultural norms of the Europeans who formulated the underpinnings of the concept of various types of capital. Thus, this research can be perceived as an endeavor to suggest a more comprehensive approach wherein power and the types of capital are interlinked with information practices within a Buddhist context.

This study employs a practice theory approach, informed by practice theorists both within and beyond the field of information studies. Information practices form a complex network of interactions and relationships involving information, individuals, and their surroundings. Gherardi (2001, p. 137) described information practices as “a bricolage of material, mental, social and cultural resources”. Savolainen (2008, p. 3) aptly designates information practices as “invisible”.

This study broadly adopts Lloyd’s (2011, p. 285) definition of information practices:

An array of information-related activities and skills, constituted, justified, and organised through the arrangements of a social site, and mediated socially and materially with the aim of producing shared understanding and mutual agreement about ways of knowing and recognizing how performance is enacted, enabled and constrained in collective situated action.

(Lloyd 2011, p. 285)

Huvila et al. (2020) noted that researchers in information studies have paid considerably less attention to practices concerning the creation of information. This research aims to extend beyond this definition by re-contextualizing the outcomes of information-related Buddhist practices within the framework of Bourdieu’s work. Bourdieu contended that various forms of “capital” were the results of people’s actions, and this notion is also crucial in conceptualizing religious information practices.

Bourdieu’s practices are directly linked to the accumulation of money and profit. In the context of capitalism, temples are often controversial. This is particularly notable as Buddhism does not fundamentally address attachment to materialistic things. Nonetheless, material resources are essential for the existence of temples as global organizations. This distinctiveness underscores the uniqueness of this research, investigating how Buddhist information practices translate various forms of capital into economic capital.

Moreover, in a recent study by Yerbury et al. (2023), the introduction of the concept of karmic capital as an extension of the definition stands out as a pivotal development. However, the discourse surrounding the attributes and transformative essence of karmic capital remains inadequately explored. This research is poised to delve more profoundly into the intricacies governing the evolution, metamorphosis, and influence of karmic capital, potentially illuminating new perspectives on the interplay between spirituality, social dynamics, and the foundational principles of capital theory.

In relation to the diverse forms of capital, the author’s aim is to scrutinize religious information practices within temples through the lens of conceptual frameworks introduced by Marx, Bourdieu, Neve, Sessen, and Castells. These frameworks will be elaborated upon in the subsequent section.

1.1. Conceptual Framework

A temple is an organization that fosters the development of diverse religious practices. The various types of capital arise as a result of these information practices. In this section, the author broadens the definition of capital, as there are numerous interpretations for the term “types of capital”. Here, the author draws upon various theoretical perspectives that need to be interconnected to argue and explain the concept of karmic capital, which will be addressed towards the end.

For Bourdieu, practice is an interwoven activity based on a central principle of the knowledge, skills, behaviors, and attitudes of an individual within a society, which is put to use in what he called a field (Bourdieu [1986] 2008, p. 54). Marx, on the other hand, stated that capital is created by work—for him, it is the economic value that accrues to employers based on the exploited labor of workers. The perception that people’s activities (production and consumption of goods and services) create resources of various kinds as a by-product of what they do has been a feature of the twentieth-century conceptualization of capital. According to Bourdieu ([1986] 2008), capital is a product of social relationships in a post-industrialist society.

Bourdieu’s (1984) conceptual theory of capital criticizes the focus on monetary exchange taken by Marx, although he still acknowledges the relationship between capital and “accumulated labor”. Neveu (2018, p. 347) proposes a provisional definition of capital drawn from Bourdieu’s work as follows:

“a collection of goods and skills, of knowledge and accomplishments, belonging to an individual or a group that he or she can mobilize to develop influence, gain power or bargain other elements of this collection”.

This conceptual framework was adopted in this study because it conveniently establishes a connection between practices and various forms of capital. The types of capitals are significant to this study because the devotees and monks engage with the temple in multiple ways (including cultural activities like celebrations and even community endeavors like blood donations, etc.), utilizing their knowledge and skills diversely. This potentially results in the creation of capital in various forms, such as social capital, cultural capital, human capital, and economic capital.

Bourdieu ([1986] 2008) stated that there are three fundamental types of capital, cultural, social, and economic, which can be converted from one to another, and a fourth one, which is symbolic capital, representing a transformation of one of the others. According to him, economic capital is broadly understood as economic wealth and resources within contemporary Western society. By itself, it is not of significant concern to Bourdieu (as it derives from the economic practices that subjectively focus on the maximization of profit). He argues that, to understand the social world, one must acknowledge all forms of capital. He places his emphasis on exploring social capital and cultural capital. Social capital is collective and includes benefits that accrue from membership in a social tribe. It provides each of its members with collectively owned capital, acting as a “credential” that entitles them to credit.

