Exploring Miracles and Wonders in Pre-Modern Korean Society through the Samguk yusa

Abstract

Samguk yusa 三國遺事 (Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms), compiled by Iryŏn 一然 (1206–1289), a prominent Buddhist monk in Koryŏ, stands as one of Korea’s most valued historical classics. This classic weaves together a collection of captivating and unconventional narratives—marked by their peculiarity, miracles, and wonder—diverging from the usual societal norms. Unlike traditional historical chronicles such as Samguk sagi 三國史記 (Histories of the Three Kingdoms), Samguk yusa presents a diverse mosaic woven with historical anecdotes, legends, and folklore, especially emphasizing connections to Buddhism. The tales of miraculous events hold historical significance, serving as reflective mirrors that not only shaped the beliefs of pre-modern Korean Buddhists but also influenced the wider population of that era in Korea. This paper delves into the cultural significance and societal roles of miracles and wonders within pre-modern Korean society, particularly through a thorough exploration of narratives and accounts within the Samguk yusa. Through these miraculous stories, the Samguk yusa not only validates the spiritual power of Buddhism but also redefines concepts like filial piety and national protection by integrating them into the Buddhist framework. This ensured Buddhism’s enduring significance in Silla society and reinforced the importance of the supernatural as an integral part of a holistic view of history and culture.

1. Introduction

When analyzing the Samguk yusa (三國遺事, Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms),1 scholars often highlight its contrasts with the Samguk sagi (三國史記, Histories of the Three Kingdoms) (Ch’oe 1980, pp. 5–9; Hŏ 2006, p. 27). Pusik (1075–1151), a high official of the Koryŏ court, compiled the Samguk sagi between 1136 and 1146 as commissioned by the royal family and central government (Shultz 2004, pp. 1–5). The Samguk sagi emphasizes official chronicles with a Sinocentric orientation, following the pattern of Chinese dynastic histories and the conventions of Confucian historiography (Shultz 2004, pp. 1–5). On the other hand, the Samguk yusa was compiled by the Buddhist monk Iryŏn (1206–1289), the National Priest (Pogak kukchon) of Koryŏ. It includes “remaining stories or tales” or “miscellany” (Kr. yusa or Ch. yishi 遺事) of the Three Kingdoms that the Samguk sagi did not incorporate as officially sanctioned history (McCann 2000, p. 15). The Sinitic yishi genres, known for preserving anecdotes, traditional narratives, hagiography, and epigraphy, serve to maintain local stories derived from earlier miracle tales, stele inscriptions, and local narratives transmitted through both oral and written traditions (McBride 2006, pp. 164, 177). Therefore, the Samguk yusa provides extensive material absent from official histories, offering insight into the beliefs and practices of ancient people. In particular, the accounts of miraculous events carry historical importance, acting as reflective elements that shaped the beliefs of pre-modern Korean Buddhists and influenced the broader populace of that time. This paper explores the cultural, religious, and societal significance of miracles and wonders in pre-modern Korean society, particularly through the lens of the Samguk yusa. By examining the narratives and accounts within the Samguk yusa, this paper seeks to shed light on the profound impact that miracles and wonders had on the collective mindset, religious practices, and societal norms of pre-modern Korea.

2. Reconciling the Supernatural: Iryŏn’s Defense of Miracles in the Samguk yusa through a Buddhist Lens

The Samguk yusa begins with the reason for compiling the history of miracles and wonders in its preface, as follows:

The ancient sages founded nations by the use of decorum and music, and fostered culture with humanity and justice, not claiming marvelous strength or the aid of treacherous gods [mysterious phenomena, feats of force, rebellious conduct, and spirits].2 But when a man worthy to receive the mandate of heaven appeared, the event was usually marked by some happy augury setting him apart from other people and showing that here was one able to ride the changing tide, seize the treasured regalia and accomplish the great work of founding a state.

Thus in ancient days in China a dragon-horse with a picture on its back appeared on the surface of the Yellow River (Hwang-ho) and a godlike turtle with a character carved on its shell appeared on the Lo-sui stream on the eve of the rising of great sages. Enveloped in a rainbow, the goddess-mother bore Fu-his [Fuxi]; touched by a dragon Nu-t’eng [Nüdeng] gave birth to Yen-ti [Shennong]; Ohwang fell in love with a celestial boy who called himself the son of Pai-ti [Paidi] while she was playing in the field of Kung-hsiang [Gongxiang], and bore Hsiao-ho [Xiaoho]; Chien-ch’I [Jianqi], after swallowing an egg, brought forth Ch’i [Qi]; Chiang-yuan [Jiangyuan], after treading in the mark of a footstep, bore Chi [Ji]; Yao was born after fourteen months in his mother’s womb; and Péikung [Peigung] was a dragon’s love-child, the result of an embrace in a large lake.

No pen can describe all the wonders attending the births of the founders of states. These are set down here as precedents for the stories of the founders of the Three Kingdoms, to be found in the following chapters.

(Ilyon [Iryŏn] 1972, Samguk yusa: Legends and History of the Three Kingdoms of Ancient Korea, pp. 31–32, highlights in italics are mine)

In Western religious discourse, miracles are typically viewed as divine interventions that override natural laws, often attributed to the power or grace of God (Ho 2017, p. 1118). In Confucian thought, on the other hand, there is a tendency to avoid discussing mysterious or supernatural events. This is reflected in the phrase from the Lunyu (Analects) where Confucius did not talk about “mysterious phenomena, feats of force, rebellious conduct, and spirits”, which emphasizes a preference for rationality, moral conduct, and practical wisdom over supernatural explanations. This inclination is also evident in the work of Confucian scholars, such as Kim Pusik, who deliberately omitted stories of mysterious phenomena in the Samguk sagi, a historical record that adheres strictly to the Confucian worldview.

In contrast, the Samguk yusa was compiled to include stories and perspectives that were excluded from the Samguk sagi. Scholars have argued that it aimed to correct inaccuracies and omissions in historical descriptions (Yi 2023, pp. 289–91).3 The Samguk yusa can be seen as a response to the exclusion of narratives about extraordinary powers and strange phenomena from the more orthodox Samguk sagi. This suggests that its fundamental motivation was to supplement the historical record by preserving stories and folklore about supernatural events that were otherwise overlooked in the Confucian tradition (Kang 2014, p. 202). By doing so, the Samguk yusa provides a complementary understanding of Korean history, capturing aspects of the culture and beliefs that were marginalized in more conventional historical accounts. This highlights the text’s importance not only as a historical source but also as a cultural and religious document that reflects a broader range of worldviews.

Iryŏn appears to have been concerned that Confucian scholars might interpret his preface to the Samguk yusa as delving into “mysterious phenomena, feats of strength, rebellious conduct, and spirits”—topics traditionally avoided in Confucian discourse. To pre-empt such criticism, he emphasizes that even among revered Chinese sages, there are numerous examples of extraordinary and mysterious events. For instance, mythical figures like the gods Fuxi and Shennong are all described as having mysterious and extraordinary birth backgrounds. By highlighting these examples, Iryŏn argues that the mysterious events recorded in the Samguk yusa are not exceptional but rather a significant aspect of the Korean people’s worldview and historical experience. It was no coincidence that Iryŏn chose to address miracles and the supernatural in the preface. He understood that without such clarification, those with a Confucian perspective on history might dismiss the stories within the Samguk yusa as trivial or worthless. By offering a rationale for including miraculous events, Iryŏn defends their relevance and importance in capturing a fuller picture of Korean cultural history, one that acknowledges spiritual and supernatural dimensions often overlooked by Confucian historiography.

In the Buddhist worldview, miracles are not dismissed merely because they are beyond ordinary understanding; rather, they are seen as extensions of reality that those who have directly realized the true nature of this world can attain through dedicated practice (Ho 2017, pp. 1122–24). While other traditions may define miracles as extraordinary events involving divine interventions that invoke awe and cannot be explained by human abilities or natural phenomena, Buddhism frames such occurrences differently. Within the Buddhist context, miraculous events are deeply rooted in Indian cosmology and are regarded as potential human capacities, not gifts from deities (Ho 2017, pp. 1122–24). Supernormal powers in Buddhism are believed to be attainable through spiritual cultivation (Ho 2017, p. 1123). Thus, for Iryŏn, miracles and extraordinary events are not mere curiosities; they are essential components of a Buddhist narrative that illustrates the potential for human transformation and enlightenment. Iryŏn’s identity as a Buddhist monk likely played a key role in incorporating mystical elements into Korean history by including miracles from a Buddhist perspective in Samguk yusa. Although this paper does not cover it in detail, this influence likely accounts for the inclusion of indigenous mystical accounts of the Three Kingdoms’ founders in the first two chapters without filtering. Therefore, Iryŏn’s clarification in the preface appears intentional, aimed at establishing a foundation for interpreting the Samguk yusa as a collection of historical records rooted in faith and reflective of the Buddhist worldview. By doing so, he positions the text not just as a historical chronicle but also as a testament to the integration of spiritual realities into the historical consciousness of Korea, bridging the gap between the miraculous and the mundane.

