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Article

Social Media, Environmental Activism and Implicit Religion: A Case Study of Extinction Rebellion

by
Ömer F. Gürlesin
Department of Religion and Practice, School of Catholic Theology, Tilburg University, 5037 AB Tilburg, The Netherlands
Religions 2024, 15(12), 1458; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121458
Submission received: 4 October 2024 / Revised: 6 November 2024 / Accepted: 25 November 2024 / Published: 29 November 2024

Abstract

:
This study explores the manifestation of implicit religion in climate change activism on social media, focusing on Extinction Rebellion (XR) in The Netherlands between 1 January 2020 and 31 December 2023. A combination of content analysis and discourse analysis is used to examine how XR’s activism on X (Twitter) embodies quasi-religious elements such as shared beliefs, moral imperatives, and collective identity. Drawing on Edward Bailey’s concept of implicit religion and Meerten Ter Borg’s framework, the research reveals how XR’s activism blends secular environmental concerns with spiritual commitment, positioning climate activism as a moral duty. The study identifies six key themes in XR’s discourse: shared beliefs and values, transcendent purposes, commitment and devotion, community and collective identity, meaning and purpose, and hope and overcoming uncertainty. These themes are framed as sacred responsibilities, fostering a community united by transcendent purposes. This research contributes to the sociology of religion by highlighting how implicit religious elements permeate modern secular movements, particularly through digital platforms. It also provides insights into how climate activism mobilizes individuals through quasi-religious rhetoric and practices, shaping both individual and collective responses to the environmental crisis.

1. Introduction

This article examines the presence of implicit religious elements within Extinction Rebellion’s (XR) activism on social media as part of a broader interdisciplinary project that explores the intersection of religious language and concepts with climate change in The Netherlands.1 In today’s world, climate change has become a critical global challenge, drawing the attention of communities, policymakers, and scholars alike. The discourse surrounding environmentalism has evolved and become increasingly intertwined with social media, which now plays a central role in shaping public opinion and mobilizing activism (Hemmi and Crowther 2013; Hopke and Paris 2021; Ter-Mkrtchyan and Taylor 2024; Zhang 2017). This article focuses on The Netherlands, a country distinctly active in climate change discussions (Chen et al. 2023; Dewulf et al. 2017), and delves into the role of social media, specifically X/Twitter, in these debates.
The concept of “implicit religion”, as conceptualized by theorist Edward Bailey, refers to the presence of religious dimensions in seemingly secular contexts (Bailey 1997, 2002). Bailey introduced this term to describe a situation where certain beliefs and practices, although not explicitly aligned with traditional religious doctrines or institutions, are nonetheless infused with a depth of commitment and fervor reminiscent of religious devotion. In the context of the study, I explore this phenomenon within environmental activism on social media. This involves investigating how environmental activism, though not conventionally religious, often adopts a quasi-religious character in its expression of values, morals, and a sense of sacred duty towards the planet. The digital discourse on climate change serves as a rich field for examining how these implicit religious elements manifest, blending secular concerns for the environment with the sacred zeal typically associated with traditional religious practices. Bailey’s concept of implicit religion thus provides a valuable framework for understanding the depth and intensity of commitment found in modern environmental activism, revealing a unique amalgamation of the secular and the sacred.
The primary purpose of this study is to analyze how implicit religious elements manifest within the climate activism of Extinction Rebellion (XR) Nederland on social media, focusing on the movement’s online presence. Specifically, this research explores how XR Nederland’s discourse on platforms like X (formerly Twitter) incorporates quasi-religious language, shared beliefs, and community-building practices that are traditionally associated with religious frameworks. Two guiding research questions frame this analysis: How does implicit religion manifest in XR Nederland’s social media discussions on climate change? and What role does this quasi-religious discourse play in shaping public opinion and mobilizing environmental activism? By examining these intersections, the study offers new insights into the sociology of religion and highlights how secular movements can adopt religious-like qualities to inspire and sustain social change within the digital landscape. To effectively explore the implicit religious dimensions within online discussions about climate change, our research adopts a mixed-method approach, combining the analytical rigor of content analysis with the nuanced exploration offered by discourse analysis (DA). Drawing from Berelson’s foundational framework for content analysis (Berelson 1952) and incorporating strategies inspired by Norman Fairclough’s approach to discourse analysis (Fairclough 2003), this methodology allows for an in-depth examination of X/Twitter communications.
This article is structured to guide the reader through a comprehensive analysis and findings. First, the present study offers a review of implicit religion and its relevance to environmental discourse. Subsequently, the specifics of the methodological approach are explored, followed by an in-depth analysis of the findings. Finally, the implications of the study are discussed, both for the understanding of implicit religion on social media and for broader environmental communication strategies.