Cultural capital exists in three states, an embodied state, an objectified state in the form of cultural goods, and an institutionalized state, which can be formal qualifications, but is also found in the knowledge and understandings that make someone a productive member of their society. Symbolic capital, which is rooted in “knowledge and acknowledgments”, emerges from economic, social, and cultural capitals and must also be included here. An example of symbolic capital is reputation, which is inherently social, as it is bestowed by others in the community. Symbolic capital is non-material and cannot be bought or sold on the market.

Neveu (2018, p. 347) noted that the concept of capital has been widely used in the social sciences. Pertinent to the argument here, Castells (2010) developed the notion of informational capital based on information flows. In his view, modern societies generate wealth and resources through technological advancements and social relationships, forming a complex network of institutions across the technologically enabled space of flows. Information that is exchanged among and between organizations leads to power, which, in turn, can translate into economic capital. This exchange and accumulation of information, which is only possible through networking, constitutes what he terms informational capital. Castells considers this to be the most significant form of capital for the late 20th century.

On the other hand, Sassen is concerned with globalized organizations and their role in wealth creation. She concentrates on the place of production as a site for generating economic capital in a world of transnational transactions. Pertinent to this study is her focus on the role of human capital within the operations of globalized organizations, encompassing the knowledge, expertise, and experience of employees (Sassen 2001). Sassen’s emphasis on human capital prompts a consideration of other forms of capital emerging within this social context.

Temples have held a significant role for over a thousand years, marking them as one of the oldest forms of social institutions. They have retained prominence as centers of religious life, socio-economic influence, and artistic creativity for centuries. These traditional temples have been geographically dispersed over the course of millennia. Communication was made possible through various methods, upheld by written records and local representation. What distinguishes the current case study is the Mahamevnawa Monastery, which stands as both geographically dispersed and technologically enabled. It operates as a multinational entity with over 40 branches worldwide. Remarkably, their primary focus is not financial gain.

A temple is a “site” with many social relationships and has power and influence deriving from many factors. This is the key to identifying and understanding the nature of the capital it generates within the temple community. By undertaking this task, this study will broaden its scope to include both material and immaterial facets of capital creation in religious practice research, observing the dynamics between devotees and monks. This approach will facilitate the study’s ability to transcend institutional boundaries, as seen in Castells’ (2010) emphasis on informational capital, which he characterizes as a product of network society.

As Castells (2010) explains, “Network society is global society because networks have no boundaries” (p. 2737). Given the absence of specific boundaries within a network, pinpointing a particular place within it becomes impractical. The functions of networks operate on a global scale, facilitating the connection and disconnection of various locations at any given moment. Castells (2001) firstly named such nodes global hubs due to their role as specific areas across the entire planet, connecting with equivalent zones in different locations. What sets the present case study apart is that the Mahamevnawa Asapuwa temple is geographically dispersed and simultaneously functions as a technologically enabled organization of the kind described by Castells (2010) in his theories of modern urbanization.

1.2. The Organization: Mahamevnawa Asapuwa Temple

The Mahamevnawa Asapuwa Temple was founded by Ven. Kiribathgoda Gnanananda Thero, and the order counts its history from the laying of the foundation stone in Polgahawela, Sri Lanka on 14 August 1999. The founder was revered for his capacity to interpret the Buddha’s dharma in a way that was comprehensible to Sri Lankan Sinhalese Buddhist followers, and, through this process, he attracted many adherents within the country and overseas. He was able to expand the number of followers through the development of meditation classes, which appealed to a wide cross section of the Buddhist community. He attracted more than one hundred thousand people to a celebration of Wesak, which is commonly known as the day that Lord Buddha was born, enlightened, and passed away. In 2008, it is claimed that more than 1.1 million people attended a ceremony at the Swarnamali Stupa and worshipped throughout the night (source: https://mahamevnawa.lk/en/ accessed on 15 April 2022).

In a remarkably short span of time, the Mahamevnawa Asapuwa Temple has gained immense popularity, surpassing others, with millions of devoted followers. Presently, the Mahamevnawa Asapuwa Monastery boasts over forty branches both in Sri Lanka and overseas. This rapid expansion unfolded within a mere fifteen-year period. Among these branches, there are 33 for monks and 6 for nuns within Sri Lanka alone, along with additional branches located in India, Toronto, the UK, Germany, Italy, Dubai, Florida, California, New Jersey, and several other locations. Notably, the temple is now operational in Wiseman Ferry, situated in the northern suburbs of Sydney, having been established approximately five years ago. Additionally, there exists a branch in Melbourne. Henceforth, the author uses “MA” as an abbreviation for Mahamevnawa Asapuwa.

The MA Temple employs a wide array of information and communication technologies, including multi-language websites, a Media Network (Maha Mega), online TV (Shraddha), radio broadcasts, email services, Facebook, Twitter, Google+ accounts, live webcasts of religious events, YouTube videos, online forums, Skype, telephones/mobile messaging, CDs/VCDs, and digital magazines. Additionally, the temple utilizes traditional methods of communication, such as face-to-face interactions and the distribution of magazines, papers, and books to disseminate dharma news worldwide.