It is crucial to understand that the stories Iryŏn included in his work are not totally fictional but based on historical or legendary records or accounts he gathered during his visits to various temples throughout his life (Hŏ 2006, pp. 25–27). When records were unclear, he would personally collect the necessary information and even correct inaccuracies found in the Samguk sagi. Regarding the reliability of the Samguk yusa, McBride argues that philological analysis demonstrates the text to be largely trustworthy (McBride 2006, p. 182). As far as we are aware of the significant influence of Iryŏn, the compiler, and that of later editors (McBride 2006, p. 182), these stories can be regarded not merely as didactic tales but as credible accounts of shared beliefs or real events experienced by individuals and shared within specific communities. As such, they reflect the beliefs and customs of the era. Given that Iryŏn began collecting materials at a young age and wrote primarily in his seventies, the miracle stories in the Samguk yusa differ in purpose from the zhiguai (accounts of anomalies) literature of late fourth-century China, which aimed to propagate Buddhist beliefs (Campany 2012, p. 2). McBride further emphasizes that Iryŏn’s Samguk yusa is not simply a Buddhist retelling of events documented in the official history of the Samguk sagi. Rather, it preserves local anecdotes and narratives overlooked by Kim Pusik’s Samguk sagi (McBride 2006, p. 177), indicating a shared belief in such miracles among the people of that time.

The Samguk yusa is divided into nine sections across five books: Royal Annals 王曆 (Wangryŏk),4 and Book One: 1. Records Distinct I [from the Samguk sagi] 紀異 I (Kii); Book Two: 2. Records Distinct II [from the Samguk sagi] 紀異 II (Kii);5 Book Three: 3. The Rise of Buddhism 興法 (Hŭngbŏp); 4. Pagodas and Buddhist Images 塔像 (T’apsang); Book Four: 5. Anecdotes of Renowned Monks 義解 (Ŭihye); Book Five: 6. Miracles [Esoteric Buddhist Divine Mantras] 神呪 (Sinju); 7. Tales of Devotion [Miraculous Responses] 感通 (Kamt’ong); 8. Seclusion 避隱 (P’iŭn); and 9. Filial Piety孝善 (Hyosŏn). In discussing the implications of miracles and wonders, I will focus on the last seven sections, which highlight the spiritual, cultural, and miraculous aspects of Korean history. The first two sections—Records Distinct I and Records Distinct II—are excluded from this discussion, as they were compiled mainly to supplement Kim Pusik’s Samguk sagi by elaborating on the origins of the Three Kingdoms’ founders. By embracing the supernatural, the Samguk yusa offers a more inclusive narrative that encompasses both the seen and unseen, the rational and the transcendent. In doing so, it becomes more than a mere historical record; it serves as a bridge between different worldviews, ultimately reinforcing the significance of the supernatural as part of a holistic view of history and culture.

3. Exploring Miracles Manifested in the Samguk yusa

Scholars have pointed out that Buddhist miracle tales, unlike their Indian counterparts, such as the avadāna and jātaka literature, which are centered around the sacred past of the Buddha, strategically embed miraculous events within the familiar, everyday world. This approach promotes Buddhist values and practices to a non-monastic, potentially skeptical audience by demonstrating the power of Buddhist figures and emphasizing the efficacy of Buddhist devotion (Campany 2012, p. 2; Granoff 1996, pp. 79–96; Gjertson 1981, p. 301). Then, what distinguishes the miracle stories in the Samguk yusa from those in Chinese texts? From the pages that follow, I examine the characteristics of the miracles and wonders presented in the last seven sections of the Samguk yusa and their implications, focusing on each section.

3.1. “The Rise of Buddhism” 興法 (Hŭngbŏp)

Section 3: “The Rise of Buddhism” outlines the historical events in the Three Kingdoms related to the initial acceptance of Buddhism by each kingdom. The first type of miracle mentioned in the Samguk yusa is closely connected to the spread of Buddhism, particularly emphasizing the miraculous events during its propagation in Silla, where strong resistance from the indigenous religion was evident. The introduction of Buddhism in Koguryŏ and Paekche proceeded smoothly through emissaries, with Buddhist statues and scriptures from China, and the construction of temples without difficulty.6 This allowed Buddhism to take root easily in these lands. However, the case of Silla was different. As many scholars have noted, while Buddhism in Koguryŏ and Paekche spread through a top–down approach, beginning with the royal family’s acceptance and subsequently spreading to the people, in Silla, Buddhism slowly spread among the general populace while the royal family sought official recognition for the new religion, facing opposition from the aristocracy (Kim 1992, p. 2; Ahn 1989, pp. 1–3; Lee 1989, pp. 164–66). Despite this grassroots acceptance, there was significant resistance from indigenous religions and local powers in Silla.

Miracles, particularly those involving the healing of illnesses, played a crucial role in persuading the people of Silla. Iryŏn directly incorporated content from the Silla Pon-gi (official records of Silla in the Samguk sagi) into the Samguk yusa.7 This content includes the story that during the reign of King Nulji (said to be the nineteenth ruler of Silla, 417–58), a famous Indian monk named Mukhoja came to Silla from Koguryŏ. When an envoy from the Liang dynasty brought clothes and incense that were unfamiliar to the Silla people, Mukhoja, a Buddhist monk, identified the incense and explained its significance in Buddhist practice. He assured the people that burning incense and making a vow would lead to divine intervention. When the critically ill princess recovered after Mukhoja offered prayers and burned incense, this miracle further demonstrated the efficacy of Buddhist practices.

Following this account, Iryŏn additionally included information from the Biography of Ado.8 When Ado, a monk from Koguryŏ, came to Silla following his mother’s prophecy that the Buddha’s teachings would greatly prosper there, he approached the royal court and requested permission to practice Buddhism. However, the secular authorities, unfamiliar with these teachings, were reluctant and even attempted to kill him. This strong resistance from local powers persisted until a Buddhist monk demonstrated his miraculous powers by healing a princess’s illness. Following this healing, the king replaced Chŏngyŏngnim—a site dedicated to the worship of the moon, a symbol of abundance in Silla’s indigenous beliefs—(Kim 2020, p. 6) with a Buddhist temple named Hŭngryun-sa, fulfilling the monk’s wish.

Through Ado’s biography, we learn not only about the miraculous healing of the princess’s illnesses but also about the prophecy made by Ado’s mother, the trials Ado faced that nearly led to his death, and the transformation of Chŏngyŏngnim—a significant worship site for Silla’s indigenous beliefs—into a Buddhist temple. This story vividly conveys to the reader how the trials and resistance faced during the early introduction of Buddhism were overcome and how the symbolic site of Chŏngyŏngnim was converted into a Buddhist temple through the miracle of healing, signifying Buddhism’s establishment in Silla. There is some confusion in the records regarding the first Buddhist missionary to Silla, with even Iryŏn uncertain whether Mukhoja and Ado were the same person or different individuals. However, the key point is that they initially attracted attention for their Buddhist message by successfully healing the king’s daughter, a feat that neither shamans nor medicine could achieve, highlighting the significance of healing power as a method of propagating Buddhism in Korea (Baker 1994, p. 59). Inoue Hideo also notes that people during that period generally regarded Buddhism as a way to overcome personal misfortunes like sickness or to resolve social issues such as war, famine, family separation, and domestic quarrels (Inoue 1989, p. 38). Thus, miracles, especially those involving the healing of illnesses, were pivotal in convincing the people of Silla of Buddhism’s efficacy in addressing both personal and societal challenges.

The second significant miracle that helped Buddhism take root in Silla occurred during the 14th year of King Pŏphŭng’s reign.9 According to the Silla Pon-gi in the Samguk sagi, the king, eager to establish Buddhism, faced resistance from local aristocrats. Ich’adon (Yŏmch’ok), a devout Buddhist willing to sacrifice himself for the king’s cause, was beheaded, but a miraculous event followed his execution. Following this record from the Silla Pon-gi, Iryŏn elaborates on the miraculous elements in a eulogy of Ich’adon’s martyrdom, which was detailed by Ilnyŏm, a monk at Namgan Temple.

