Sacred Orientalism: A Particular Mode of Missionary Ethnographic Thinking and Poetics on Juan González de Mendoza’s Chinese Ethnography

Abstract

Mendoza’s History of the Great Empire of China constitutes a notable contribution to the history of the literary relationship between China and Spain. First published in Rome in 1585, the work has exerted a profound influence on international scholarship over the past four centuries. From the perspective of the evolution of Western perceptions of China, contemporary scholars have primarily assessed this text on the basis of Mendoza’s elevation of Europe’s admiration of China from a material to a spiritual dimension. This paper introduces a new perspective on Mendoza’s significant contribution to the field of Chinese studies. Not only is his work a valuable source of information about China, but it is also a pioneering form of missionary ethnographic writing. This approach, here termed as ‘Sacred Orientalism’, served to elevate Europe’s idealised and sacred imagination of China to new heights. This paper demonstrates, among other things, how Mendoza used his two main reference works, Cruz and Rada, to reach such Sacred Orientalism. Furthermore, this paper also examines the factors that led to the emergence and acceptance of this distinctive mode of writing about China in 16th-century Europe.

1. Introduction

Mendoza’s History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China has had a significant impact since its inaugural publication in Rome in 1585. Over the subsequent four centuries, the text has exerted considerable influence across the field of international scholarship. Scholars from a multitude of linguistic backgrounds, including those from Hispanic, English, and Chinese-speaking countries, have engaged with this book. Indeed, in the 1990s, the American historian Donald Lach indicated the great value of Mendoza’s Chinese writing in Asia in the Making of Europe, stating that ‘the authority of Mendoza’s book was so great that it became the point of departure and the basis of comparison for all subsequent European works on China written before the eighteenth century’ (Lach 1994, p. 744). He also explained that its tremendous popularity could also partly be attributed to the great and unfulfilled demand throughout Europe for a complete and authoritative overview of China in the vernacular, and also to its publication in Rome at a time when Europe was agitated over the Japanese embassy sent to the papacy. The appearance of Mendoza’s book under the auspices of the papacy may well have imbued it with an authority and attention it might not otherwise have possessed (Lach 1994, p. 744).

Moreover, the most recent Spanish edition of Mendoza’s book was published in 2022 in Madrid, by Juan Gil, historian and member of the Royal Spanish Academy (Mendoza 2022). The edition comprises 619 pages. In addition to reproducing Mendoza’s original Spanish manuscript, the volume offers a comprehensive analysis and critique of his accounts. The (325-page long) introductory section covers a range of subjects pertaining to China during the premodern era, interactions between the Portuguese and Spanish, the biographical background of the Spanish writer, the sources of his work, the image of China as constructed by Mendoza, the evolution of the book’s editions, and the letters written by 16th-century Spanish missionaries to King Felipe II. The remaining 301 pages consist of Mendoza’s writing. This edition offers a valuable and comprehensive resource for the study of the Spanish Augustinians, providing a detailed and meticulous analysis and documentation of Mendoza and his Chinese ethnography. However, although Gil addressed the book’s conversion intentions, he did not analyse in-depth the rationale behind Mendoza’s portrayal of China as an extremely utopian and sacred nation.

Furthermore, Mendoza’s writing has also exerted an influence in China. Zhou Ning, a distinguished Chinese scholar specialising in the Western perception of China, also directed his attention to this book, referring to its portrayal of China as a prime example of ‘another kind of Orientalism’, characterised by an enduring, uncritical admiration for the Orient and its idealisation as a utopian realm of bliss and wisdom (Zhou 2004, p. 5). Zhou’s perspective is fundamentally shaped by Said’s theoretical framework of Orientalism (Said 2003).

While the aforementioned studies have devoted attention to Mendoza’s missionary purpose and the utopian imagination about China, such as Lach (1994) and Zhou (2004), they have failed to recognise that this mode of writing about China is, in fact, one of Mendoza’s most notable innovations. In other words, Mendoza elevated the European imagination of China to its pinnacle of idealisation and sanctification, thereby establishing a new mode of the Chinese profile, which was extremely utopian and sacred. Additionally, previous studies have not elucidated the circumstances under which this new form of writing emerged, nor have they addressed the emergence and reception of this new Chinese portrayal by the readership.