2. Literature Review

Buddhist Religious Practices

Motivations for religious activities are the focus of several studies. As Kari and Hartel (2007) argue, researchers in information studies have not delved far beyond everyday life and problem solving, placing little emphasis on what they call “the higher things in life” (Kari and Hartel 2007, p. 1133). They begin with the premise that there is empirical evidence to assert that these higher things “are ‘deeper’, more natural, and more intrinsically human” than lower things. They refer to the work of Maslow and propose that higher things in life encompass pleasurable or profound phenomena, experiences, or activities that transcend the mundane daily routine.

They argue that any conceptualization of information behaviors must take into account the consideration of metaphysical ways of knowing, and that religious practices and spiritual means transcend the conventional concepts of information behaviors (Kari and Hartel 2007, p. 1131). This stance is grounded in a theoretical article by Bates (2002, p. 2) that employs the information-seeking notion of various “layers of understanding”, with the spiritual factor—encompassing religion, philosophy, and the quest for meaning in life—serving as the foundational layer of the proposed conceptual framework. It is this conceptual positioning of the spiritual factor within a model of information seeking that holds relevance to this study.

Since that very early work, several other studies have been published. For example, Gaston et al. (2015) explored the everyday information behaviors of Buddhists in Laos within a non-Western context. According to their findings, religious and spiritual beliefs played significant roles in their information activities. Their investigation spanned a nine-week period in Vientiane, Laos in 2011, involving 30 Buddhist participants. Their analysis revealed that the primary contextual factors influencing the participants’ information behavior were their social and cultural environments. The religious context, embedded within their social and cultural values, played a significant role.

Another excellent example of everyday life information studies that extend beyond the customary focus on work-related perspectives can be found in Chabot’s doctoral research completed in 2019. His research aimed to investigate the religious practices of Kadampa Buddhists in North America. He examined whether there are religious or existential motivations driving engagement in these religious practices in order to comprehend the role of information in attaining spiritual realizations. His study effectively tested the boundaries of Everyday Life Information Science (ELIS) research and pushed them further into unexplored territories. Chabot’s research served to unveil “spirituality” as a significant attribute within the field of ELIS research.

There are other studies reported in the literature that also delineate the broad goals of information practices from various perspectives. Another notable study was conducted by Gorichanaz. In 2015, Gorichanaz investigated the information landscape of Zen Buddhists and found that it has evolved in recent years. The focus of his study was the most popular podcasts and iPhone apps in the U.S. market aimed at Zen Buddhists. His study showcased how this information landscape was shaped by technological advancements.

According to Guzik (2018), the study of the information practices of individuals undergoing religious conversion revealed that religious conversion extends beyond a personal spiritual or ontological shift. Religious identity is recognized by others through a person’s actions, practices, and preferences, as well as through the ways in which others relate to and respond to them. This finding mirrors that of Gorichanaz (2015), who found that devotees wish to be recognized as such by peer believers, family members, colleagues, and the public.

According to Khoir et al. (2015), in a study conducted in Adelaide, South Australia, ethnic and religious associations can help immigrants maintain connections with their cultural backgrounds. The findings of their study indicate that Asian immigrants in their research were engaged in community associations and had online connections with both general groups and groups centered around religious purposes. The primary sharing activities were linked to daily routines, culture and religion, as well as knowledge and experiences.

In summary, these studies demonstrate that religious and cultural aspects are emerging trends in the field of cultural information sciences. Firstly, there is the dual nature of information practices, which encompass both work-oriented and daily-life-oriented dimensions (Chabot 2019). Secondly, there is the significance of metaphysical ways of knowing in information behavior (Kari and Hartel 2007). Information practices exhibit various facets, often involving interactions between personal and public spheres (Guzik 2018), or manifesting in novel forms and locations (Gorichanaz 2015). These findings reinforce the conclusion that information practices are inherently complex (Gherardi 2001). These studies collectively highlight that much remains to be explored in comprehending the information practices of religious groups in non-Western contexts.

3. Methodology

3.1. The Research Question

This study concerns itself with information practices and the specific context in which they occur. The focal point is the cultural environment of the globalized Buddhist temple known as Mahamevnawa Asapuwa, along with its branch in Sydney and the monks and devotees affiliated with this branch. The purpose of this chapter is to outline how the researcher has implemented research methodologies and to delve into the theoretical and practical implications thereof. This study addresses the following questions:

What are the information practices of the temple?

How do these practices manifest in terms of capital creations?

3.2. Consideration of Practice Theory Approach

This study focuses on the actions of monks and devotees, their descriptions of these actions, their communication with one another, and the underlying intentions driving these expressions and activities. Additionally, it delves into the consequences of these actions, applying the concept of capital to categorize them. Through this practice theory approach, an appreciation of otherwise imperceptible information practices will emerge, providing insight into what people do and how they discuss their actions, derived from the collective data. Central to the development of this understanding is Schatzki’s (2002) notion of “site”, which is a intricate concept with three levels of significance, all of which hold relevance in this study.