Down came the sword on the monk’s neck, and up flew his head spouting blood as white as milk. Suddenly, dark clouds covered the sky, rain poured down, and there was thunder and lightning. Fish leaped from the depths of the streams and flapped in the air, frightened monkeys jumped and shrieked as the trees swayed in the whistling wind, tigers ran and dragons flew, ghosts mourned, and goblins wept. It seemed that heaven and earth had turned upside down. From afar came the sound of a bell as the goddess of mercy welcomed the martyr’s fragrant soul into the Lotus Paradise. Hot tears rolled down the King’s dragon robe and cold sweat wet the courtiers to the bone. Yŏmch’ok’s childhood friends clung to his casket and wailed as if they had lost their parents. In tears, the onlookers praised him, saying that his glorious death outshone the heroic deeds of Kaijach’u and Hong-yon in old China. They admired him as an immortal saint for his self-sacrificing support of the King’s faith in Buddhism and for the completion of the missionary task of Ado.

(Ilyon [Iryŏn] 1972, Samguk yusa: Legends and History of the Three Kingdoms of Ancient Korea, p. 188)

When Ich’adon was beheaded, white, milk-like blood spurted out instead of red blood. This miraculous event moved not only the king, his ministers, and the people but also all of nature, from fish and turtles to trees and monkeys. Iryŏn, after meticulously recording the plan between Ich’adon and King Pŏphŭng to officially recognize Buddhism, Ich’adon’s dramatic sacrifice, and the miraculous events that followed—details not included in the Silla Pon-gi—went on to praise Ich’adon alongside Ado and King Pŏphŭng as the three saints of Silla. He emphasized that Silla’s unification of the Three Kingdoms was made possible precisely because of such sacrifices.10 Inspired by these miracles, people came to believe that revering Buddhism in every household would bring worldly prosperity and spiritual benefits.

Iryŏn, with his Buddhist editorial intention, includes an account of how, in Koguryŏ, under the advice of Yŏn Hapsomun or Kaesomun, King Pojang sought to introduce Daoism from the Tang Dynasty to promote a balance among the three teachings—Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism.11 Monk Podŏk, residing at Panyong Temple, repeatedly warned the king that placing Daoism in rivalry with Buddhism would endanger the nation, but the king ignored him. In response, Podŏk used his supernatural powers to move Panyong Temple to Mount Kodae in Wansanju in the south. This event ultimately contributed to the downfall of the country. Iryŏn organizes the section on “The Rise of Buddhism” by detailing the introduction and acceptance of Buddhism in the state, illustrating how the growth of the Dharma correlates with the nation’s prosperity or decline. By presenting these events in this way, he emphasizes that the early reception and development of Buddhism, alongside the flourishing of the Dharma, are intimately linked to the rise and fall of the state (Yi 2023, p. 310).

The introduction of Buddhism into Silla was a gradual process that took nearly a century, and scholars suggest that this transition did not result in the complete displacement of indigenous beliefs. Kidong Lee emphasizes that while Buddhism and Confucianism might seem to have overtaken traditional religions, the reality was more complex, with no definitive victory and a persistent coexistence of old and new ideals (Lee 2004, pp. 69–70). It was a challenging task to replace deeply entrenched indigenous beliefs in deities, such as the heavenly gods, earth mother goddesses, sacred trees, and celestial horses and dragons, with Buddhism. However, stories of miracles that claimed adherence to Buddhist teachings would not only result in miraculous healing but also protect the nation from foreign invasions and bring various benefits, likely facilitating this transition.

3.2. Pagodas and Buddhist Images 塔像 (T’apsang)

The miraculous stories found in the section of “Pagodas and Buddhist Images” are closely connected to the sanctification of Buddhist stupas and images. Sŏ Chŏngwŏn points out that when Buddha’s images were first introduced to the Korean Peninsula in the fourth century, the concept of Buddhist statues acquiring sacredness independently of the Buddha’s physical body had not yet emerged in either India or China (C. Sŏ 2023, p. 230). In both regions, the sacredness of Buddhist statues traditionally relied on the presence of the Buddha’s relics (śarīra), which were believed to contain the spiritual essence of the Buddha. However, Sŏ Chŏngwŏn emphasizes that one of the main characteristics of the Buddhist statues and stupas in the “Pagodas and Buddhist Images” section of the Samguk yusa is that they acquired sacredness without depending on such relics. This raises the question: how did the stupas and images in the Samguk yusa come to embody their sacredness if not through relics? According to Sŏ, this was achieved through their association with miraculous stories, which played a crucial role in establishing their sanctity. These stories, which can be categorized into four main types, dominate this section of the Samguk yusa and serve as the primary means by which the sacredness of these objects is conveyed and affirmed.

The first type of miracle tales suggests that Silla was originally the Buddha’s land.12 These tales are substantiated by the miraculous elements tied to the physical presence or remnants of stupas and Buddhist images that are believed to date back to the time of Śākyamuni or Kasŏp Buddha (St. Kāśyapa, 迦葉佛), one of the three Buddhas of antiquity who preceded the current Buddha, Śākyamuni (Buswell and Lopez 2014, p. 425).13

According to the old book Oknyong-chip (Jade Dragon Collection) and various biographies of Chajang and other monks, there was a pedestal of a Kasŏp Buddha [迦葉佛宴坐石] to the south of the royal palace in the eastern part of Wolsŏng [Wŏlsŏng] in Silla. This was the site of an ancient temple dating to pre-Buddhist times, on the ruins of which the present Hwangnyong Temple was built.

(Ilyon [Iryŏn] 1972, Samguk yusa: Legends and History of the Three Kingdoms of Ancient Korea, p. 198, highlights in italics are mine)

The literal meaning of “Kasŏppul yŏnjwasŏk” (迦葉佛宴坐石), the pedestal of Kāśyapa Buddha, is “the stone where Kāśyapa Buddha practiced seated meditation.” Thus, these historical records claim that a seated stone at Hwangnyongsa is where Kāśyapa Buddha, the predecessor of Śākyamuni, meditated. This legend strongly suggests that Silla was originally the Buddha’s land, or even more authentic Buddha’s land where the predecessor of Śākyamuni once meditated. And this fact is further reaffirmed by the renowned Silla monk Chajang when he traveled to China to study.14 Upon reaching Mt. Wutai, he encountered the incarnate bodhisattva Munsu (Mañjuśrī), who delivered an oracle to him: “Hwangnyong Temple in Silla is a divine place where Śākyamuni and the Kasŏp Buddha abode and lectured on the holy life. The stone pedestal of the Kasŏp Buddha is still there.”15 Through this, Silla not only secured its legitimacy as a Buddhist land, but also, what might have outwardly seemed like just an ordinary stone—“the flat-topped stone was 5.6 feet high and three arm-spans around”, “early pilgrims who visited the temple testified”—was able to establish its sanctity even without the presence of the true relics of the Buddha.16

It is also recorded that in the fourteenth year of King Chinhŭng’s reign (553), a yellow dragon appeared at the site of a palace under construction, leading the King to convert it into Hwangnyong Temple, or Yellow Dragon Temple.17 Years later, a ship from India arrived, carrying gold and iron intended for Buddha images, with a letter explaining that King Ayuk (Aśoka) of India had failed to cast them. King Ayuk decided to send the gold and iron on a ship to find a more skillful Buddhist nation. After traveling through many nations and ports, the ship finally arrived in Silla. There, King Chinhŭng successfully had the materials cast into a sixteen-foot Buddha and two bodhisattva images by skilled Silla artisans. The casting was ultimately completed at Hwangnyong Temple in Silla. And then, Iryŏn composed the following poem to praise the Buddha statue and the two images of bodhisattvas, which had melted away in the flames of war, leaving only a small image of Śākyamuni behind:

Buddha’s palace is everywhere under the sun,

Yet the fire of his incense burns most brightly in our country;

King Ayuk’s gold and iron came to Wolsong

To become the image of Buddha facing its old pedestal.

(Ilyon [Iryŏn] 1972, Samguk yusa: Legends and History of the Three Kingdoms of Ancient Korea, p. 207)

The reason why the Buddha statue, which even King Aśoka could not create, was able to be made in the land of Silla is because Silla was the original homeland of the ancient Buddha. This reflects a Silla-centric worldview, portraying Silla as a Buddhist land and a sacred territory. Thus, in the context of early Korean Buddhism, the sanctification of stupas and images relied less on physical relics and more on the power of narrative—particularly miraculous stories that imbued these objects with a sense of divine presence and authority. These divine presence and authority are intrinsically linked to the notion of Silla as the authentic land of the Buddha, a sacred realm that, in some respects, was seen as even preceding the land of India, where the historical Buddha was born.

The second type of miracle tales relates to the miraculous powers of pagodas and Buddhist images. These miracles include not only the healing powers that cure illnesses but also the ability to grant people’s wishes, such as helping them conceive a son, bringing back a child who has left home, and most importantly, protecting the nation from invasions by neighboring countries.