In addition, Zhao Zhenjiang devoted a chapter to Mendoza and his book in History of Sino-Foreign Literary Exchanges (China-Spanish volume). He compared Mendoza’s image of China with that of his predecessors and concluded that Rada had a certain critical and contemptuous attitude towards China. For example, Rada believed that the Chinese were not worth considering in any other aspect because they only knew the superficial aspects of things and were ignorant of everything else (Zhao and Teng 2014, p. 39). In contrast, Mendoza was found to have a favourable view of Chinese culture. Besides, Zhao pointed out that Cruz did not have much hope for missionary work in China, whereas Mendoza was convinced that conversion in China would be successful. However, the problem is that his discussion is limited to how Mendoza used the historical records of his predecessors to depict the spiritual beliefs of the Chinese people, based on limited examples. Moreover, the research is based on Chinese translations of the sources. Furthermore, the author does not offer a comprehensive analysis and verification of Mendoza’s rewriting of the material and spiritual aspects of China based on Cruz and Rada. Therefore, taking the gaps in previous scholarship as a new starting point, this paper conducts an integrated examination and analysis of the manner in which Mendoza constructed an image of China both idealised and sanctified, supplementing the discussion with new historical materials and explaining the reason for the emergence and popularity of such a representative image of China in sixteenth-century Europe. In particular, the article offers a detailed and comprehensive account of the manner and the rationale behind Mendoza’s creation of an idealised representation of China, which was shaped by his adherence to Catholic universalism.

In sum, an analysis of existing studies demonstrates a notable absence of recognition concerning one of Mendoza’s pivotal contributions: the formulation of a new model for Chinese ethnography, distinguished by an extremely idealised and sanctified approach. In this context, the term ‘extremely’ is employed to indicate that, in Mendoza’s era, the idealised and sacralised Western imagination of China reached its zenith. In light of the aforementioned logical foundation, this paper proposes the concept of ‘Sacred Orientalism’ as a new model for Chinese ethnography and seeks to elucidate and expand on this concept.

Despite his status as an ambassador dispatched by King Philip II of Spain to visit China, and his preparations for a journey to the Ming dynasty to meet the Wanli Emperor, Mendoza was ultimately unable to visit China. Consequently, his Chinese account was largely based on earlier historical sources, with Rada and Cruz being his principal references. The following section provides a definition of Sacred Orientalism and an analysis of the two aforementioned sources, exploring the intertextuality and discrepancies between their respective writing motives and intended audiences. The Section 3 and Section 4 analyse how Mendoza employed Rada and Cruz’s historical sources to construct the ‘Sacred Orientalist’ approach. These three sections constitute the core of this paper. The fifth part provides an overview of the historical context and motivations behind the advent of this new approach to writing about China. The final section offers the study’s conclusions.

2. Cruz and Rada’s Chinese Reports as Mendoza’s Primary References to Construct Sacred Orientalism in the 16th Century

Firstly, in order to define Sacred Orientalism, it is first necessary to undertake a review of the concept of ‘Orientalism’. Orientalism is not solely a discipline within the field of Oriental studies; rather, it is an academic modality of thought. According to Said (2003, pp. 25–30), the Orient is a construct of the Occident, and Orientalism is a mechanism through which the West sought to exert control, reconstruction, and influence over the East. The Occident has constructed a stereotypical image of the Orient that aligns with the expectations of its subjects, portraying it as marginalised, mute, and subordinate. This mode of discourse serves to perpetuate the Occident’s dominance over the Orient and could be regarded as a cultural variant of colonialism. Both Orientalism and postcolonial critical theory, the latter of which has its roots in the former, have prompted a heightened state of cultural vigilance among scholars. A considerable number of authors have reached the conclusion that the academic source of the concept of Orientalism is ‘Western centrism’. Indeed, as noted by Yang Naiqiao, a leading scholar on literary theory in China: ‘Said’s challenge to the West effectively acknowledges the existence of Western centrism’ (Yang 1999, p. 136). Additionally, it should be noted that the concept of the East, or Orient, is historically variable and has been somewhat artificially defined. The term’s denotation and connotation are subject to change over time and across geographical locations. This article, as an exploratory study, focuses exclusively on China. However, it will be expanded in the future to encompass Japan, India, and Southeast Asia.