3.3. Methodological Approach

In terms of the practice theory perspective, interviews emerge as an appropriate methodology for this study due to their capacity to collect data through various means, with observation playing a pivotal role. As highlighted by Nicolini (2012), comprehending people’s actions requires observation; the study of practice necessitates proper observation. Nicolini (2012) further asserts that “Studying practices through surveys or interviews alone is unacceptable”. He argues that interviews alone fail to provide data on actual actions (Nicolini 2012, pp. 217–28). However, others contend that interviews are equally important and valid for capturing cultural insights related to a specific context (Halkier 2017).

The literature, as previously mentioned, especially in the section on Buddhists and information practices, indicates a relatively limited range of methodologies that are present in studies of information practices that are relevant to this study. These studies primarily draw on socially constructed qualitative approaches. This study is concerned with interpreting the actions of individuals at the temple and the resultant outcomes of those actions. To achieve this within a practice theory framework, a methodology is required that can encompass both micro and macro perspectives and demonstrate the interplay among various factors. Due to its alignment with culture, ethnography serves as a suitable methodological approach to the research, enabling an understanding of the social realms from the perspectives of the community surrounding the temple and its branches.

Moreover, the narratives shared by individuals are of significance to the researcher as they illuminate an understanding of the context within which people engage. These narratives are products of social interaction rather than facts associated with the global exchange of specialized information and expertise. Through the analysis of these narratives and observed activities, the resultant effects of practice and the forms of capital, such as cultural capital, become apparent. Attaining a comprehensive comprehension of the intricacies of the practices and the interwoven relationships that lead to these outcomes, along with their interpretation as forms of capital, not only necessitates the micro-analysis of narratives, but also the macro-analysis of the networking between the features of global and local operations of the temple.

There were 25 participants in the study: 10 monks and 15 devotees. The monks were between the ages of 29 and 40, and they were exclusively based in Sydney. The devotees ranged in age between 21 and 55. It was acknowledged that individuals attending the temple or coming across the invitation to participate in the study might not exclusively be Buddhist devotees due to the public accessibility of the website. However, all participants self-identified as devotees.

The Human Research Ethics Committee of the University of Technology granted approval for this study to be conducted with UTS approval number 2015000013. The interviews focused on key areas of investigation, including reasons for participating in temple activities, the temple’s significance to participants, types of knowledge disseminated by the temple and its target audiences, the expertise of the monks, the integration of digital technologies into traditional aspects of temple life, the flow of information and information products, as well as the outcomes of these activities, encompassing both material and non-material benefits. The interviews were conducted over a period of six months.

The researcher began by inquiring about participants’ motivations for being members of the temple, and the conversations developed from there. Only three questions were pre-planned: Why did you go to the temple? What does the temple mean to you? How did you learn about the temple? Other questions concerning engagement with the temple and its activities followed a conversational path. The researcher’s role was to foster a relaxed environment in which participants felt at ease discussing various topics, using their preferred manner, while maintaining the formality of a research interview. The subjects of discussion and the styles of communication utilized were consistent with the group’s everyday interactions. Burgess-Limerick and Burgess-Limerick (1998) argued that conversational interviews involve co-creating the agenda interactively, and they can effectively provide insights into a participant’s interpretation of their experiences. This approach was adopted here and was successfully implemented. A thematic analysis was employed to examine the interview transcripts, the researcher’s field notes, and online content. This analysis identifies recurring patterns or themes within qualitative data, aiming to address the research problem or questions (Maguire and Delahunt 2017). The qualitative data management software Nvivo 10 was employed to organize the collected data.

4. Analysis

In this section, the author initiates his analysis by providing an explanation of different types of capitals. Subsequently, he delves into the examination of karmic capital. The author argues that it represents a unique amalgamation of cultural and symbolic capital, wherein the two concepts interact and interplay with one another. This is primarily attributed to the practice within temple communities, where individuals strive to accumulate good karma as a means of attaining spiritual enlightenment. Thus, the data from this study lay a foundation for investigating the value that people place on “spiritualism”, shaping their lives towards the present and the afterlife. This is achieved by using evidence that capital theorists have often examined in the context of creating wealth, which is typically confined by the constraints of the rational actor theory. Merit or karma is not concerned with immediate profit or wealth; rather, the author identifies that they are part of a complex web of relations with place and the day-to-day information behaviors that cannot be ignored.

The initial analysis has shown that, for the Buddhists who participated in this study, the clear distinction between different types of capitals do not exist on an individual level. The field notes and observation indicate that the participants visit the temple for various reasons. These reasons are not limited to learning and practicing Dhamma, but also encompass making friends, teaching their children the Sri Lankan language and beliefs, enjoying Sri Lankan food, celebrating cultural events, participating in chanting and meditation sessions, and engaging in community programs such as blood donations and working bee activities. Through these activities, they gain numerous social, cultural, and economic benefits. The researcher identified various types of capital associated with the temple as shown below (

Table 1. Types of capitals.