A striking example of such a miraculous tale goes as follows in the Samguk yusa. In ancient China, a court artist, possibly Chang Sŭng-yu, was commissioned by the Celestial Emperor to paint a portrait of his favorite, a woman of unmatched beauty.18 While adding the final touches, the artist accidentally painted a mole below her navel. The Emperor, suspecting the artist had seen the woman intimately, ordered his execution. However, the artist’s life was spared when he painted a lifelike image of the eleven-faced Kwanŭm (Avalokiteśvara) bodhisattva, matching a figure the Emperor had seen in a dream. After this, the artist fled to Silla, where he created revered portraits of the bodhisattva at Chungsaeng Temple. The people of Kyŏngju admired and prayed to these portraits for blessings, and their wishes were fulfilled.

After the portraits of the bodhisattva were completed at this temple, three instances of the bodhisattva’s miraculous power became evident. First, when Ch’oe Ŭnsŏng’s wife prayed to Buddha at Chungsaeng Temple for a son, her prayer was answered, and she conceived a boy. Later, during an invasion, Ch’oe entrusted his infant son to the care of Kwanŭm. When he returned, he found the child miraculously safe, healthy, and well-nourished, despite the surrounding chaos. This divine protection and nurturing power ultimately allowed the child, Ch’oe Sŭngno, to grow up and achieve great success, with his descendants also rising to high positions. Second, when Sŏng-t’ae, the abbot of Chungsaeng Temple, faced financial hardship and considered leaving the temple, he was reassured by a vision of Kwanŭm. She promised to procure donations for the temple. Shortly after, a caravan arrived with supplies, guided by a mysterious monk who resembled the bodhisattva. This miracle ensured the temple’s sustenance and demonstrated the bodhisattva’s intervention in providing for her devotees. Third, during a fire at the temple, the image of Kwanŭm was found outside in the courtyard, unharmed, showcasing the bodhisattva’s protective power. Additionally, Chŏmsung, an illiterate monk, was tested by a celestial being and demonstrated extraordinary wisdom and spiritual insight, affirming his worthiness to remain at the temple. The celestial being’s acknowledgment of Chŏmsung’s inner virtue further emphasizes the bodhisattva’s influence and support for sincere practitioners.

The story of the Nine-Story Pagoda at Hwangnyong Temple begins with Chajang, a revered Silla monk.19 After receiving a divine oracle in China, Chajang sought the approval of Queen Sŏngdŏk to construct the pagoda. In 636, Queen Sŏngdŏk approved the plan and invited Paekje architect Abiji and his team of two hundred architects to design and build the pagoda as a symbol of protection and tribute. The pagoda is said to have played a crucial role in securing Silla’s prosperity and safety, contributing to its rise in power and the eventual unification of the Korean peninsula.

These miracle stories lead readers to believe that the bodhisattva statues, Buddhist images, or stupas/pagodas created in Silla were not merely representations but could manifest the real presence of Avalokiteśvara or the power of Buddha, performing various mystical and miraculous deeds. In other words, making a wish before a bodhisattva statue implies that the bodhisattva has the power to manifest before anyone, as demonstrated by these three miraculous stories. Additionally, it implies that building a stupa in Silla was considered an effective way to protect the nation from foreign invasion. According to the story of the Nine-Story Pagoda, the construction of this pagoda at Hwangnyong Temple played a key role in Silla’s eventual unification of the Korean peninsula.

The third type of miracle associated with Buddhist stupas or images is their power to transform people’s malicious intentions, desires, and animosity. This signifies that the true power of these structures lies in their ability to effect moral and spiritual change in individuals. It goes beyond mere superstitious beliefs, illustrating that true miracles are found in the enlightenment and transformation of people’s hearts. For example, when Chosin, a young monk who was appointed as the caretaker of a manor belonging to Segyu Temple (later known as Honggyo-sa) during the Silla period, he fell in love with the daughter of Kim Hun-kong, the county magistrate of Nalli county in Myŏngju prefecture.20 So, he secretly went before the bodhisattva of compassion at Naksan Temple and prayed to be granted the love of the woman. However, she married someone else. In his sorrow, he resented the bodhisattva for not fulfilling his wish and wept bitterly until sunset. Eventually, he fell asleep and had a dream. The story follows that Chosin left his monastic life to live with his beloved wife. They built a modest home and lived happily for many years, raising five children. However, as time passed, they fell into deep poverty, struggling to survive. Their eldest son died of hunger, and the family continued to suffer, with Chosin and his wife growing old, frail, and ill. Overwhelmed by their hardships, Chosin’s wife suggests that they part ways, each taking two of their remaining children. As they prepare to say their final goodbyes, Chosin awakens, revealing the entire ordeal to have been a dream.

As a result of this dream, Chosin’s worldly desires melted away like ice, leaving him completely free of them. Filled with a deep sense of shame, he gazed at the statue of the bodhisattva of compassion and repented endlessly. He then went to Haehybŏn, where in his dream he had buried a child, and unearthed it, only to find a stone Maitreya. He enshrined the stone Maitreya in a nearby temple, founded Chŏng’to (Pure Land) Temple, and from then on diligently practiced good deeds. At the end of this story, Iryŏn composed a poem to admonish readers with the following warning.

Youth and beauty may meet in love for a moment’s joy,

But rosy cheeks soon pale in sadness, like autumn leaves;

Wealth and nobility are like floating clouds,

And this temporal life of desire is only an empty dream;

Men’s good or bad behavior stems from their inner minds,

Yet young men dream of fair brows and thieves of treasure;

Behold how one night’s dreaming under the autumn sky

Can lead a man to enjoy the cool air with closed eyes.

(Ilyon [Iryŏn] 1972, Samguk yusa: Legends and History of the Three Kingdoms of Ancient Korea, p. 251)

The poem encourages the reader to reflect on the impermanence of life, such as the transient nature of life, love, and material wealth, and to seek a deeper understanding beyond fleeting pleasures and material gains. Through this story, Iryŏn appears to convey that the true power and significance of a Buddhist stupa or image are not merely in their physical presence or the miracles they may seem to bring about. Instead, the real transformative power lies in the way these religious symbols inspire individuals to awaken to Buddhist teachings and realize deeper truths about life.

This point is further confirmed in the story “The Reflection of Buddha on Fish Mountain” from the Samguk yusa.21 King Suro, who was born from an egg sent from heaven, ruled the land while a dragon and ogres wreaked havoc by summoning storms and ruining crops. Despite the king’s magical efforts, the creatures continued their mischief. It was only after he prayed to Buddha and the monsters received the Five Precepts that they were subdued. Following this, fish and dragons from the Eastern Sea filled a valley with water and lived there, creating music by striking jade stones with their heads and tails. This story explains the origins of Manŏ-sa (Temple of Ten Thousand Fish), which Iryŏn recounts as being derived from Indian sources, quoting these sources directly after the story in the Samguk yusa. The story reaffirms that the fundamental mystical power to protect a nation from calamities comes from resolving malicious thoughts. In other words, true mysticism lies in dispelling the three poisons of the mind, which brings genuine peace to the nation. Furthermore, it suggests that Buddhism is not limited to faith for worldly benefits but is evolving toward a practice that fosters enlightenment and inner transformation.

Finally, the pinnacle of tales about the pagoda and statues in this section would be the tale of two ordinary people from Silla, Nohil Pudŭk and Tal-tal Pakpak, who, after diligent practice, ultimately became Avalokiteśvara and Amitābha Buddha themselves.22 They initially lived fulfilling lives with their wives but decided to pursue a higher spiritual path. They leave their homes and retreat to a secluded valley to deepen their practice. During their time of seclusion, a mysterious and beautiful woman, later revealed to be the goddess of mercy, Kwanŭm bodhisattva, visits them. The woman tests both monks’ spiritual resolve. Pakpak initially resists her, fearing he might succumb to temptation, while Pudŭk allows her into his cell and helps her during childbirth. After showing compassion and bathing in a tub of golden water, Pudŭk is transformed into a Avalokisteśvara Buddha, radiating light. Pakpak, realizing his mistake in turning the woman away, also bathes in the golden water and is similarly transformed into a Amitābha Buddha. The two monks, now divine beings, preach to the villagers before ascending to heaven in chariots above the clouds. In 755, during the first year of King Kyŏngdŏk of Silla, the King was moved by this remarkable story. Two years later, in 757, he ordered the construction of a grand temple at the site where these events took place, naming it the South Temple of the White Moon Mountains.

This mysterious story extends the concept of Silla as a Buddha-land by showing that ordinary people in Silla could become Amitābha Buddha and Kwanŭm bodhisattva. The cult of Amitābha is prominently featured in Korean historical records starting from the Unified Silla period (ca. 668–935) (Choe 2015, p. 14). From the second half of the seventh century to the middle of the eighth century, the worship of Amitābha became one of the most visible forms of Buddhist devotion, although Pure Land Buddhism did not develop into a separate tradition, sect, or independent school in Silla (McBride 2020, p. 78).