2.1. Juan González de Mendoza and His Writing on China

In contrast to Said’s concept of Orientalism, which regards the East (or Orient) as a backward and despised Other, a distinct form of Orientalism emerged in Europe during the mid-to-late 16th century. This form (i.e., Sacred Orientalism) intensified the idealisation and sanctification of the European imagination of China and represents a distinctive mode of discourse about China that existed within the European perspective during 16th century.

This paper focuses on Mendoza’s Chinese ethnography due to its considerable impact on the field. In particular, Mendoza’s work was regarded as a significant and authoritative contribution to the field of European perception on China. Despite the Spanish author having never visited China, his work served as a point of departure and a basis for comparison in this field. To illustrate, a considerable number of intellectuals in the 16th and 17th centuries drew inspiration from his work, such as the British philosopher Francis Bacon, the French thinker and literary figure Michel de Montaigne, and Walter Raleigh, an influential Elizabethan diplomat (Zhang 1998, pp. 90–91).

The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China and the Situation Thereof was published in 1585 and compiled by Juan González de Mendoza, a Spanish Augustinian friar.1 This book provides comprehensive information about China’s geography, politics, culture, economy, beliefs, and other aspects of Chinese society to 16th-century European readers. At that time, Europe was largely uninformed about China due to natural geographical barriers. Despite the fact that various missionaries and businessmen produced accounts of their journeys to China during the 16th century, these had a significantly lighter cultural influence in Europe compared to Mendoza’s book. Upon its initial publication in Rome, the book swiftly gained immense popularity in Europe, with translations into seven languages (Latin, Italian, French, English, German, Portuguese, and Dutch). Indeed, a total of 44 editions were published and printed across Europe within 20 years of its initial release. He employed 40 chapters to construct an idealised representation of China and an additional 16 to fictionalise the image of the spiritually impoverished Chinese Other (Gao 2023b, p. 156). In essence, Mendoza depicted a materially affluent but spiritually deficient nation in need of salvation and compatible with Christianity (Gao 2023a, p. 13). Consequently, a distinctive discourse model of China was formed, here referred to as Sacred Orientalism.

2.2. An Approach to Cruz and Rada’s Writing on China

In the absence of any indication by Mendoza as to the references for each quotation in his book, it is necessary to investigate and verify the sources used. In order to gain insight into Mendoza’s stance on writing about China, it is essential to examine his utilisation of historical sources from his predecessors. This analysis should encompass the revisions he made, the sources he selected, and those he excluded. Mendoza’s approach to rewriting is indicative of his perspective on China. Based on this research, this paper introduces the concept of ‘Sacred Orientalism’, which captures Mendoza’s attitude towards writing about China. This undertaking was far from straightforward, and one that has been largely eschewed by scholars due to its intrinsic complexity and the considerable time commitment required. This paper introduces an approach for addressing these challenges. In his book, Mendoza explicitly named Cruz’s (1520–1570) report on China as one of his principal historical sources, as he indicated that ‘Gaspar da Cruz made a visit to the city of Canton, during which he recorded a great deal of information about the Chinese empire. This information has been incorporated into the present history, with numerous accounts from da Cruz’s report on China being referenced’ (Mendoza 1586, p. 22).2 It should be noted that Cruz’s report was written in Portuguese, originally titled Tractado em que se contam muito por estenso as cousas de China, con suas particulariclaes, y assi do regno dorninz (Cruz 1569).3 This lengthy title is shortened to The Treatise of Cruz in the following sections.

Cruz was a Portuguese Dominican friar, born in Évora (Portugal), who travelled to Asia and produced one of the first detailed European accounts of China since that of Marco Polo. According to Lach (1994, p. 742), Cruz’s book was not widely circulated in Europe, either due to its having been written in Portuguese (a language with limited dissemination) or its publication in the same year as the spread of the plague. In contrast to Mendoza, Cruz arrived in China, though he only spent a few weeks in Guangzhou—a port city located at the country’s southernmost extremity. He was motivated to visit the site for missionary purposes: ‘they told me many things of China, and the people of it to have a disposition to Christianity, and that they loved reason, I resolved, seeing I did no good in this country,4 nor baptized more than one gentile whom I left in the grave’ (Boxer 1953, p. 63). His Chinese report was based on his own experiences and observations of the city of Guangzhou, as well as on the report of Galeote Pereira, a 16th-century Portuguese soldier of fortune.