Type of Capital	Description
Cultural	Meditation programs, chanting programs, and “being a Sri Lankan Buddhist”
Economic	Selling scripture books, donations for buildings and funding, and memberships
Symbolic	Triple Gem, Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha (Monks), and “Arya” Person
Social	Grace, social experiences, respect, and reputation
Human	Local and globalized monks and devotees and their expertise and contribution

).

However, the outcome of their information practices that concerns them is what they refer to as “pin” or “merit”, also known as “karma”. This concept is complex in nature as it does not pertain to physical things, money, or power. In contrast, other types of capitals, as conceptualized by Bourdieu, have a socio-economic foundation, with gains (profit and wealth) being realized in the relatively short term as key characteristics.

In a sociological perspective, it is important to consider how capital is created and performed before introducing another form of capital. This is achieved by adopting Neveu’s (2018, p. 347) definition of capital drawn from Bourdieu’s work. According to them, there are four corollaries: goods, services, skills, knowledge, and acknowledgements. The mapping is shown below (

Table 2. Indicators of karmic capital.

Indicators	Description
Goods	Scripture Books, Alms, CDs, Magazines, Statues, and Buildings
Services	Sill Pogroms (Meditation and Preaching), Rituals, and Celebrations
Skills	Translation Skills, Chanting, Meditation, and Preaching
Knowledge	Knowledge of the Scripture/Practical Experience
Acknowledgement	Arahant, Guru, Enlightened One

).

The difference of this capital is “karmic capitalism”, which is based on karma or merits. In terms of Buddhist practices, certain beliefs are culturally embedded in people’s minds, such as rebirth (samsara) and the accumulation of merits.

Buddhist practice is based on meritorious and wholesome deeds to create good karma, which can lead to rebirth in a congenial place. These deeds are morally sound and beneficial. Through acts such as giving alms and performing other good deeds, cultivating mental discipline and knowledge, as well as meditation, individuals can develop morality, wisdom, and concentration. This moral wisdom is expressed in various forms, including the concept of the “Buddha”, as explained.

These forms are the “symbolic” nature of this kind of capital and are referenced in scripture books. Karmic capital revolves around rebirth, karma, and achieving “Nirvana” by eliminating the attachment to physical objects or materialistic things. Devotees learn about cultural capital through what they talk about as “engineering their minds” to arrive at the realization mentioned above, by focusing on desires and the reasons behind the desire for materialism, ending the longing for material things, and understanding how to achieve this end (in Buddhism, this is known as the “Four Noble Truths”).

This is achieved by carefully paying attention to the formation and decay of forms (materials and thoughts) through their minds. This practice is known as “bhavana” (meditation). Buddhists believe that this practice leads to liberation as individuals come to realize that everything is impermanent, leading to suffering and the absence of a permanent self. Consequently, they believe that they can eventually free themselves from all attachments. The aim of this study is not to test the truth or sincerity of these beliefs. The aim of this study is to clarify the actions of devotees and monks at the temple, as well as their social practices. A devotee stated the following:

There is an opportunity for us to develop our spiritual journey by achieving four noble truths while helping others to achieve it too.

(Male Devotee)

As a cultural practice, this shapes the lives of devotees and monks and influences the way they think. They refer to this kind of practice as “letting go”, which means releasing attachment to materialistic things. There are numerous examples that devotees use to express this, such as the following:

Our new life (rebirth) will have somewhat similar habits (gati) and cravings (āsavā). Our rebirth depends on them.

(Female Devotee)

The devotees emphasize that no matter how far away the temple is, they feel the need to visit the temple to see the monks. Assisting monks and offering things to them is considered a practice of “letting go” according to Buddhist teachings. One of the cultural norms in Buddhism is the Sangha (monks), as discussed above. They hold the Sangha in a high regard, considering them as one of the “triple gems” (Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha), and the monks are significant enough to be seen as the Guru. Assisting the Sangha and offering things to them are also seen as generating good karma, with the hope of receiving favorable outcomes in their future lives (after rebirth).

We see Sangha (monks) at the temple, we can collect lots of pin [Merits] by helping them, by listening to dharma, meditations.

(Male Devotee)

They utilize both symbolic capitals (objectified and institutionalized capital) to achieve their spiritual goals. As members of the Sri Lankan Buddhist diaspora and the Mahamevnawa Asapuwa, they hold the institution they belong to in a high regard. They also assign significance to symbolic representations of their culture, such as Buddha statues, scripture books, relics, stupas, Bodhi Trees, and more. In this context, the community’s aim is to seek something beyond life: Nirvana or heavenly pleasure.