2. Theoretical Framework

The central argument of this article is grounded in the theoretical contributions of British religious studies scholar Edward Bailey and Dutch sociologist Meerten Ter Borg, both of whom have extensively explored the boundaries between the religious and the secular. Edward Bailey, particularly in his works Implicit Religion in Contemporary Society (Bailey 1997) and The Secular Quest for Meaning in Life (Bailey 2002), argues that traditional religious frameworks offer valuable insights into secular life. His concept of “implicit religion” challenges the rigid dichotomy between the sacred and the secular by suggesting that certain non-religious aspects of life can function as religious if they exhibit key qualities (Bailey 2012). For Bailey, elements such as shared beliefs, strong emotional and moral commitments, and the provision of meaning or purpose are not confined to organized religion but can emerge in a wide range of secular contexts (Bailey 2002). These characteristics, according to Bailey, imbue certain secular practices and communities with a religious-like intensity, transforming them into a form of implicit religion (Bailey 2001). This framework allows us to see how everyday activities, ideologies, and movements can take on religious significance, providing individuals with a sense of belonging, purpose, and identity.
Bailey’s theory is particularly valuable because it expands the scope of what can be considered “religious”, moving beyond the institutional and doctrinal boundaries traditionally associated with religion. He posits that implicit religion can be found wherever individuals or groups display a deep commitment to ideals, values, or practices that serve as a source of ultimate meaning in their lives (Bailey 2010). This approach challenges the secularization thesis, which assumes a linear decline in religious influence as societies modernize. Instead, Bailey’s framework suggests that while institutionalized religion may decline, the functions of religion—such as providing moral guidance, meaning, and community—persist in new and unexpected forms (Bailey 2002). His emphasis on commitment and meaning highlights how secular ideologies and practices can fulfill roles similar to those of traditional religions, making the concept of implicit religion a powerful tool for understanding the complexities of modern life (Bailey 2001).
Building on Bailey’s foundational work, Meerten Ter Borg takes the concept of implicit religion a step further by focusing on the transformative and transcendent aspects of secular practices. In his various works (Ter Borg 1999, 2004, 2006, 2008a), Ter Borg argues that implicit religion is not just about shared beliefs and values but also about the capacity of certain secular phenomena to evoke a “religious promise”—the idea that they offer hope, transcendence, and the potential for profound change (Ter Borg 2002). For Ter Borg, implicit religion is particularly evident in movements or ideologies that address existential uncertainties and vulnerabilities, offering individuals a framework for understanding their place in the world and coping with the unpredictability of life (Ter Borg 2008a). He tr borgcontends that these movements often replicate the structure of traditional religion by providing narratives of salvation, moral imperatives, and a sense of collective identity (see also Parna 2010).
Ter Borg and several others have challenged the secularisation thesis by arguing that religion does not necessarily need to exist within institutional structures (Berger 2011; Hanegraaff 1999; Ter Borg 1991, 1999, 2004). For example, the Dutch historian of Western Esoterism, Wouter Hanegraaff, considers institutionalized religion—such as the Dutch Reformed Church—to be just one form of religious expression, classifying it as an institutional “sub-category” within the broader field of religion. He suggests that spirituality, along with more individualized belief systems like New Age practices, represent alternative religious expressions available to people (Hanegraaff 1999, p. 147). Similarly, Ter Borg identifies five “modalities of religiosity”: official, institutionalized religions, alternative religions, subdogmatic religiosity, optional religiosity, and implicit religiosity (Ter Borg 2004, p. 112). Each modality is characterized by different beliefs, levels of institutionalization, degrees of commitment, and sociocultural contexts. By emphasizing these various forms of religiosity, Ter Borg shows that religion in the modern world can exist in many diffuse ways, not necessarily tied to traditional institutions or religious traditions. Therefore, the decreasing influence of organized churches in society and individual lives does not automatically mean that religion itself is fading. Instead, under modern conditions, religion has undergone significant transformations. Luckmann, along with those who follow his work, argues that what is often interpreted as secularization is actually a “profound shift in the location of religion” (Luckmann 1990, p. 127). Religion, in this view, is seen as adaptable and capable of transforming itself, moving into new spaces beyond its traditional institutional forms (Luckmann 1967, 1990). Works such as Bauman’s Liquid Modernity (Bauman 2000) and De Groot’s Liquidation of the Church (De Groot 2017) discuss the dissolution of religious institutions and the rise of individualized, fluid forms of religiosity in modern society, shedding light on how these transformations can be understood within the framework of implicit religion (see also De Groot 2008, 2013). This process results in previously secular phenomena taking on meanings and roles that were once associated with religious traditions (Dunlap 2006; De Koning and Bosman 2024).
To deepen the theoretical foundation of this study, I would like to introduce the classical Latin concepts of sacrum and profanum, offering a foundational framework to understand the distinctions and overlaps between the religious and the secular. As conceptualized by Mircea Eliade, sacrum (the sacred) and profanum (the profane) provide insights into how elements of sacredness are experienced not only within formal religious practices but also in secular realms when certain activities or values evoke reverence, mystery, or transcendence (Eliade 1959). According to Eliade, sacred experiences are marked by their ability to transcend ordinary life, connecting individuals with something beyond the mundane and imbuing certain aspects of life with profound meaning. This view supports the idea that boundaries between religious and secular life are permeable, allowing secular phenomena to acquire a sense of sacredness when they evoke collective reverence and dedication.2 In this context, climate activism can be interpreted as a modern-day site for the sacrum, where environmental concerns inspire a commitment that parallels religious fervor.
Further insights are drawn from Émile Durkheim’s perspective on sacrum and profanum, which supports this exploration of implicit religion within secular movements. Durkheim argued that religion is fundamentally a social construct in which society itself becomes the ultimate source of reverence and moral authority (Durkheim [1912] 2001). In Durkheim’s view, sacrum represents elements that are collectively revered, often associated with authority, mystery, and community, while profanum encompasses the commonplace and mundane aspects of life. This distinction proves particularly relevant to climate activism, where shared commitments to environmental causes transcend personal concerns, entering the domain of collective reverence and moral imperative. By incorporating sacred-like elements into their discourse, secular movements such as Extinction Rebellion cultivate a sense of belonging, purpose, and identity, thus blurring the lines between the religious and the secular.
These theoretical perspectives on sacrum, profanum, and implicit religion provide a deeper understanding of how secular activities can embody religious qualities, supporting the framework of implicit religion within the digital landscape of climate activism. By integrating Bailey’s and Ter Borg’s insights, the study illustrates how climate activism, like other secular movements, can evoke both a sense of sacred commitment and a transformative promise, thereby functioning in a manner similar to institutionalized religious practices. In the age of digital communication, the concept of implicit religion, as introduced by Edward Bailey, takes on new dimensions in online spaces. Implicit religion often manifests itself online through shared narratives, communal engagements, and the pursuit of causes with a zeal akin to traditional religious fervor (Fownes et al. 2018; Kgatle 2018; Segerberg 2017).
The digital age has brought a profound transformation in the religious landscape insofar as the internet and social media have emerged as pivotal platforms for religious engagement and expression. As Kale and Kamineni (2003) observed, the internet not only facilitates communication and information sharing but also extends to the practice of rituals, thereby creating a new domain for spiritual exploration. This shift is further evidenced by the concepts of digital deities and technoshamanism, as discussed by Munir et al. (2023), which illustrate how spirituality is being redefined in the digital era. The internet’s influence extends to shaping religious consciousness and affecting personal religiousness, marking it as a crucial space for modern religious practices and perceptions (Filipescu 2019).
Social media, a subset of this digital revolution, has had a significant impact on religious practices and communities. Kamarulzaman (2016) highlighted how social media aids in overcoming practical challenges, such as finding halal food sources, thereby integrating daily religious needs with digital solutions. Yeşil (2013) pointed out the role of social media in promoting religious tourism influencing decisions through online content and communities. In southern Africa, the rise of prophetic churches is intricately linked to the strategic use of Facebook, as demonstrated by Kgatle (2018), signifying the growing influence of social media on religious growth and outreach. Additionally, Chukwuma (2018) recognized social media as a powerful tool for religious leaders and organizations to disseminate religious knowledge and influence the public.
Social media, as part of the digital revolution, has also demonstrated a significant impact on the way religious communities approach and engage with environmental issues, including climate change (Gürlesin 2023). Mavrodieva et al. (2019) observed how various religious groups use social media platforms to raise awareness and encourage action against climate change, reflecting the integration of spiritual values with environmental activism. This synergy between digital media and religious environmentalism is evident in the growing number of online campaigns and initiatives led by faith-based organizations aiming to mobilize believers and influence broader public opinion on ecological matters. Pearce et al. (2019) highlighted the need for more research into how religious narratives on social media shape public understanding and imagination regarding climate change. Despite the increasing presence of religious voices in online environmental discourse, as noted by Schäfer (2012), their actual impact on public opinion and policy remains an area of ongoing investigation. Segerberg (2017) emphasized the potential of social media campaigns led by religious entities in framing climate change not only as a scientific or political issue but also as a moral and spiritual challenge, thereby potentially reshaping public agendas and engagement in environmental stewardship.
Within the realm of social media, implicit religion represents an increasingly relevant aspect of the digital religious landscape. This emerging concept encompasses the diverse ways in which traditionally non-religious elements, practices, and ideologies on social media platforms are acquiring religious or quasi-religious significance, often without explicit recognition as ‘religion’ per se. In this digital era, the boundaries between what is conventionally understood as religious and secular are becoming increasingly blurred. On social media, we see the rise of what could be termed ‘para-religion’ or ‘quasi-religion’, where elements such as fandoms, celebrity culture, lifestyle choices, and even environmental activism take on ritualistic and community-building qualities traditionally associated with religion (Coman and Coman 2017; Moberg and Sjö 2014). These phenomena often fulfill similar roles to traditional religion, such as providing a sense of belonging, identity, and a framework for interpreting the world.
One of the most striking examples of implicit religion online is seen in environmental activism (McCalman 2019). Digital platforms have become key arenas for environmental discourse, with movements like XR leveraging social media to disseminate their message and mobilize support. The language and symbolism used in these digital spaces often imbue environmental causes with a sacral character, framing them not just as political or social issues but as moral imperatives imbued with profound existential significance. Climate movements, particularly youth-led initiatives, often employ religious language and concepts despite not being explicitly religious (Van Vliet and Beukes 2023). This religious rhetoric in climate activism has led to its characterization as a “religion” or “cult” by critics, who use this framing to delegitimize the movement (Bosman 2024; Kyyrö et al. 2023). The idea of climate change itself has been compared to belief systems, with similarities in existential anxiety and public commitments (Bhagwat et al. 2016).
The concept of implicit religion, particularly within the context of environmental activism on social media, offers a fascinating lens to understand how secular movements often adopt narratives and practices resembling those found in traditional religions. The importance of this theoretical framework lies in its ability to provide a nuanced understanding of how environmental activism can transcend mere advocacy or political action, assuming a quasi-religious character. By applying the concept of implicit religion, we can better comprehend the depth of emotional and moral investment individuals and groups exhibit in their pursuit of environmental causes. It allows us to explore how digital discourse on platforms like X/Twitter not only conveys information and arguments about climate change but also serves as a medium for expressing and reinforcing a set of beliefs and values that are deeply ingrained and sacralized in the minds of activists and followers. Drawing on Bailey and Ter Borg’s ideas on implicit religion, this article explores six aspects of environmental activism that resemble religious elements. These include shared beliefs and values, transcendent purposes, commitment and devotion, community and collective identity, the search for meaning and purpose, and how activism fosters hope and helps overcome uncertainty. Together, these categories highlight how environmental activism mirrors religious practices and provides insight into its societal impact.