In Silla, it was believed that Maitreya occasionally appeared in the form of a hwarang, and as a result, Silla was seen as a divine place where Maitreya could reside, similar to Tuṣita Heaven (Choe 2015, p. 128; McBride 2010, p. 57). Thus, Silla was regarded as part of Maitreya’s Pure Land. According to Choe Yeonshik, in Paekche and Silla, where people considered their own country to be the Pure Land of Maitreya, the aspiration for rebirth in Tuṣita Heaven was not emphasized (Choe 2015, p. 28).23 Although Buddhism first entered Silla through commoners like Morye and his sister, as recorded in the Samguk yusa, it was King Pŏphŭng’s official recognition of the religion that truly marked the beginning of its development in Silla. As a result, a noticeable divide emerged between the aristocratic and the commoners in terms of its spread, and state Buddhism did not necessarily serve as spiritual nourishment for common people (Chang 1991, p. 274). However, during the Unified Silla period, several prominent Buddhist masters worked to make Buddhist practices more accessible to the common people. As a result, Maitreya’s Pure Land faith quickly gained popularity among the populace. Particularly in terms of faith, the stories that even women and low-born individuals could attain rebirth in the Pure Land in their present form suggests that Buddhism in Silla had deeply rooted itself across all social classes, from the aristocracy to the common people.

3.3. Anecdotes of Renowned Monks 義解 (Ŭihye)

The “Anecdotes of Renowned Monks” section demonstrates the abilities of about forty-four great Dharma masters who lived in the land of the Korean Peninsula (Ko 2023, p. 175), which is most closely related to the Buddhist concept of miracles explained earlier. In the Buddhist worldview, it is not only the Buddha who possesses various supernatural powers; his disciples can also attain such abilities through practice. Therefore, from a Buddhist perspective, these abilities are not considered supernatural but rather “higher knowledges” that anyone can achieve. According to the Pāli Canon, these abilities include the following six: (1) knowledge of various supernormal powers, such as the ability to replicate mind-made bodies of oneself, pass through solid objects, walk on water, fly through the air, touch the sun and moon, and ascend to the highest heavens, (2) divine ear, the ability to hear from afar, (3) knowledge of comprehending the mind or cognizing the thoughts of others, (4) knowledge of recollection of past lives, (5) divine eye, or knowledge of passing away and rebirth, and (6) knowledge of the destruction of the influential defilements (Clough 2010, pp. 410–11).

Wŏn’gwang was a highly respected monk from Silla who achieved these higher knowledges.24 Wŏn’gwang was deeply interested in history and Buddhist literature from a young age and quickly gained fame for his erudition and literary skills in Korea. Seeking to further his knowledge, Wŏn’gwang traveled to China, specifically to Nanking, at the age of twenty-five. During his time in China, he studied under the disciples of prominent Buddhist scholars and realized that his previous knowledge was insufficient compared to the depth of Buddhist teachings. After gaining permission from the Emperor, he became a monk and dedicated himself to Buddhist studies. He eventually became renowned for his deep understanding of Buddhist scriptures, particularly the Nirvāṇa Sūtra and the Aham kyŏng (Āgama). Wŏn’gwang’s teachings attracted large audiences in China, and his lectures were known for their profound interpretations and eloquence, leading many to admire and follow him.

After a time the Sui Emperor conquered Chen and destroyed it. When the Sui army entered Yangtu (the capital), Wongwang [Wŏn’gwang] was taken captive and was about to be killed. But just at that moment, the Sui general noticed that the temple pagoda was in flames. He rushed forward to save the historic treasure from fire, but on a nearer view he saw that the pagoda was not burning despite the flames which enveloped it, and that Wongwang [Wŏn’gwang], bound hand and foot, was kneeling before its holy pedestal. The general was awe-struck by the Silla monk, who no doubt was working wonders through the providence of Buddha even in a time of emergency, and set him free at once.

(Ilyon [Iryŏn] 1972, Samguk yusa: Legends and History of the Three Kingdoms of Ancient Korea, pp. 280–81)

In this story, Wŏn’gwang displays a miraculous ability that is attributed to the providence of Buddha. As he is about to be killed by the Sui army, the temple pagoda appears to be engulfed in flames. However, despite the flames, the pagoda remains unharmed. This extraordinary event, occurring while Wŏn’gwang is bound and kneeling before the pagoda, convinces the Sui general that Wŏn’gwang is performing a miraculous feat through Buddha’s power. The general is so awed by this occurrence that he decides to set Wŏn’gwang free immediately. This ability reflects the belief that highly advanced Buddhist practitioners, like Wŏn’gwang, could manifest miraculous events or be protected by divine intervention, particularly in times of great danger. Specifically, the miracle that Wŏn’gwang demonstrated corresponds to the first ability mentioned in the Pāli Canon, psychic powers (iddhi-vidhā): the ability to perform various supernatural feats, such as multiplying one’s body, becoming invisible, walking on water, passing through walls, and flying through the air.

Hyegong, believed to be the incarnation of Master Sŭngjo (the third patriarch in Chan lineage) in this life, was renowned for his spiritual powers.25 Even the most famous monk of Silla at the time, Wŏnhyo, would occasionally visit him to learn about Buddhist teachings. He also demonstrated remarkable miraculous abilities, including remaining in a well for several months without emerging, and even after coming out, his clothes remained dry; staying completely dry and clean during heavy rain, with no mud sticking to his feet; and catching fish and shrimp, then excreting without defecating, essentially returning the fish to life.26 In case of Ŭisang, who brought Huayan Buddhism to Korea, he demonstrated the ability of levitation.27 While at Hwangbok Temple, he could ascend and turn around in the air without touching the steps of the pagoda. He performed this feat with other monks, who also floated three feet off the ground. These feats can be considered localized versions of Buddhist supernormal abilities.

Wŏn’gwang achieved enlightenment in China and, after several decades, returned to Silla to spread his teachings, gaining admiration and respect from many people. Up until his death at the age of 99, he performed numerous miracles in Silla, which were new and wondrous powers not seen in Indian Buddhism. The first of these was the power to heal diseases.

In a memorandum about his master Wongwang [Wŏn’gwang], Wonan wrote, “The King of Silla was taken seriously ill and no medicine could do him any good. His Majesty called on Wŏn’gwang to stay in the palace and expound the mysteries of Buddhism to him. Wŏn’gwang obeyed, and explained to the King Buddha’s commandments of repentance and faith. One evening the King glanced at Wŏn’gwang and was astonished to see that he was enveloped in a shining halo. The Queen and the court ladies begged the holy monk not to leave the royal presence. Shining like the evening sun, Wŏn’gwang obeyed, and soon the King’s malady was cured.

(Ilyon [Iryŏn] 1972, Samguk yusa: Legends and History of the Three Kingdoms of Ancient Korea, p. 283)

What is interesting here is that during the process of healing the king’s illness, Wŏn’gwang explained the Buddha’s instructions of repentance and faith, and only then did the illness cure. This suggests that, unlike the indigenous shamanistic beliefs in Silla, which attributed illness to spirits or evil beings in the past, it now implies that the causes of physical illness might be related to the mind and faith. And this miraculous power to heal diseases was demonstrated not only by Wŏn’gwang but also by Hyet’ong and Hyegong among others.

The second miraculous power demonstrated by Wŏn’gwang, which was new and wondrous compared to those seen in Indian Buddhism, was his ability to protect his country, Silla.28 Upon returning from China, Wŏn’gwang was honored by the King and the court as a distinguished teacher and invited to give lectures on the Mahāyāna Sutra. During this period, Silla was under threat from invasions by Koguryŏ and Paekche, which disrupted the kingdom’s peace and stability. In response to the crisis, the King sought assistance from the Sui government and asked Wŏn’gwang to write an official letter to the Emperor. Wŏn’gwang crafted the letter with such skill and eloquence that it greatly impressed the Emperor. Consequently, the Emperor mobilized 300,000 troops and personally led them against Koguryŏ. Wŏn’gwang’s adept handling of this task not only earned him acclaim for his literary skills but also showcased his remarkable ability to influence and move people through his writing.