He [the Buddha] told us to gain merits. He also taught us how you can go in the path of the dharma. If you have enough merits. There are human beings who reborn even in heavens as they have listened to the dharma.

(Male Devotee)

In the next section, the accumulation merit and its key characteristics will be outlined.

4.1. The Characteristics and Underlined Requirements of the Karmic Information Practices

4.1.1. Merits (“Pin” and “Kushal”)

The basis for this karmic capital is not the accumulation of wealth or money. It is the accumulation of good karma, that is, merit, with the intention of reaping benefits in the future. For example, to attain enlightenment, people need good karma. To achieve higher mental states like “Arahat”, “Sakurudagami”, and “Sothapanna”, they need good karma. To enter heavenly realms, they need good karma. To empower their future lives and ensure a favorable rebirth, they need good karma. To lead a life without obstacles, they need good karma. For success in the afterlife, they need good karma.

We believe that serving monks, cleaning temples and offering alms giving, be a part of what they’re doing its all-good karma to get that good karma.

(Female Devotee)

4.1.2. Focus beyond the Current Life

Collecting good karma goes beyond the current life. This is one of the main characteristics that distinguishes it from other forms of capital, as it concerns the accumulation of merit for future lives.

Working towards good karma is a way of seeking wealth and comfort in the future. The goal of this practice is to end the cycle of rebirth (Samsara), which leads to suffering, and is believed to be achieved by destroying all desires (Nirvana). Those who can achieve this will attain benefits in the afterlife and Nirvana.

This is the place where I can cultivate the good habits and practices and be engrossed with the dharma knowledge and a place where I can gather good Karma for my Samsara.

[rebirth cycle] (Female Devotee)

4.1.3. Intangibility

So far, we have observed research on information practices mostly in secular environments (Marx, Bourdieu, Neve, Sessen, and Castells). Previous studies on information practices have not been concerned with types of capitals. However, karmic capital delves deep into people’s spiritual beliefs, where they value immateriality and spiritualism, which is “intangible”. Here, “intangible” refers to things that we cannot experience with our five senses. The intangible, in this sense, has not been a focus for research until this study. In our Western culture, something beyond the senses is often considered something that cannot be subject to investigation. Thus, the data from this study lay a foundation for investigating the value people place on intangibility in this life. A devotee explains the following:

Attachment to materialistic things is the cause for suffering as they all are impermanent. The Buddha said “Yayan Tanha Ponobhavika” The craving for materialistic things is the reason for our rebirth.

(Male Devotee)

Devotees explain that society dictates the world as physical and secular, where money has become the god of that society, and the reward is material success. On the other hand, in the spiritual world, one cannot see tangible benefits, so the reward is more intangible. While information practices can be categorized based on their tangibility, in the context of this study, the intangible aspects of these practices are important. Here, people practice to “let go”.

We are coming to practice let go.

(Male Devotee)

I have lots of friends when I saw they chase certain material things, I just felt being lonely was the best thing for me. Because I do not value materialism.

(Female Devotee)

There are occasions isolating and abandoning materialistic benefits and going for meditation and spend the time in silence.

(Female Devotee)

4.1.4. Being a Spiritual Person

There are other elements of this karmic capital. By applying the awareness and consciousness achieved through meditation, devotees aim to arrive at ultimate samadhi (unification of mind) and recognition among the temple community. This gives more attention to mind and its emotional dimension. The power of this karmic capital depends on how well one’s mind is attuned and how one can repel material benefits or attract to the divine or grace and inertia.

As you know, major Thero was saying to become “sothapanna” (high state of the mind or enlighten one) and he advises to follow Lord Buddha’s teachings. Even under trees doesn’t matter.

(Male Devotee)

For devotees, karmic practices entail putting in effort and commitment. Devotees travel to the temple regardless of their location, showcasing their dedication to accumulating karma. Additionally, according to their cultural practices, assisting monks and offering food and other necessities to them is seen as good karma that would lead to “Nirvana” or even rebirth in heavenly realms. Physically engaging in these actions instils a sense of well-being within them. Although the statements made by devotees may appear simple expressions of cultural practices, they hold significant meaning due to the symbolism they attribute to them.

[By doing these simple things such as helping monks, offering flowers to buddha] You are becoming some spiritual person … identified as a good person who could do something good and contribute to the society.

(Male Devotee)

Based on the characteristics mentioned earlier, the information practices of the temple community concerning “Karma” appear to be intricate and sophisticated when viewed through the lens of Western capital perspectives. It depends significantly on cultural and symbolic perceptions, and it does not possess the conventional power of economic or social ties because people are drawn to the temple to accumulate good karma that leads to heavenly pleasures or “Nirvana”, not monetary wealth. The temple community tends to engage in good “karma” with the expectation of reaping favorable outcomes in either this life or the next. The goal of this practice is to bring an end to the cycle of rebirth (samsara), which is a path to liberation from suffering. It does not hold the conventional power of economic capital or social ties. However, the fact that a resource bestows power in society also applies to karmic capital, as a spiritual person within the temple community is regarded as a virtuous individual.