3. Methodology

A comprehensive approach is employed in this research to delve into the implicit religious underpinnings of climate change discussions online, utilizing a blend of content analysis and discourse analysis (DA). Berelson’s content analysis methodology (Berelson 1952) is applied, alongside discourse analysis techniques inspired by the work of Norman Fairclough (1992, 2003), to conduct a thorough examination of X/Twitter conversations. This methodological fusion is designed to dissect not only the overt messages and themes within these discussions but also to explore the deeper narratives and linguistic structures that inform and shape the discourse around climate change. Through this approach, the ways in which environmental activism and the discourse on climate change are imbued with implicit religious meanings, as communicated through the digital platform of X/Twitter, are illuminated.
The research begins with a comprehensive data collection process using Zeeschuimer, a tool adept at harvesting extensive social media content. The primary dataset analyzed in this study consists of 5165 Dutch tweets from the XR Nederland X/Twitter account, spanning the period from 1 January 2020 to 31 December 2023. The data collection took place during January and February of 2024. In addition to this focused dataset, we also incorporate insights from a broader analysis of 700,000 Dutch tweets related to climate change activism and discussions gathered from various environmental organizations and movements. This broader dataset, with particular emphasis on tweets from the year 2023, provides a more comprehensive view of the larger digital conversation surrounding climate change in The Netherlands and allows us to contextualize XR Nederland’s role within this wider discourse.
In the analysis phase, content analysis is employed in conjunction with Atlas.TI, a qualitative data analysis software. This approach allows for a deep examination of the textual content of the tweets. A nuanced coding scheme is developed to categorize specific words, themes, and concepts that align with both environmental activism and implicit religious expressions. This methodical coding is within Atlas.TI 24 enables a quantitative assessment of the frequency and patterns of these themes, offering a comprehensive understanding of the implicit religious dimensions in the digital discourse. As part of the content analysis, Word Cloud and hashtag analyses are included to highlight key themes and patterns within the data.
Complementing this, discourse analysis (DA) based on Fairclough’s principles is applied to explore the deeper linguistic and contextual nuances within the tweets. DA helps to understand how language in the tweets reflects broader social relations, power dynamics, and ideologies. Through this lens, narrative structures, metaphors, and rhetorical strategies are examined, uncovering how environmental activism on X/Twitter parallels religious fervor and expression.
This integration of content analysis via Atlas.TI, with the qualitative insights from discourse analysis (DA), provides a holistic view of the X/Twitter discourse. By combining quantitative data with qualitative interpretations, a comprehensive picture is offered, illustrating how implicit religious elements and environmental activism intertwine on digital platforms. Our research approach respects the distinction between public and private online spaces, focusing exclusively on publicly available posts and avoiding engagement with users to maintain the natural course of discourse on the platform. These measures collectively underscore our commitment to ethical rigor in digital research, balancing insightful inquiry with the responsible handling of online data.

4. Findings

4.1. Quantitative Findings

Before delving into the specific data on XR Nederland, key findings from the broader dataset of the main project, which covers climate change discussions on X/Twitter in The Netherlands in 2023, are first presented. These findings provide essential context for understanding how various environmental organizations engage with the public on social media. By examining the overall trends in post frequency, engagement, and the use of religious language, a clearer understanding of the broader landscape of climate activism in The Netherlands is established. This foundational overview sets the stage for a more detailed analysis of the specific role and impact of XR Nederland in shaping the digital climate change discourse.