As stated in its preface, Cruz’s book was published by André de Burgos of Évora (Portugal) in 1569, with the explicit objective of disseminating Christianity:

Those which are as yet unknown could be conjectured, as also that those who read this work should give praise to God for His greatness and likewise feel compassion for such a vast multitude of lost souls who are ignorant of the truth, ―praying God to spread His holy Catholic faith among this people as the others, rescuing them from their ignorance and blindness in which they live idolatrously, and opening up a road for His servants to lead these (and the others whom we have mentioned) by way of baptism into the fold of His church (Boxer 1953, p. 55).

The missionary writing purpose of the Portuguese friar is aligned with that of Mendoza, as evidenced by the latter’s assertion that:

In 1580, His Majesty ordered me to bring a large number of rare treasures as a state presented to the King of China to express His Majesty’s friendship. He also wanted permission from both countries to conduct commercial activities in the Philippines. Your predecessor, the well-known Antonio de Padilla Menezes, suggested that I record all my experiences in China so that I can report to him in detail when I return. I also believe that only by understanding the country’s cultural customs, history, and geography can we influence the people of the country in the right way and convert them into the Catholic faith (Mendoza 1586, pp. 11–12).

Another significant source for Mendoza’s writings was the account of Martín de Rada (1533–1578). Born in Pamplona (Spain), he was one of the first members of the Order of Saint Augustine to spread the Christian doctrine in the Philippines, as well as one of the first Christian missionaries to visit the Ming dynasty. In 1575, together with another Spanish Augustinian, Jerónimo Marín, he travelled from Manila to Quanzhou (Fujian Province, China) with Wang Wanggao, a general of the Ming dynasty who was fighting the pirate Lin Feng. This was his first trip to China. He also travelled to Fuzhou to meet the governor of Fujian and asked to stay in China for a long time as a missionary but was not permitted to do so. In the following year, he attempted to follow Wang Wanggao back to China once more. However, Wang Wanggao reneged on their agreement and abandoned him in a shipwreck, almost resulting in his death (Sola 2018, p. 177). The stated objective of assisting the Chinese authority in apprehending the pirates represented one of the strategic approaches by the Spanish authorities in the Philippines. Their objective was to engage in negotiations with the local Fujian authorities to secure a pragmatic accord, under which the Spanish would collaborate with the Chinese in apprehending Lin Feng, in return for which they would be granted the authorization to engage in trade and missionary endeavours within China, as evidenced in his manuscript:

Letters and gifts were dispatched to the Governor of the city of Quanzhou and to the Governor of Fujian Province. In these missives, we proposed the establishment of an embassy in His Majesty’s name, the offering of peace and friendship, the pursuit of trade relations, and the seeking of permission to enter into commercial agreements. We also proposed that missionaries be permitted to enter China to preach our sacred beliefs (Alva et al. 1577).

Despite the ultimate failure of his mission and his subsequent expulsion from China, Rada managed to compile a collection of Chinese books purchased during his brief sojourn in Fujian Province. Upon his return to the former Spanish colony of Manila, he had this collection translated into Spanish and produced a report on China based on both these materials and his personal observations of the country, entitled Relaçion Verdadera de las cosas del Reyno de Taibin (Rada 1575).5 This manuscript was not published at that time. Those undertaking missionary work overseas were required to submit regular reports to their respective headquarters, providing detailed accounts of the missionaries’ observations regarding the local situation and the progress of their missionary activities. Rada’s report offers a comprehensive account of the Ming dynasty and his observations in Fujian province. It was translated by the English historian Boxer and published in South China in the Sixteenth Century in 1953. Boxer divided Rada’s report into two sections: the first, titled ‘Narrative of his mission to Fukien’,6 comprises observations made by Rada in Fujian province (Boxer 1953, pp. 243–59), while the second, ‘Relation of the things of China, which is properly called Taybin’, deals with the general situation of the Ming dynasty (Boxer 1953, pp. 260–310).