However, the diasporic Buddhist temple community is deeply involved in the accumulation of merits due to various reasons. For instance, they have undergone suffering and hardships in foreign countries. In many instances, they have felt a loss of belonging and a disconnection from their true identity due to being separated from relatives and loved ones. The temple becomes the sole place where they can reclaim their authentic Sri Lankan identity. Within the temple community, they find a sense of protection and support.

Moreover, they harbor concerns that their children might face similar challenges. They actively seek fitting places for their children to belong, make friends, and access the necessary information to thrive. This underscores the importance of accumulating good karma to ensure a prosperous life in a foreign land.

Therefore, they are inclined to continuously accumulate good karma, with the expectation of leading a better life in a foreign country. Most of their information practices and aspirations revolve around the goal of accruing more good karma and seeking enhanced well-being in this life or even heavenly pleasures. As highlighted at the outset of the analysis, they pursue this objective through diverse approaches, participating in various events that generate different forms of capital.

Conversely, the temple caters to the desires of the community. The Guru and monks advise people that the more alms they give or the more donations they make, the more successful their lives will become. Thus, their practices of giving (letting go) and accumulating good karma eventually evolve into various versions of capital, yielding social, human, and economic benefits, benefiting not only the individuals, but also the temple as an organization.

5. Discussion

This study identifies distinctive Buddhist practices, echoing Guzik’s (2018) characterization of religious identity as the outward manifestation of spiritual values through actions and interactions. Gorichanaz’s (2015) study emphasizes the cultural context of Zen Buddhists, comparing their physically and spiritually linked practices with Catholics, who emphasize a cognitive–spiritual link based on belief. In contrast, Chabot (2019) focuses on Western practitioners of Buddhism, particularly the New Kadampa Tradition (NKT), highlighting their conversion and practices.

In contrast to these previous studies, the current research examines the Sri Lankan diaspora in Sydney, where participants encounter cultural disjuncts and strive to maintain their heritage. Unlike Chabot’s participants, who aim to preserve traditions from invasions, the MA Temple Buddhists in this study spread their religion globally while influencing their practices and discourses for the daily accumulation of merits.

Within this context, this study delves into information practices associated with spirituality, particularly focusing on what Kari and Hartel (2007) defined as “the higher things in life”. Nevertheless, this study’s findings challenge the notion of a hierarchical structure as proposed by Bates (2002) and Maslow, where material needs form the base, and spirituality crowns the pyramid. Instead, the research uncovers a coexistence of material and immaterial dimensions, intricately interwoven within information practices.

The analytical tools encompassed within the overarching framework of Western capitals, utilized in research focusing on secular activities, fail to capture the nuanced essence of the value that is inherent in spiritual and religious information practices. These practices encompass elements of wealth, power, culture, innovation, and people in their unique way. The connection to the temple holds myriad motivations beyond the direct acquisition of material gains through goods and services.

As more people engage with the temple, they bring along the potential for further goods and services, driven by their intent to accumulate good karma. This distinct characteristic sets the temple apart from others. The individual practices of the devotees yield outcomes that bring benefit and success to their lives, primarily through the accumulation of merit. In a similar vein, the temple community’s collective practices generate benefits and success for the community as a whole. Furthermore, the practices of the temple as a business organization also contribute to positive outcomes.

The subsequent sections elaborate on how both individuals and the organization amass power and cultivate various forms of capital.

5.1. How Do Karmic Capital and Its Practices Influence People to Gain Power?

The concept of resources conferring power in society also applies to karmic capital, as an individual with good karmic capital is admired and respected within the temple community. Many Buddhist practices revolve around the accumulation of good karma. The knowledge embedded in these practices can empower individuals to take certain actions and view themselves in particular ways. The value of this form of capital grows as individuals contribute alms and engage in meditation. This, in turn, leads to the accumulation of social capital, as people recognize an individual as an Arya person (someone progressing towards enlightenment). The value of this capital is further augmented through contributions such as alms, donations, and meditation practices.

To make the argument clearer, the next section starts with definitions of other types capitals found in the temple practices and then situates karmic capital as emerging from a combination of attributes that are associated with the preceding types of capitals.

5.2. Karmic Capital Transforms into Various Other Types of Capitals

While other forms of capital value the comforts of a materialistic life, and even social capital places importance on connections with others, which may subsequently lead to other benefits, karmic capital places value on the act of “giving away” or “letting go”. Hence, it seems paradoxical that it can be linked to an increase in the very material capitals it shuns.

To comprehend karmic capital, this section commences with an exploration of the most recognized types of capital within the temple. Firstly, there is “economic capital”, which invariably involves direct and tangible profit from selling goods and services. The temple generates revenue through publications and donations, resulting in the accumulation of economic capital. The financially robust temple showcases community support through contributions; it operates effectively as an organization with sound business acumen. Infrastructure, buildings, overseas facilities, media rooms, and the like contribute to the material wealth of the temple, serving as symbolic manifestations of economic capital.