4.1.1. Analysis of Post Count and Impressions by Environmental Groups (2023)

Figure 1 illustrates the relationship between the number of posts and impressions3 generated by 44 environmental groups on X/Twitter throughout 2023. These groups were selected based on their mission statements, where climate change is identified as a central focus. The figure reveals that the number of posts by these environmental groups peaks in March and June, followed by a noticeable drop in August. Impressions also display fluctuations, with September seeing the highest number of impressions, reaching over 20 million, despite an average number of posts. In contrast, December records the lowest level of impressions, even with an average posting frequency. This pattern suggests that impressions are not solely dependent on the number of posts; rather, factors such as content quality, timing, or specific campaigns may have significantly influenced visibility, particularly in September. This spike can be attributed to XR Nederland’s high-impact campaigns during that period, as illustrated in Figure 2.
Figure 2 illustrates XR Nederland’s posts and impressions shared compared to other environmental organizations on X/Twitter. XR accounted for approximately 17% of the total posts (2743 out of 15,790) but generated over 50% of the total impressions, with 55 million views out of a total of 109 million. This demonstrates that XR’s content had a far greater reach than other organizations. The significant spike in impressions during September can largely be attributed to XR Nederland’s campaigns, such as their high-profile civil disobedience events, which garnered widespread public attention.4 This highlights XR’s ability to create impactful content that resonates with a broad audience.

4.1.2. Hashtag Analysis of XR Nederland’s Climate Activism (2023)

The hashtag analysis from 44 environmental organizations on X/Twitter in 2023 highlights key themes in Dutch climate activism (see Figure 3). The top three hashtags are #StopFossieleSubsidies (Stop Fossil Fuel Subsidies), #Klimaatrechtvaardigheid (Climate Justice), and #A12 (referring to the A12 blockade protest).
Figure 4 displays the most commonly used hashtags by XR in The Netherlands, showcasing the movement’s influence on the broader climate conversation on social media. The top three hashtags—#StopFossieleSubsidies (Stop Fossil Fuel Subsidies), #Klimaatrechtvaardigheid (Climate Justice), and #A12—highlight XR’s focus on key environmental and social justice issues.
The hashtag Stop Fossil Fuel Subsidies underscores XR’s campaign to end government subsidies for fossil fuel industries, a demand that has gained traction in the wider climate movement. Climate Justice reflects XR’s emphasis on ensuring climate policies are fair and just, particularly for vulnerable communities disproportionately affected by the climate crisis. The #A12 hashtag represents XR’s direct action approach, particularly its high-profile protest on the A12 highway, which has become emblematic of the movement’s strategy of peaceful disruption.
Through the consistent use of these hashtags, XR has had a significant impact on shaping the climate discourse on social media (see Figure 3), increasing public engagement with these key issues and drawing attention to the need for urgent action.

4.1.3. Sentiment Analysis of XR Nederland’s Climate Activism Discourse (2023)

Figure 5 presents the sentiment analysis of XR Nederland’s climate activism tweets from 2023, out of a total of 2743 tweets sent during the year. The analysis was conducted using the XLM-RoBERTa-base model, a multilingual model fine-tuned for sentiment analysis (Barbieri et al. 2022), which has been validated for use with Dutch tweets with an accuracy rate of approximately 70%. The data reveals a predominance of neutral (1481 tweets) and negative (1040 tweets) tones, with a smaller portion categorized as positive (222 tweets). This distribution underscores XR Nederland’s approach, which heavily leans on conveying critical and factual content. The high frequency of neutral tweets suggests an emphasis on informational updates, while the significant presence of negative sentiment reflects the group’s focus on the urgency of the climate crisis and the critique of current environmental policies. The comparatively lower number of positive tweets indicates that expressions of optimism or success are not the primary focus of their messaging. This sentiment profile aligns with XR Nederland’s advocacy goals, emphasizing the critical need for systemic change to address pressing environmental issues.

4.1.4. Religious Vocabularies in XR Nederland’s Climate Activism (2023)

In this section, reference is made to the broader project that developed a taxonomy of explicit and implicit religious terms to analyze how 44 environmental organizations incorporated spiritual and moral language into their climate change discourse during 2023.
The word cloud illustrates the frequency of religious vocabulary used by 44 environmental organizations in 2023. Key concepts such as “Duurzaamheid” (Sustainability), “Biodiversiteit” (Biodiversity), and “CO2” are the most prominent, reflecting the primary concerns of these groups.
The word cloud from XR Nederland’s climate activism, as shown in Figure 6, reveals a strong focus on terms such as ‘Klimaatrechtvaardigheid’ (Climate Justice), ‘Duurzaamheid’ (Sustainability), and ‘Wetenschap’ (Science). ‘Climate Justice’ stands out as a central theme, reflecting the movement’s commitment to addressing the social and ethical dimensions of climate change, while ‘Sustainability’ highlights the broader concern for long-term ecological balance. The presence of ‘Science’ underscores XR’s reliance on scientific evidence, yet it is clear that these scientific arguments are framed within a moral and justice-oriented narrative, blending rationality with ethical concerns.
In the next section, key concepts from Figure 7, particularly Climate Justice, Sustainability, and Science, will be explored through a religious lens. The examination will focus on how XR’s language reflects deeper moral and spiritual values and how these terms resonate with implicit religion.

4.2. Discourse Analysis

This section delves into six interconnected dimensions of environmental activism based on the analysis of data gathered from XR Nederland’s official X/Twitter account between 2020 and 2023. The dataset, spanning four years, includes a comprehensive collection of posts that reflect the movement’s discourse and public engagement. By examining these posts, the shared beliefs and values that unite activists and guide their actions are explored. The discussion then transitions to how environmental movements connect to transcendent purposes, imbuing their efforts with moral significance. Commitment and devotion are also analyzed, highlighting the dedication and sacrifices made by those involved. The sense of community and collective identity is emphasized, showing the solidarity and belonging fostered within these movements. Additionally, this section reflects on how activism provides individuals with meaning and purpose while addressing human fears and uncertainties through hope and resilience.