The period during which Cruz, Rada, and Mendoza lived was marked by a surge in European ambition to explore the world’s hitherto unknown territories, stimulated by the arrival of Columbus in the Americas in 1492. This, in turn, had given way to a growing European desire to acquire more information about the unknown continents, including Asia, with a view to furthering their overseas trade and missionary endeavours. For instance, long before the Portuguese arrived in Malacca, their kings were eager to ascertain details about China, including its location, boundaries, trade, specialities, ships, arms, character, beliefs, customs, and so forth. Accordingly, they tasked the governors who were dispatched to Asia with investigating these matters in order to facilitate their own expansion (Albuquerque 1915, p. 416). The Chinese reports produced by Cruz, Rada, and Mendoza were published in the mid-to-late 16th century—a period characterised by significant European exploration. It is thus essential to understand their Chinese ethnographies within this historical context. However, their reports were not merely collections of local information; rather, their status as missionaries required them to engage in missionary work, which in turn shaped their Chinese ethnographies through the intention to disseminate the gospel.

2.3. The Intertextuality of Mendoza and Cruz and Rada’s Chinese Ethnographies

Despite this shared objective, the authors employed distinct writing styles and targeted different readerships. Cruz had the Portuguese public as his intended readership as he wrote in Portuguese, whereas Mendoza’s was the ruling class of Spain and the Roman Catholic Church. This is evident in Mendoza’s book, which was commissioned by Fernando de Vega y Fonseca, the former President of the Royal and Supreme Council of the Indies at the time (Mendoza 1586, pp. 11–12), the highest authority responsible for Spanish colonial affairs. Furthermore, he also indicated that the book was sponsored by the Pope, noting that:

I came to this Court and met the Pope Gregory XIII. At his command, I gave him an account of China that I related to. He received it with pleasure and ordered me to edit and publish them to awaken the greater desire of the Spanish for saving so many misguided souls’ (Mendoza 1586, p. 13).

In contrast to Mendoza and Cruz, Rada’s Chinese account was not published contemporaneously; instead, it has survived in manuscript form. Such documentation includes a series of observations on China which were conveyed to their respective headquarters for review.

Let us take a closer reading of Mendoza’s original Spanish book. The work is formed of two sections, each containing three volumes, with a total of 268 folios. The first section presents an overview of China’s political, economic, geographical, historical, cultural, religious, ritualistic, and customary practices during the Ming dynasty. The second is a compilation of early travelogues written by European explorers, offering insights into Chinese provinces, such as Fujian and Guangdong, as well as descriptions of both China’s neighbouring countries and Mexico. The textual analysis presented in this paper is restricted to the first section, given its primary concern of constructing an image of China.

The following sections seek to analyse how Mendoza employed his two primary sources—the reports of Cruz and Rada—in the construction of his profile of the Chinese image. This area of research has, to date, remained largely unexplored, largely due to the considerable amount of work that it would require. This also constitutes one of the innovations of this paper. It is necessary to reiterate that, due to the extensive length of Mendoza’s book (220 folios), this article is limited to an analysis of its first section, as it encompasses the majority of the construction of China’s profile. The second section is primarily a record of the missionary’s global travels, including observations and experiences in Fujian. This is not the principal objective of this investigation.

Firstly, the paper provides a framing summary of the intertextuality between Mendoza and his two main reference sources. In the following tables, Mendoza’s chapters are listed in the left-hand columns, and the related texts of Cruz or Rada are listed in the right-hand columns. To illustrate, the fifth line of

Table 1. Intertextuality of Mendoza and Cruz’s Chinese ethnographies.