Finally, the remarkable supernatural powers of the Silla monks were not only the ability to influence people but also to affect and move the forces of the natural universe. A representative example of this is the story of Master Chinp’yo.29 Chinp’yo became a monk at twelve and was a disciple of Dharma master Sungje, who had studied in China and received the Five Precepts from the living Munsu (Mañjuśrī) bodhisattva at Wutaishan. Chinp’yo was dedicated to receiving the Buddha’s precepts and undertook rigorous practices, including striking his head and limbs against a rock for weeks. His devotion was rewarded when the Chijang (Kṣitigarbha) bodhisattva appeared and gave him the Precepts of purification. Later, Chinp’yo moved to Yŏngsan Temple, where he underwent further ordeals and Maitreya appeared to him. Maitreya gave him the two volumes of the Chŏmch’al-gyŏng, a Buddhist divination book, and 189 divination sticks, which were to be used for predicting worldly troubles and providing guidance. Chinp’yo then began holding annual divination services for large groups of Buddhist followers.

When Chinp’yo arrived at Asullaju, the fish and turtles of the sea formed a long bridge between the islands and conducted him to the dragon palace at the bottom, where he delivered the commandments [precepts] of Buddha to the dragons in a sermon. This was in the eleventh year of T’ien-pao (752).

(Ilyon [Iryŏn] 1972, Samguk yusa: Legends and History of the Three Kingdoms of Ancient Korea, p. 314)

Another record describes how, when Chinp’yo went to the beach at Myŏngju, fish and turtles emerged from the sea and gathered around him, forming a bridge of their bodies across the water to the land.30 It is also recorded that Chinp’yo entered the sea, recited the precepts, and then returned to the shore. Additionally, when Chinp’yo met a person riding a cart drawn by oxen, the oxen knelt and cried before him. This was because the oxen, aware that Chinp’yo had received the precepts from Maitreya and Kṣitigarbha and held the Dharma in high regard, showed their respect by kneeling and weeping.31 This record demonstrates that Chinp’yo’s special practice of repentance with self-forgetfulness had such a profound effect that it influenced not only many people but also all creatures, such as fish, turtles, and oxen.

3.4. Miracles [Esoteric Buddhist Divine Mantras] 神呪 (Sinju)

In the seventh century, Esoteric Buddhism began to be introduced to Silla, leading to notable activities by esoteric monks and a variety of miraculous events being reported (Y. Sŏ 1992, p. 115). The worldly benefits of Esoteric Buddhism, such as curing illness and protecting the state from invasions, became more accessible to people as it merged with existing local beliefs during the process of Buddhism’s adoption in Silla. In other words, as Buddhism integrated with indigenous folk beliefs, it became localized and grew as a new powerful, ideological concept within Silla society, as reflected in various accounts in the Miracles [Esoteric Buddhist Divine Mantras] section. First, let me summarize the four stories of Queen Sŏndok, Kim Yang-to, and a hermit who was Kim Yusin’s friend for our examination.

A. Queen Sŏndok fell seriously ill, and despite the efforts of Popch’ok, a monk from Hŭngnyun-sa, her condition did not improve. The courtiers then called upon Milbon, a highly esteemed esoteric Buddhist monk. Milbon stood outside the Queen’s chamber and read aloud from the Yaksagyŏng, the Book of Bhaiṣajyagura (the Buddha of Healing). He then threw his magical staff with six metal rings into the room. The staff struck and expelled an old fox and Popch’ok, who were revealed to be responsible for the illness. From that moment, the Queen began to recover.

(Ilyon [Iryŏn] 1972, Samguk yusa, 6: 111, “Milbon the Exorcist”, p. 331)

B. As a young boy, Kim Yang-to was paralyzed by fear after encountering a large ghost and its followers, who cursed a sorceress trying to drive them away. His father called a monk from Pŏpnyu-sa to exorcise the ghosts, but the monk was killed by them. Later, Milbon was summoned, and upon his arrival, the ghosts were terrified. Milbon’s presence was so powerful that heavenly warriors appeared to bind the ghosts. Before Milbon finished his rituals, Kim Yang-to was miraculously healed. Grateful for the monk’s help, Kim Yang-to became a devout Buddhist and later honored Milbon by placing sacred images and a golden mural in Hŭngnyun-sa.

(Ilyon [Iryŏn] 1972, Samguk yusa, 6: 111, “Milbon the Exorcist”, pp. 331–32)

C. General Kim Yu-sin of Silla had a friend who was a hermit, whose name has been lost. When the general’s kinsman, Such’on, was seriously ill, the hermit was asked to help. A monk named Inhyesa, who had traveled from Chung-ak to treat Such’on, arrogantly dismissed the hermit, doubting his abilities. To demonstrate his power, Inhyesa performed a spell, causing clouds and heavenly flowers to appear. The hermit then used his own magic, flicking Inhyesa’s forehead and sending him flying into the air, where he landed with his head stuck in the ground and his feet pointing upwards. The monk remained in this position all night, unable to move. The next day, at Such’on’s request, the hermit released Inhyesa, who then humbly swore never to boast about his magic again.

(Ilyon [Iryŏn] 1972, Samguk yusa, 6: 111, “Milbon the Exorcist”, p. 332)

D. The story of Hyet’ong follows his transformation from an ordinary person into a powerful monk after a profound awakening. After witnessing a miraculous event involving an otter, he renounces his former life and studies under a famous Chinese monk, Wuwei San-tsang. Despite initial rejection, Hyet’ong earns San-tsang’s respect through a daring act of devotion, eventually mastering esoteric Buddhist teachings. Hyet’ong gains fame by curing the T’ang Emperor’s daughter of a mysterious illness by transforming beans into heavenly warriors who defeat the dragon tormenting her. The dragon, however, escapes to Silla and wreaks havoc. Hyet’ong returns to Silla, where he defeats the dragon again, saving the people. When the dragon seeks revenge by inhabiting a willow tree, Hyet’ong’s friend, Chŏng Kong, is executed due to the dragon’s influence. Hyet’ong uses his mystical powers to intimidate the king’s soldiers and eventually heals the king’s daughter, leading to the king repenting and sparing Chŏng Kong’s family. Hyet’ong continues his mission of exorcising evil spirits and building temples to bring peace and moral reform to Silla.

(Ilyon [Iryŏn] 1972, Samguk yusa, 6: 112, “Hyet’ong Conquers the Evil Dragon”, pp. 333–37)

Healing illnesses and performing miraculous abilities are among the key characteristics we have already examined. However, what is particularly notable in this section is the emphasis on the fact that the spiritual power of the newly introduced Esoteric Buddhist monks was far greater than that of the traditional Buddhist monks and the forces of indigenous beliefs. Specifically, the illnesses of Queen Sŏndok and Kim Yang-to were linked to the forces of indigenous beliefs, such as an old fox spirit and ghosts. These forces could not be subdued by regular Buddhist monks, but only by an Esoteric Buddhist monk, Milbon, who was able to calm these forces and heal the illnesses. Additionally, when General Kim Yusin asked his friend, the hermit, to heal his relative Such’ŏn’s illness, the Buddhist monk Inhyesa initially dismissed the hermit and boasted about his own spiritual powers, only to end up being greatly humiliated by the hermit. These stories suggest that Esoteric Buddhism was beginning to establish itself as a new and more powerful Buddhist ideology, surpassing both ordinary Buddhism and Silla’s indigenous beliefs. The final story of Hyet’ong subduing the dragon suggests the immense power of the vengeful dragon that came from the Tang dynasty. At the same time, it highlights the exceptional spiritual power of Hyet’ong, who was able to resolve the dragon’s deep-seated resentment. In addition to Milbon, Myŏngnang was another high monk known for his spiritual power and achievements. He is associated with a legend where he entered a dragon palace to receive a holy seal, known as Mudrā in Sanskrit. He founded a temple in Sinyurim, which is now known as Ch’onwang-sa (Deva Temple), and was dedicated to protecting the nation from frequent invasions. As Sŏ Yungil noted, while Buddhism was introduced to Korea in the late fourth century, it continued to be in significant conflict with indigenous beliefs and ideologies until the late seventh century. This indicates that by that time, Korean Buddhism had not yet achieved full indigenization. However, in overcoming this conflict and achieving complete indigenization, the role of Esoteric Buddhism—particularly its mystical aspects—was crucial (Y. Sŏ 1992, p. 115).

3.5. Tales of Devotion [Miraculous Responses] 感通 (Kamt’ong)

Ganying 感應 (Kr. kamŭng) is a concept rooted in Chinese cosmology that refers to a principle of interaction between different elements of the universe, where one action can stimulate a corresponding response. In the context of Chinese Buddhism, ganying is used to explain how the faith and devotion of Buddhists can evoke a direct response from Buddhas or bodhisattvas. This concept, often translated as “sympathetic resonance” or “stimulus response”, is difficult to fully capture in English but broadly refers to the mutual influence between beings and the cosmos (Campany 2012, p. 49). In Buddhist tales, ganying explains how acts of piety and devotion lead to divine interventions or miracles, reflecting the interconnectedness of all things in the universe. Ganying can also be invoked to explain moral retribution, ritual efficacy, and natural and astronomical cycles (Campany 2012, pp. 49–50).