4.2.1. Shared Beliefs and Values in Environmental Activism

Environmental activism is deeply rooted in a set of shared beliefs and values that have become increasingly mainstream in Western societies (Corraliza and Berenguer 2000; Herrera 1992; Stern et al. 1995, 1999; Stern and Dietz 1994). These core principles not only guide individual actions but also unify diverse groups and communities under a common cause (Corraliza and Berenguer 2000; Lubell 2002). Let’s delve into these key concepts.
Environmental activism is deeply rooted in a recognition of the climate crisis. Activists across the globe acknowledge the urgency and severity of climate change and its far-reaching impacts (Bhagwat et al. 2016; Pickard 2021). This shared understanding is what drives XR Netherlands, compelling individuals and organizations to call for immediate action to address environmental challenges. XR Netherlands consistently emphasizes the recognition of this crisis in their posts. For example, one post states, “The Earth has already warmed by 1.2 degrees, and people in the Global South are facing devastating climate disasters” (X_Post231), reflecting their awareness of the unequal burden of climate change. Another post highlights the lack of government intervention, stating, “As long as greenhouse gas emissions do not stop, the Earth will continue to get hotter, yet the government still pours 30 billion euros into fossil fuel subsidies. This must stop!” (X_Post091).
This recognition of the crisis is further underscored in a post that starkly compares the situation to a disaster in progress: “We are in the midst of a climate crisis, and we are like the orchestra on the Titanic, calmly playing while the ship is already sinking” (X_Post029). Such expressions reinforce the shared understanding within the movement that climate change is not a distant issue but an immediate, existential threat requiring urgent action.
Central to the movement is the value of sustainability (see also: Stacey 2024). This encompasses a wide range of practices and ideologies aimed at maintaining the balance of our ecosystems. It involves advocating for renewable energy, reducing waste, conserving natural resources, and promoting sustainable agriculture and consumption (Antonaccio 2018). XR Netherlands often underscores the importance of ending destructive practices such as the fossil fuel industry’s dominance. In one post, they emphasize, “We demand a direct end to all fossil fuel subsidies” highlighting how such subsidies contribute to unsustainable practices that degrade the environment (X_Post139).
The belief in sustainability shapes not only the lives of activists but also the policies they advocate for. XR Netherlands frequently shares actions that challenge unsustainable practices, like when they protested the expansion of highways, arguing that it only accelerates environmental degradation and promotes overconsumption rather than preserving green spaces for future generations (X_Post203). Their focus on reducing waste and promoting sustainable transportation is further exemplified by their calls to boycott private jets, demanding investments in greener alternatives like trains (X_Post064).
Another key value within XR Netherlands’ discourse is the elevated role of science, particularly climate science, as a source of authority and guidance (see Figure 6). In many ways, “wetenschap” (science) is treated not merely as a source of knowledge but as a moral compass that dictates the movement’s goals and strategies (cf. Carvalho 2007; Elsdon-Baker 2016). For instance, XR explicitly states, “Extinction Rebellion bases itself on (climate) science” (X_Post002), highlighting that the movement’s foundation lies in scientific understanding. Similarly, the post “Climate science is clear, and our demands are necessary” (X_Post125) frames science as delivering an unequivocal message that justifies the movement’s urgent demands. In this context, science becomes a cornerstone of legitimacy for the activists, almost functioning as a moral imperative.

4.2.2. Transcendent Ideas and Forces in Environmental Activism

As Ter Borg (2008b) highlights, transcendence allows humans to go beyond their biological existence and confront deeper existential questions, which often leads to the emergence of religious or spiritual motivations. In the context of environmental activism, this transcendence manifests as a recognition of the inherent value of nature, not just as a resource but as something that transcends utilitarian purposes. These experiences often involve encounters with nature’s power and complexity, leading to new understandings of one’s place in the environment (Cianchi 2015; Taylor 2010). The recognition of nature’s transcendent aspects, including its otherness, mystery, and intrinsic value, is crucial for addressing environmental issues and overcoming the limitations of anthropocentric thinking (Bonnett 2015).
XR Netherlands frequently emphasizes these connections, as reflected in one post: “The world lacks empathy. We lack a deep compassion for both other people and the whole environment in which we exist and of which we are a part. This leads to selfish and therefore destructive behaviour” (X_Post2221). Here, empathy is framed not merely as emotional care but as a deeper, spiritual connection to the earth and all its inhabitants. This call for greater empathy encourages a shift away from self-centered actions towards a more compassionate and holistic approach, recognizing the interconnectedness of all life.
Furthermore, XR Netherlands reflects on the harmony inherent in nature, as demonstrated by their post: “Nature is a great source of inspiration for composers; harmony, dissonance, rhythm, and form. We are systematically disturbing this balance, and it must stop” (X_Post003). This highlights their belief that nature possesses an intrinsic order and harmony, which humans are morally bound to protect. Disrupting this balance is not just an environmental issue but a violation of something sacred, further grounding their activism in transcendent, spiritual values.
Furthermore, the idea of interconnectedness and the web of life is a transcendent force that underscores the importance of every action. Frequently referred to as the “Earth’s lungs”, the Amazon is framed as more than just a vital resource—it represents a deeper interconnectedness between humanity and the environment (X_Post2463).
These transcendent ideas and forces provide a powerful framework that elevates environmental activism from mere advocacy to a profound movement aimed at the survival and flourishing of life on Earth.

4.2.3. Commitment and Devotion in Environmental Activism

Environmental activism is often driven by profound commitment and devotion to ecological and social causes, making it a unique form of advocacy. Unlike traditional political or social movements, environmental activists frequently frame their actions as moral imperatives that transcend individual interests (Krettenauer and Lefebvre 2021; Veldman 2012). This devotion is reflected in the willingness to make personal sacrifices (Macias 2015), engage in direct action, and take legal risks, all with the goal of preserving the environment for current and future generations (Kuhlemeier et al. 1999). Studies have shown that the emotional and moral investment of activists in the environmental movement is not merely a reflection of political beliefs but also stems from a deep-seated responsibility to act as stewards of the planet. Such activism is often motivated by concerns over the survival of the planet and the well-being of future generations, making it a powerful and enduring force in global politics (Moore and Nelson 2011; Stern et al. 1999).
In the case of XR Netherlands, commitment and devotion are integral to their movement. Activists frequently put themselves at risk, facing arrest or legal consequences, and express a deep emotional attachment to the well-being of future generations. For example, one post reflects on the readiness to engage in civil disobedience despite the personal cost: “Dozens of rebels block the A12, but others have already been arrested. Report from a police van” (X_Post1240). Another message reinforces their willingness to take legal risks for their cause: “Deliberately and confidently, we peacefully break the law and demand that the climate and ecological crisis be addressed” (X_Post1233). This illustrates how activists are prepared to sacrifice personal freedom in their fight against environmental degradation.
The sense of devotion to future generations is also a key aspect of XR Netherlands’ discourse. In one post, they poignantly state: “We do not inherit the earth from our ancestors; we borrow it from our children” (X_Post2901), emphasizing the moral duty to protect the planet for those who come after us. This devotion is further reflected in a post that laments the short-sightedness of current environmental policies: “I am sad because we are destroying our planet for short-term gain” (X_Post1242). Here, the activists’ commitment is not only to the present but also to safeguarding the future, ensuring that their actions today contribute to a better world for the generations to come.
These examples from XR Netherlands highlight the depth of commitment and devotion within environmental activism, where personal and collective sacrifices are viewed as essential to addressing the climate crisis.