The MA Temple attracts devotees because people desire to be associated with something successful, facilitating the transformation of economic capital into social capital (and vice versa). This prompts monks and the committee to organize social events such as blood donations and working bee programs, which contribute symbolic capital in the forms of grace, social experiences, respect, and reputation to the temple.

With the value of economic capital derived from the products the temple offers, it can provide services free of charge, acting as an equalizing force in the community. The social capital of the temple, which is evident through the substantial number of participants in events and mutual assistance, elevates the temple’s standing in the Sri Lankan community. Consequently, the social capital fostered through temple attendance contributes to fostering a sense of community among devotees. Additionally, it nurtures human capital among devotees, as the individuals they know bring forth their professional skills, talents, and expertise to temple activities.

Their volunteer work, book sales, food preparation, and donations all contribute to the temple’s final economic capital. Technology, as a mode of production (informational networks, media networks, and social networks), brings the community to the temple and generates social capital for it. In this manner, the temple can leverage the power of social media to engage people in various activities. This encourages them to offer their expertise, skills (such as translation, technological, financial, and managerial skills), talents, and professional experiences to the temple without charge. The temple employs social media to foster devotees’ collaboration and encourage their participation in diverse events and programs. The innovative chanting, translation abilities, monks’ and devotees’ professional skills, and membership engagement are pivotal to the construction of the temple’s symbolic capital.

The events and programs organized by the temple generate cultural capital. Both the devotees and monks value the temple as an epicenter of cultural knowledge and therefore recognize cultural capital as a key product of this place. This occurs in various ways. The temple serves as a hub for the production and consumption of cultural capital, as it creates and disseminates information related to different programs and events such as pilgrimages, scriptures (Tipitaka), meditation (Bhavana) programs, almsgiving (Dana), and other religious activities like Dharma preaching, talks, sermons, children’s programs, cultural celebrations, chanting, and skill-building programs.

Devotees are attracted to cultural products that enhance their knowledge of scriptures. These events and celebrations distinctly embody cultural practices, habits, and attitudes. The production of cultural capital plays a significant role in generating wealth. Scripture books such as Pali canons, statues, and other symbols represent this capital.

Even though the temple is not listed on the stock exchange and does not trade in share markets, the temple is nonetheless concerned with increasing its “market share”. Its utilization of the capabilities provided by various information and communication technologies and formats to facilitate the swift dissemination and exchange of information has proven to be a highly successful strategy. This strategy enables devotees to connect with the temple through various means, regardless of their physical location. A notable example is the use of Zoom sessions and the publication of books using speech recognition software. As a devotee noted, “What the monk preaches today can simultaneously become a book, CD, and YouTube video”.

This relates to Castells’ notion of capital based on the use of information and communication technology as the mode of development, which he termed “Information capitalism”, operating 24/7 across the globe. Applying this concept to the temple, it becomes evident that people receive more information and exposure from this temple compared to others due to its telecommunication infrastructure, including media rooms and internet access with monks. Consequently, globalization underpins many activities, particularly on the monetary side of the economy, operating in real time using technology and expanding the reach of the temple. Symbols of this informational capital can be observed in high-tech devices, websites, apps, and online marketplaces, for example.

According to Theravada Buddhist practice, there are many cultural practices, symbolic representations, habits, and attitudes related to secular life. However, there are also many practices that do not fit into the preceding capital definitions. Information practices are based on what people do, and capital is the outcome of these practices. This research sheds light on our understanding of the Sri Lankan diasporic community and their day-to-day practices. Karmic capital is a form of capital that has not been recognized in the research field of information practices. Relationships with each of the established forms of capital can be identified, but it does not seem appropriate to consider karmic capital a form of symbolic capital. Although, following Neveu’s definition, a form of symbolic capital might seem appropriate.

6. Conclusions

This study showed the complexity of capital and underlined the importance of cultural knowledge, know-how, and beliefs in understanding how capital can be conceptualized. The research findings unpack the concept of cultural capital, where Bourdieu’s definition is abstract and nebulous. By bringing in the analytical approach of Neveu (2018), the research was able to demonstrate the development of various types of capitals within the temple community.

Thus, this research was not only concerned with the development of economic and social capital, but one might say that it repurposed the concept to apply it to the non-secular and non-Western culture of the MA Temple. The emergence of karmic capital brings several innovations to the research on information practices, as it shows that two types of capitals are developed simultaneously, one collective and one individual, with one existing in contemporary time and one that will exist in the future. This mixed version of capital is a kind that is not found within the current capital definitions. The researcher has argued that it goes beyond the symbolic capital that Bourdieu and others identified as emerging from the other types of capitals, and to some extent, it is disguised within already known cultural capital.