In this section of “Tales of Devotion” [Miraculous Responses], we can find concepts of “sympathetic resonance” or “stimulus response”, similar to what is seen in Chinese Buddhism. The first type of ganying can be used to explain how the faith and devotion of Buddhists can elicit responses from Buddhas or bodhisattvas. As Campany notes, “sincere, intense, and repeatedly performed acts of devotion and supplication, serving as a stimulus, will evoke immediate and tangible responses from the Buddha, bodhisattvas, or spiritual beings being supplicated” (Campany 2012, p. 32).

For example, the following story illustrates the profound connection between a practitioner’s devotion and the response from bodhisattvas and Buddhas, ultimately leading the practitioner herself to become a bodhisattva. During the reign of King Kyŏngdŏk, a group of devout Buddhists in Kangju built Mita Temple and worshipped Buddha for ten thousand days to attain the lotus paradise.32 Among them was Ukmyŏn, a female slave of the aristocratic Kwijin family, who devotedly prayed at the temple despite her harsh treatment. She endured grueling tasks at home but still managed to attend prayers and demonstrate her devotion by tying her hands with a rope to pegs in the temple courtyard. One evening, a divine voice instructed Ukmyŏn to enter the Buddha’s main hall and offer her prayer. As she prayed, heavenly music filled the air, and a whirlwind lifted her through the temple’s roof. Her mortal body fell away as she ascended to the lotus paradise, becoming a bodhisattva seated on a lotus pedestal, while brilliant rays and celestial music filled the scene for the awe-struck worshippers below.

Furthermore, the Buddha’s responsiveness is not limited to human dedication alone, as illustrated by the story of Kim Hyŏn and his tigress wife.33 During King Wŏnsŏng’s reign in Silla (785–799), a young man named Kim Hyŏn prayed nightly around the pagoda at Hŭngnyun Temple from February 8th to 15th, hoping to fulfill a great wish. During this period, he met and fell in love with a beautiful maiden, who was actually a tigress in human form. She was the sister of three tigers known for their cruelty and had taken on human form to seek redemption for her brothers’ sins. On the final night, Kim Hyŏn followed the maiden to her remote home, where they were hidden from her tiger brothers. The tigress woman, determined to atone for her brothers’ evil deeds, planned to be killed by Kim Hyŏn as a way to repay his kindness. Her actions, influenced by a heavenly call for justice, led to a miracle in which the sins of all tigers were redeemed. This story illustrates the Buddha’s universal responsiveness to both Kim Hyŏn’s dedicated prayers and the tigress’s commitment.

The second type of ganying illustrates the deep connection between a practitioner’s devotion and sincerity and the response from the cosmic response. A representative example of this is the story of Wŏlmyŏng’s Tosolga.34 During King Kyŏngdŏk’s reign in 760, two suns appeared in the sky for ten days, signaling a potential catastrophe. To avert disaster, the King sought a lucky monk to compose and recite a prayer. Wŏlmyŏng, a monk of the Kuksŏn Hwarang order, was chosen and improvised a native song, “Tosol-ga” (Song of the Tuṣita Heaven). After he sang, the ominous sign vanished, and the King rewarded him with tea and a rosary. Suddenly, a handsome youth appeared from the western service gate bearing gifts in his hands, and he vanished from their sight like a mist. The King sent servants to fetch him back, but he hid himself in the Naewon Pagoda, leaving the tea and the rosary before the southern mural painting of Maitreya. The first thing we can learn from this story is that Wŏlmyŏng’s profound virtue, sincerity, dedication, and the efficacy of the native song he composed caused the ominous sign to vanish.

Wŏlmyŏng composed and sang a sorrowful elegy for his deceased sister during a memorial service. The song expressed his grief over their separation and his hope to reunite in Amitabha’s land. As he sang, a strong wind suddenly blew the paper money used in the ritual away to the west, symbolizing the sister’s departure to the Western Pure Land. The fact that Wŏlmyŏng composed and sang an elegy in the native hyangga genre during a Buddhist ritual for his deceased sister demonstrates that Buddhism was becoming localized in Silla during this period. This Silla-localized Buddhist hymn not only had the power to ward off natural disasters but also to guide his ailing sister to the Pure Land.

The third type of ganying demonstrates the profound link between the merits of copying Buddhist scriptures—or the scriptures themselves—and the intervention of Buddhas or bodhisattvas. The following story of Sŏnyul demonstrates that not only is there a stimulus response that can grant rebirth through the merits of copying scriptures but also a miraculous efficacy in preventing various calamities, as shown in the following story.35

Sŏnyul, a monk from Mangdŏk Temple, was working on copying six hundred volumes of Buddhist scriptures when he died and was taken to the afterlife. Before the King of Hell, Sŏnyul explained his unfinished work. The King, impressed by Sŏnyul’s dedication, allowed him to return to life to complete the task. On his journey back, Sŏnyul encountered the soul of a woman who asked him to deliver a message to her parents in Silla, who had wronged Kŭmgang Temple. She requested that her belongings, hidden during her lifetime, be used to fund the copying of the scriptures so that she could be freed from torment. After returning to life, Sŏnyul fulfilled her request, and her soul found peace. He then completed the replication of the scriptures with the help of the community. The finished volumes were preserved and used in rituals to ward off disasters. Sŏnyul’s story illustrates that the merit from copying scriptures can secure a reprieve from death, help alleviate the suffering of departed souls, and provide protection against calamities through their use in rituals.

3.6. Seclusion 避隱 (P’iŭn)

Since Silla officially adopted Buddhism as the state religion in the sixth century, it produced many outstanding and renowned scholarly monks. Notable examples include Ŭisang 義湘 (625–702), Wŏnhyo 元曉 (617–686), Wŏn’gwang 圓光 (542–640), and Chajang 慈藏 (590–658), who were mentioned earlier. The main message of this section seems to be that, in addition to these famous great monks, there are many bodhisattvas and monks hidden throughout Silla. The section conveys the greatness of these hidden bodhisattvas and monks through various miraculous stories, highlighting their remarkable presence throughout the land of Silla.

First, Nang-chi 朗智 is a revered monk who lived on Yŏngch’u Mountain.36 He is described as having spent many years in seclusion and possessing wonderworking powers through his practice of the Lotus Sutra. Chit’ong is a novice monk who was originally a slave. He received a divine message from a crow instructing him to seek out Nang-chi on Yŏngch’u Mountain. Upon arriving, Chit’ong meets Nang-chi, who is revealed to be the monk that the crow had mentioned. Chit’ong is depicted as a spiritually mature and intelligent individual who had already received Buddha’s precepts from a bodhisattva named Pohyŏn (Samantabhadra) before meeting Nang-chi. Upon realizing this fact, Nang-chi bowed to Chit’ong, acknowledging that Chit’ong’s spiritual power was far superior. However, Nang-chi was a teacher whom Wŏnhyo would always visit and inquire about while staying at Pan-ko Temple. Both Chit’ong and Wŏnhyo were great teachers, and since these two saints served Nang-ch’i as their teacher, it demonstrates how truly remarkable Nang-chi’s teachings were. Nang-chi’s special ability is his miraculous power to travel on clouds. He would make daily trips to Chingliang-shan in China to attend Buddhist lectures.

At that time, the Chinese monks requested that all monks from other temples, except those residing at Chingliang-shan, bring flowers or rare plants from their own places and present them at the assembly. Nang-ch’i presented a branch of a rare plant. A Chinese monk then remarked, “This plant grows only on the two Holy Eagle Mountains in India and in Silla. These two mountains are part of the tenth Buddhist heaven, inhabited by Bodhisattvas, so the man who picked this branch must be a saint.” In other words, this demonstrates that Nang-ch’i, who lived in seclusion in Silla, was a great sage corresponding to the tenth and final stage of the bodhisattva path (St. dharmameghā or Kr. pŏbun chi 法雲地), just prior to the attainment of buddhahood (Buswell and Lopez 2014, p. 248).

In addition, Iryŏn records two saints named Kwangi and Tosŏng who lived on Mt. P’o. Following this, although they are not widely known, he also informs us about other great saints who emerged in Silla, including Pansa, Ch’ŏpsa, Doŭi, Chayang, Sŏngbŏm, Kŭmmulnyŏ, and Paegusa. Mulgyeja blamed himself for lacking the courage to be loyal to his country and thus lived in hiding in nature for his entire life. The monk Yŏngyŏ, who resided at Silche Temple and was known for his high virtues and conduct, was requested by King Kyŏngdŏk to come into the palace to offer prayers. After completing the prayers, Yŏngyŏ returned to the temple and vanished, leaving people unable to find him again. Yŏngjae is a monk known for his playful nature, his ability to compose excellent hymns, and his Buddhist worldview that rejects worldly possessions and honors. His ascetic and transcendent perspective deeply impressed about sixty bandits, who became his disciples and chose to live in hiding on Chiri Mountain.