4.2.4. Community and Collective Identity in Environmental Activism

In Durkheim’s view, religion plays a crucial role in grounding collective identity within a shared worldview, thereby fostering social cohesion. He argues that the primary function of religion is to “make us act, help us live … [and] cope with the difficulties of existence or to overcome them” (Durkheim [1912] 2001, p. 311). From a functionalist perspective, religion can be understood as a system of values and ultimate meanings that provide individuals with a sense of belonging and purpose in life (Ter Borg 2013). The concept of implicit religion allows us to explore how these functions manifest within secular contexts.
Collective identity plays a crucial role in environmental movements, fostering solidarity and collaboration among activists (Saunders 2008). Gendered collective identity can be a powerful tool for mobilization, as demonstrated by the South Bohemian Mothers’ anti-nuclear activism in the Czech Republic (Adams and Shriver 2011; Shriver et al. 2000). The importance of collective identity is evident in activists’ tendency to speak in terms of “we” rather than “I” (Valocchi 2009). This shared identity influences various aspects of mobilization, including consciousness-raising, strategy selection, and coalition-building, highlighting its significance in shaping activist behavior and movement dynamics.
In XR Netherlands’ messaging, solidarity across movements is a recurring theme, where the community’s collective identity extends beyond environmental activism to support other global and social justice causes. For instance, in a post, XR Netherlands shows solidarity with Greenpeace activists: “Rebels and Greenpeace activists have chained themselves to all private jets at the VIP terminal at Schiphol” (X_Post004), demonstrating their collaboration with other environmental groups. Similarly, they express support for broader social justice movements, stating: “We stand shoulder to shoulder with the @woonopstand” (X_Post232). This shows how XR Netherlands connects its environmental mission with wider societal issues, reinforcing its sense of belonging to a larger, interconnected struggle. This sense of solidarity across movements strengthens their collective identity and deepens their commitment to collective action.
Another central theme in XR Netherlands’ discourse is shared identity, often conveyed through their use of the term “rebels” to describe activists. This term fosters a sense of defiance and unity, uniting individuals under a common purpose. For example, one post asserts: “We are unstoppable, but fossil fuel subsidies can be stopped!” (X_Post127), reflecting the unyielding and determined spirit of the “rebels.” In another instance, they emphasize the communal aspect of their activism: “We are incredibly proud of our rebels and supporters” (X_Post090), celebrating the collective efforts of all members involved. The frequent use of “we” in their communications emphasizes the shared identity that binds XR Netherlands’ activists together, strengthening the movement’s cohesion and fostering a strong sense of belonging within the community.
These examples from XR Netherlands highlight the powerful role of solidarity across movements and shared identity in shaping the collective identity of environmental activists. Through these themes, the movement cultivates a sense of unity and purpose, positioning itself not only as an environmental cause but as part of a larger global effort for justice and change.

4.2.5. Meaning and Purpose in Life Through Environmental Activism

Social studies indicate that implicit religion, like explicit religion, can fulfill important functions in providing meaning and purpose in life, supporting the notion that transcendent beliefs contribute to individuals’ sense of meaning (Bailey 1997; Francis 2013; Park 2011; Schnell 2012; Ter Borg 2013; Williams et al. 2011). Environmental activism can provide a sense of meaning and purpose in life (Ellingson et al. 2012). Research suggests that engaging in pro-environmental activities is associated with reduced loneliness, mediated by a sense of meaning derived from caring for future generations (Jia et al. 2021). Environmental activism can be viewed as a form of generativity, contributing to identity development and maturity (Matsuba et al. 2012). The concept of “activist purpose orientation” highlights how having a purpose centered around activism may help individuals remain committed to creating social change despite obstacles (Wilson and Hill 2023). Environmental activists often experience transformative learning, recognizing their work as a calling or vocation (Kovan and Dirkx 2003). This process involves developing a deep appreciation for nature, feeling responsible for educating future generations, and experiencing renewed agency through self-directed learning (Jia et al. 2021).
For many within XR Netherlands, environmental activism provides a profound sense of meaning and purpose, often tied to the existential purpose of addressing the climate crisis. This urgency is evident in their messaging, where they emphasize the need to act for future generations. One post captures this sentiment clearly: “We refuse to leave a dying planet to future generations” (X_Post1353). This powerful statement reflects the collective drive to protect the planet from irreversible damage. Similarly, they stress the broader consequences of inaction, stating: “Climate change, biodiversity loss, and land degradation threaten the wellbeing of current and future generations” (X_Post3002). These messages highlight the existential threat posed by environmental degradation and the moral responsibility to act.
In addition to the urgency of the cause, XR Netherlands often highlights the transformative impact of activism on personal identity. Many activists describe how their involvement in the movement has empowered them, transforming feelings of helplessness into collective strength. For example, one post reads: “As a citizen alone, you are powerless; as a young person alone, you have no voice, but together, in large numbers, we can take back power” (X_Post2872). This reflects the personal growth that comes from being part of a larger movement, illustrating how collective action can restore a sense of agency and purpose.
These examples from XR Netherlands demonstrate how environmental activism not only addresses an existential crisis but also fosters personal transformation, empowering individuals to be part of a broader, impactful movement.

4.2.6. Hope and Overcoming Uncertainty in Environmental Activism

Hope plays a crucial role in environmental activism and conservation efforts. It can serve as a motivational force for pro-environmental behavior, especially when it is constructive and not based on denial (Ojala 2012). However, the relationship between hope and environmental engagement is complex, influenced by factors such as goal feasibility, personality traits, and group identity (Park et al. 2020). While hope is often seen as essential for overcoming climate despair (Frumkin et al. 2022), some environmentalists are adopting a “postapocalyptic” perspective that views catastrophe as ongoing or unavoidable (Globus and Taylor 2011; Vander Stichele 2024). This has led to different forms of activism, including campaigning with hope, mourning without hope, building new hope through non-confrontational action, and acting based on motivations other than hope (Cassegård 2024). Understanding the multifaceted nature of hope and its impact on environmental engagement can help conservation communities develop more effective strategies for motivating action and coping with the emotional challenges of environmental work (Park et al. 2020).
In the case of XR Netherlands, hope is a central theme that drives collective action and helps activists face the uncertainties surrounding climate change. One post emphasizes how participating in protests sustains hope: “Participating in climate protests gives me hope and ensures that I don’t become too pessimistic” (X_Post456). This statement highlights how taking part in collective action not only helps counter feelings of despair but also offers a way for activists to cope with uncertainty. By joining others in protests, participants feel less isolated in their worries about the future, and the sense of shared purpose provides a psychological buffer against pessimism.
XR Netherlands also frames hope as something that is generated through direct action. In another post, they assert: “The only hope we have left is protesting and civil disobedience” (X_Post4960). Here, hope is not passive but is seen as something that must be actively created through civil disobedience and resistance. This highlights the importance of action in addressing uncertainty—activists generate hope by taking control of their circumstances and challenging the forces contributing to climate change. In this way, hope is constructed not as a distant aspiration but as something that arises from their ongoing efforts.
The theme of collective solidarity also plays a crucial role in how XR Netherlands addresses uncertainty. In one post, they reflect on the emotional experience of protesting together: “What a hopeful protest, together with so many kind people” (X_Post1377). The language here emphasizes the comfort and strength derived from collective action, suggesting that coming together with others helps mitigate the anxiety and uncertainty surrounding the climate crisis. By framing protests as hopeful and affirming, XR Netherlands encourages a sense of unity, which serves as an emotional anchor for activists dealing with the unpredictable nature of environmental threats.
These examples from XR Netherlands illustrate how the movement uses hope as both a motivator and a tool for overcoming the uncertainties inherent in environmental activism. By fostering hope through collective action, direct engagement, and community solidarity, XR Netherlands helps its activists navigate the challenges and emotional toll of confronting the climate crisis.

5. Conclusions

At the beginning of this discussion, the research questions that guided this study are revisited: How does implicit religion manifest in social media discussions about climate change in The Netherlands? And what role does this form of expression play in shaping public discourse and activism related to environmental concerns? These questions will now be explored in detail, focusing on the key findings of the analysis.
This study contributes to the understanding of how environmental activism, particularly through the XR movement in The Netherlands, embodies implicit religious elements within digital platforms. By examining XR Nederland’s X/Twitter activity from an analytical discourse perspective, significant intersections between environmental activism, quasi-religious rhetoric, and collective identity formation are uncovered. The findings affirm that implicit religion is not confined to traditional religious settings but permeates secular spaces where individuals seek meaning, hope, and purpose. These results challenge conventional understandings of secularism and underscore the transformative power of online discourse in shaping modern expressions of religiosity.
This research demonstrates that XR’s discourse incorporates elements traditionally associated with religious movements, such as shared values, transcendent purposes, and strong communal identities. The application of Edward Bailey’s concept of implicit religion proves useful in analyzing how XR’s environmental activism manifests religious devotion. As Bailey (1997, 2002) and Ter Borg (2004) have argued, secular movements can adopt spiritual dimensions, and our analysis of XR supports this by identifying language and symbols within XR’s social media discourse that evoke moral imperatives akin to religious doctrines. For instance, XR Nederland’s repeated references to sustainability and climate justice serve as rallying cries framed in a manner similar to religious commandments. Phrases such as “We borrow the Earth from our children” (X_Post2901) reflect a sense of moral duty that transcends individual interests, aligning closely with the values seen in many religious communities. The transcendental value attributed to nature in XR’s messaging (“Nature is a source of inspiration and harmony”—X_Post003) elevates environmental concerns to the level of sacred responsibility, reinforcing Bailey’s argument that implicit religion often infuses secular concerns with deep moral and spiritual significance.
This research also highlights how social media platforms, like X/Twitter, serve as contemporary arenas for the manifestation of implicit religion. Previous studies (Fownes et al. 2018; Segerberg 2017) have explored how online platforms foster communal engagement and shared narratives. Our analysis expands this discourse by demonstrating that XR’s activism on X/Twitter not only disseminates environmental concerns but also constructs a quasi-religious community bound by shared beliefs and moral imperatives.
Hashtag analysis shows that tags like #Klimaatrechtvaardigheid (Climate Justice) and #StopFossieleSubsidies (Stop Fossil Subsidies) function as digital rituals, fostering a sense of collective identity and purpose (see Figure 3 and Figure 4). While XR’s ritualistic aspects are more evident in physical protests and direct actions, online participation through hashtags reflects a form of communal engagement. The sharing, liking, and retweeting of these posts resemble a digital practice that aligns with rituals in traditional religious settings. Though this study focuses on the online sphere, these patterns highlight the potential for digital rituals to emerge. Future research could delve deeper into the specific online behaviors that contribute to the formation of these rituals within digital activism.
Our study further reveals the significant levels of commitment and devotion among XR activists, paralleling the personal sacrifices often seen in religious communities. XR activists, particularly those engaging in civil disobedience, display a level of dedication that transcends political advocacy. The willingness to face arrest or legal repercussions (X_Post1233) mirrors the kind of devotion historically associated with religious martyrs. By framing these actions as moral imperatives necessary for the survival of future generations, XR strengthens the activists’ resolve to engage in risky and sometimes unlawful behavior. This commitment is rooted not only in a desire to mitigate climate change but also in a deeper sense of responsibility and devotion to a higher cause—protecting the planet for future generations. Similar to religious adherents who dedicate their lives to spiritual causes, XR activists frame their efforts as a sacred duty. This aspect of environmental activism showcases how secular movements can adopt the structures and emotional intensity of religious commitment, reinforcing Bailey’s and Ter Borg’s frameworks of implicit religion.
The ideas of Rappaport (2012) and Kolakowski (1997) about the blurring of boundaries between the sacred and the profane are relevant here. XR’s discourse, which incorporates quasi-religious language, highlights the transformative potential of sacralizing secular concerns. However, this blending also carries the risk of cultural degradation, where sacred values may be diluted as they become part of popular discourse. The use of language and rituals, symbols, and collective identity within XR resembles traditional religious practices, yet their appropriation in a modern activist setting may reduce their depth, transforming powerful symbols into simplified slogans. Baudrillard’s notion of the postmodern sacrum becoming a simulacrum provides another lens for analyzing XR’s online activism (Baudrillard 1994). The sacredness embedded in XR’s pop culture-inspired activism risks becoming performative—a representation without authentic depth. As XR activists draw on cultural symbols to inspire collective action, there is a tension between maintaining the authenticity of their sacred commitments and navigating the commodified language of popular culture. Thus, the sacrum for XR activists is both a profound source of moral energy and a potential point of vulnerability, depending on how these elements are interpreted and maintained. The findings of this study open up several avenues for future research. First, it would be valuable to explore how XR movements, both within and outside The Netherlands, incorporate religious rhetoric into their activism. Comparative studies could help determine whether XR’s quasi-religious discourse is unique or reflective of a broader trend in global environmental activism. Additionally, future research could explore offline activism in conjunction with online activism, examining in what forms and to what extent the implicit religious elements identified in XR’s X/Twitter discourse manifest in face-to-face interactions, protests, and organizational meetings. Such a study could offer a more holistic view of how implicit religion operates across different contexts and mediums.
In this study, individual activist figures, such as Greta Thunberg, who could be viewed as prophet-like figures in the context of implicit religion (see Bosman 2024), were not a focus. This omission is due to the dataset’s focus on XR’s official social media account rather than specific activists and users in general. However, such figures present a significant avenue for exploration within implicit religion theory. Figures like Thunberg may fulfill roles akin to moral and spiritual leaders, providing guidance, inspiration, and a sense of purpose to the movement. Future research could investigate how these individuals are perceived within activist communities and the functions they serve in shaping collective identity and deep emotional commitment. This would provide valuable insights into how movements like XR embody elements of implicit religion, not only through their collective actions but also through the veneration of key figures.
From a practical perspective, understanding the quasi-religious elements in environmental movements like XR has important implications for both activists and policymakers. Recognizing the deeply ingrained moral and emotional aspects of environmental activism can help policymakers engage with these movements in a more empathetic and constructive way. It also suggests that environmental campaigns may be more successful if they acknowledge and address the existential concerns of their followers, framing climate action not just as a scientific necessity but as a moral and spiritual imperative.
In conclusion, this study provides new insights into the intersection of implicit religion and environmental activism within digital spaces. By applying discourse analysis to XR Nederland’s X/Twitter activity, it has been demonstrated that secular movements can adopt quasi-religious characteristics, fostering deep emotional and moral commitments among their followers. This research not only contributes to the sociology of religion but also illuminates how digital platforms are reshaping modern expressions of spirituality. As climate change remains a pressing global issue, understanding the implicit religious dimensions of environmental activism will be crucial for both scholars and practitioners seeking to engage with these powerful social movements.