Iryŏn introduces that not only in Silla but also in Paekche and Koguryŏ, there were monks who attained enlightenment. In Paekche, the monk Hyehyŏn studied and practiced the Lotus Sutra, Nagarjuna’s Madhyamaka Shastra, the Twelve Gates Treatise, and the Treatise on the Ten Stages.37 He spent his life in the mountains, connecting with the Buddha’s divine responses, and his name became known in China, leading to the writing of his biography. In Koguryŏ, the monk P’ayak received teachings from Zhiyi 智顗 (538–597), the founder of the Tiantai school, at Tiantai Mountain in China. P’ayak was known as a spiritually remarkable and extraordinary person and is said to have lived and died in the mountains. Through these stories, the text highlights that there were many great enlightened practitioners in the region, comparable to those in China.

Lastly, the story of the five monks who went to the Western Pure Land highlights how Pure Land faith deeply rooted itself in Silla. In the middle and late periods of Silla (654–780 and 780–935, respectively), the recitation of the name of Buddha Amitābha emerged as the dominant form of cultic Buddhist practice (McBride and Cho 2016, p. 1). The five monks recited the Amitābha Buddha’s name in a grotto on P’och’ŏn Mountain for many decades in their quest for the Western Pure Land. Eventually, they were transported to the Pure Land with the support of a host of saints who came from the west to greet them. In particular, the practice of reciting the Buddha’s name by these five monks demonstrates the aspect of rebirth in the present life rather than in the afterlife. Chang Hŭiok argues that this is a distinctive feature of Silla’s Pure Land faith that is not seen in other countries (Chang 1991, p. 284). Additionally, the chanting of a mysterious monk at P’iri Temple filled the entire city of Kyŏngju, resonating through all 170,000 houses in the 360 wards and subwards.38 Deeply moved by this, the people worshipped Buddha and named the monk Master Yŏmbul, meaning “Master of Reciting Buddha’s Name.” These stories indicate how extensively and profoundly the recitation of the Buddha’s name was practiced in Silla, serving as a primary method for achieving rebirth in the Pure Land.

3.7. Filial Piety 孝善 (Hyosŏn)

The final section of the Samguk yusa, titled “Filial Piety”, illustrates through miraculous stories that attaining enlightenment through Buddhist practice and making Buddha offerings by establishing temples are considered the highest forms of filial piety.

Chinjŏng, who became a disciple of Ŭisang, was in a dire situation due to his family’s poverty and was unable to marry.39 His mother, who took pleasure in making offerings to the Buddha, gave her last pot to a begging monk. Upon hearing that Ŭisang was teaching the Dharma on Mount T’aebaek, Chinjŏng vowed to become a monk after fulfilling his filial duties to his mother. However, his mother insisted that if he delayed becoming a monk because of her, it would be like sending her to hell. She prepared a final meal of rice with the last of her supplies and sent Chinjŏng to Ŭisang. After staying with Ŭisang for three years, Chinjŏng received news of his mother’s death. He entered a meditative trance and remained in it for seven days. Ŭisang, leading his disciples, went to Ch’udong on Mount Sobaek, where he built a thatched hut and gathered 3000 followers to teach the Avataṃsaka Sūtra for 90 days. When the teachings were complete, Chinjŏng’s mother appeared in a dream, saying “I have already been reborn in heaven.” This indicates that Chinjŏng achieved enlightenment through his monastic life, and his enlightenment and Ŭisang’s teachings ultimately allowed Chinjŏng’s mother to be reborn in heaven, demonstrating the highest form of filial piety.

The story of Kim Tae-sŏng, known for his extraordinary filial piety and achievements, unfolds as follows.40 Kim Tae-sŏng was born into a poor family. Due to their poverty, his mother placed him with a wealthy neighbor, Pog-an, where Tae-sŏng worked diligently and was eventually given a small rice field for their sustenance. When his master Pog-an donated to a virtuous monk named Chŏmgae from Hŭngnyun Temple, Kim Tae-sŏng overheard the monk telling Pog-an that the Buddha would give him ten thousand times what he had donated and bless him with long life and happiness. Kim Tae-sŏng persuaded his mother to donate their rice field to the temple, believing it would bring them great rewards in the afterlife. Kim Tae-sŏng died shortly after making the donation.

After his death, he was reborn as the prime minister’s son, and his previous mother was invited to live with him. As a young man, Tae-sŏng was an avid hunter. After killing a bear on Mt. T’oham, he dreamed that the bear’s ghost demanded he build a magnificent temple in its honor. Tae-sŏng vowed to do so, and he built Changsu Temple (Temple of Long Life) on the site of the bear’s death. Moved by divine grace, Tae-sŏng also constructed Pulguk Temple and the grotto of Sokkur-am, honoring both his biological and adoptive parents. This story suggests that the merit of offering alms and performing acts of devotion to the Buddha is immense and that the most excellent way to show filial piety to one’s parents in this life and past lives is to build temples, thereby spreading the Buddha’s merit widely throughout the world.

4. Conclusions

In our exploration of the cultural significance and societal roles of miracles and wonders in pre-modern Korea, particularly in the final seven sections of the Samguk yusa, we have seen their impact on the collective psyche, religious practices, and societal norms. Based on this discussion, the meaning of miracles in the Samguk yusa can be summarized as follows.

First, we recognize the significance of miraculous healings as a crucial method for propagating Buddhism in Korea, particularly in overcoming deeply entrenched indigenous beliefs. Second, the Buddhist statues and stupas in the “Pagodas and Buddhist Images” section of the Samguk yusa gained their sacredness not through Buddha’s relics, but through their association with miraculous stories. These stories emphasized Silla as the Buddha’s land and highlighted the miraculous powers of these objects in healing, fulfilling wishes, protecting the nation, and transforming malicious intentions. In particular, the stories of Nohil Pudŭk and Tal-tal Pakpak, who became bodhisattvas, extend beyond the idea of Silla as a Buddha-land. They demonstrate that ordinary people of Silla could transform into Amitābha Buddha and Kwanŭm bodhisattva themselves. This illustrates that Buddhism had become fully integrated into Silla, no longer something foreign, but indigenous to the region. Third, the miracles performed by Silla monks, such as Wŏn’gwang, not only demonstrated psychic powers akin to those described in the Pāli Canon, but also uniquely linked healing to the mind and faith. These miracles showcased the ability to protect the nation and exhibited the power to influence both people and the natural world. Fourth, the emphasis on the superior spiritual power of Esoteric Buddhist monks, who could subdue forces associated with indigenous beliefs and surpass the abilities of traditional Buddhist monks, illustrates the establishment of Esoteric Buddhism as a dominant ideology in Silla. This is evidenced by their ability to heal, calm spirits, and overcome vengeful entities, such as the Tang dynasty dragon. Fifth, the “Tales of Devotion” [Miraculous Responses] section highlights the concept of ganying in Chinese Buddhism, showing how faith, devotion, and sincerity can elicit responses from Buddhas or bodhisattvas. These responses are not only prompted by human dedication but also through the merits of copying scriptures and deep cosmic connections. Sixth, beyond the well-known great monks, many hidden bodhisattvas and monks in Silla are revealed through miraculous stories, emphasizing their significant and widespread presence across the land. Seventh, the final section of the Samguk yusa, titled “Filial Piety”, concludes that the highest forms of filial piety are demonstrated through attaining enlightenment via Buddhist practice and making Buddha offerings by establishing temples, as illustrated by the miraculous stories of Kim Tae-sŏng.

The miracles in the Samguk yusa carry profound social, cultural, and religious significance. Socially, they reinforced the moral and spiritual authority of Buddhist monks and bodhisattvas, elevating them as powerful figures capable of guiding and protecting society. Culturally, these miracles helped integrate Buddhism into the fabric of Silla society by connecting Buddhist ideals with deeply rooted indigenous beliefs and practices, allowing for a smoother transition and coexistence of new and old spiritual systems. Religiously, the miracles emphasized the efficacy of faith, devotion, and Buddhist practices, highlighting Buddhism’s ability to offer tangible benefits, such as healing, protection, and enlightenment, thus solidifying its influence and appeal across different social strata. Through these miraculous stories, the Samguk yusa not only validates the spiritual power of Buddhism but also redefines concepts like filial piety and national protection by integrating them into the Buddhist framework. This ensures Buddhism’s enduring significance in Silla society and reinforces the importance of the supernatural as an integral part of a holistic view of history and culture.