Funding

This research was funded by the Dutch Research Council (NWO) under the project Apocalypse and Climate Change: Impact of Religious Vocabularies in The Netherlands (project number 406.21.FHR.017) as part of the Open Competition SSH 2021 program.

Institutional Review Board Statement

The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki, and approved by the Ethics Review Board of the Tilburg School of Catholic Theology (‘Apocalypse and Climate Change’, based on Application Form version 20190909, submitted on 20 January 2023).

Informed Consent Statement

Not applicable.

Data Availability Statement

The data supporting the findings of this study are openly available in Zenodo. Gürlesin (2024). Extinction Rebellion Netherlands: Dutch Climate Activism Tweets (2020–2023) [Dataset]. Zenodo. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13884383.

Acknowledgments

The author would like to thank Nico de Groot for his support during the data collection process. Special thanks to Frank Bosman, Deborah de Koning, and Caroline Vander Stichele for their valuable comments and suggestions during the data analysis.

Conflicts of Interest

The author declares no conflicts of interest.

Notes

1
The project Apocalypse and Climate Change: Impact of Religious Vocabularies in The Netherlands (project number 406.21.FHR.017) of the research program Open Competition SSH 2021, which is (co-)funded by the Dutch Research Council (NWO).
2
In this sense, diffused religion aligns with the notion of sacrum in a capillary way, as proposed by Cipriani (2017). It feeds into social relations through axionormatively oriented cultural content, blending religious and secular elements to foster shared values that bind communities together. This idea is particularly significant in contexts where traditional institutional religious authority may be declining, yet religious elements remain embedded within cultural and social frameworks, indirectly influencing the shape of society as a whole. This process represents an essential means by which the sacred persists in an ostensibly secularized world, continuing to mold collective identity and social cohesion even outside the confines of organized religion.
3
In this context, impressions refer to the total number of times posts from these environmental groups were viewed by users on X/Twitter. Impressions measure the visibility and reach of posts, indicating how often the content appeared on users’ screens, regardless of whether they engaged with it.
4
In September, XR Nederland organized a series of high-impact civil disobedience actions, most notably the repeated blockades of the A12 highway in The Hague. These blockades were part of their campaign to urge the Dutch government to end fossil fuel subsidies. The A12 protests, which involved thousands of activists, drew extensive media coverage and sparked widespread discussions on social media, contributing significantly to the surge in impressions during this period.

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Figure 1. Post Impressions and Post Count by 44 Environmental Groups (2023).
Figure 1. Post Impressions and Post Count by 44 Environmental Groups (2023).
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Figure 2. XR Nederland’s Posts and Impressions Share (2023).
Figure 2. XR Nederland’s Posts and Impressions Share (2023).
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Figure 3. Top Hashtags Used by 44 Environmental Organizations on X/Twitter (2023).
Figure 3. Top Hashtags Used by 44 Environmental Organizations on X/Twitter (2023).
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Figure 4. Hashtag Analysis of XR Nederland’s Climate Activism (2023).
Figure 4. Hashtag Analysis of XR Nederland’s Climate Activism (2023).
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Figure 5. Sentiment Analysis of XR Nederland’s Tweets (2023).
Figure 5. Sentiment Analysis of XR Nederland’s Tweets (2023).
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Figure 6. Religious Vocabularies Used by 44 Environmental Organizations on X/Twitter (2023).
Figure 6. Religious Vocabularies Used by 44 Environmental Organizations on X/Twitter (2023).
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Figure 7. Religious Vocabularies Used by XR on X/Twitter (2023).
Figure 7. Religious Vocabularies Used by XR on X/Twitter (2023).
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Gürlesin, Ö.F. Social Media, Environmental Activism and Implicit Religion: A Case Study of Extinction Rebellion. Religions 2024, 15, 1458. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121458

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Gürlesin ÖF. Social Media, Environmental Activism and Implicit Religion: A Case Study of Extinction Rebellion. Religions. 2024; 15(12):1458. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121458

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Gürlesin, Ömer F. 2024. "Social Media, Environmental Activism and Implicit Religion: A Case Study of Extinction Rebellion" Religions 15, no. 12: 1458. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121458

APA Style

Gürlesin, Ö. F. (2024). Social Media, Environmental Activism and Implicit Religion: A Case Study of Extinction Rebellion. Religions, 15(12), 1458. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121458

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