	Mendoza’s History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China	The Treatise of Cruz
1	Part 1, vol. 1, chap. 1	chap. 2
	The description of the kingdome and the confines that it hath belonging.	In which it is shown what country China may be, and what sort of people the Chinas are.
		chap. 3
		Of the kingdoms which border on China; in which notice is given of its greatness; and it is declared to border on the edge of Almayne; for it treats of two Russias, and of how one of them confines with China
2	Part 1, vol. 1, chap. 3	chap. 12
	Of the fertilitie of this kingdome, and of such fruits and other things	Of the fullness of the land and of its abundance.
	Part 1, vol. 1, chap. 4
	Here Ido proceed in the fertilitie of this kingdome, and of such things as it doth yeeld.
3	Part 1, vol. 1, chap. 9	chap. 4
	Here Ido proceed in the fertilitie of this kingdome, and of such things as it doth yeeld.	In which the subject of the confines of China is continued.
4	Part 1, vol. 1, chap. 6	chap. 3
	The bignesse of this kingdome of China, and of such measures as they do vse in trauaile.	Of the kingdoms which border on China; in which notice is given of its greatness; and it is declared to border on the edge of Almayne; for it treats of two Russias, and of how one of them confines with China
5	Part 1, vol. 1, chap. 7	chap. 5
	Of the 15 prouinces that are in this kingdome.	Of the provinces into which China is divided.
	Part 1, vol. 1, chap. 8
	Of the cities and townes that every one of these prouinces hath in himselfe
6	Part 1, vol. 1, chap. 10	chap. 13
	Of the dispositions, with apparell and other exercises of the people of this countrie Both men and women of this countrie are of a good disposition of their bodies, well proportioned and gallant men, somewhat tall: they are all for the most part brode faced, little eyes and flat noses, and without bearde saue only upon the ball of the chinne: but yet there be some that haue great eyes and goodly beardes, and their faces well proportioned, yet of these sorts (in respect of the others) are verie few: and it is to bee beleeued that these kinde of people doo proceede of some strange nation, who in times past when it was lawfull to deale out of that countrie, did ioyne one withAnother (Mendoza 1853, p. 29).	Of the apparel and customs of the men. the Chinas commonly are ill-favoured, having small eyes, and their faces and noses flat, and are beardless, Lwith some few little hairs on the point of the chin, notwithstanding there are some who have very good faces, and well proportioned, with great eyes, their beards well set, and their noses well shapen. But these are very few, and it may be that they are descended from other nations which of old times were mixed up with the Chinas when they communicated with different peoples (Boxer 1953, p. 137).
8	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 7	chap. 23
	Of a law amongst the Chinos, that they cannot make anie wars out of their owns countrie, neither go forth of the same, neither can any stranger come in without licence of the king. Also on the said penaltie, that no subiect of his shall nauigate by sea out of the kingdome without the said licence. Also that whatsoeuer will go from one prouince to another within the said kingdome, to traficke in buying and selling, shall giue sureties to returne againe in a certaine time limited, vpon paine to bee disnaturalled of the countrie. Likewise that no stranger what soeuer shall come in by sea nor by land, without his express licence, or of the gouernours of such ports or places whereas they shall come or ariue. And this licence must be giuen with great consideration, aduising the king therof (Mendoza 1853, p. 94).	Of how the Portugals in former times traded with the Chinas, and of how these armed against them. The law in China is that no man of China do sail out of the realm on pain of death. It is only lawful for him to sail along the coast of the same China. And yet along the coast, nor from one place to another in China itself, is it lawful for him to go without a certificate of the Louthias of the district whence he departeth; in which is set down, whither he goeth, and wherefore, and the marks of his person, and his age. If he carrieth not this certificate he is banished to the frontier regions. The merchant that carrieth goods carrieth a certificate of the goods he carrieth, and how he paid duties for them (Boxer 1953, p. 191).
9	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 10	chap. 17
	Here is prosecuted the manner how they do choose their gouernors and iustices, and howe they doo execute the same.	Of how the Louthias7 are made, and of the studies; and how they understand each other in writing and not by speech in divers tongues
	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 11	chap. 18
	Of the visitors that the king doth send euery yeare to visite the inferior iudges of his prouinces, and of the punishing of such as they do find culpable.	Of the provision for the Louthias, and of their ministers.
		chap. 19
		Of the promptness and readiness with which the Louthias are served.
10	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 9	chap. 16
	Of such presidents and ministers as the king doth put in euerie prouince, and the order that they haue in their gouerninent.	Of the number and different degrees of the officers of the provinces.
	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 13
	Of the characters and letters that the Chinos do vse, and of the colleges and scholes that are in this kingdome, and of other curious things.
	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 14
	Of the examination of such whome they preferre to the degree of Loytia, which is with vs. the degree of a doctor: and howe they doo commence them, and howe they doo beare him companie.
11	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 12	chap. 20
	Of their prisons they doo vte, and the order they haue in the executing of iustice vpon the culpable.	Of those who are sentenced to death, and of other matters which pertain to justice; and this is a notable chapter.
		chap. 21
		Of the prisons and jails of China.
12	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 18	chap. 14
	The order that these Chinos obserue in making bankets, and in celebrating their festiuall daies. Amongest these Chinos, more than amongest any other people of the world, are vsed bankets and feastes, for they are rich and without care, and also without the light of heauen, albeit they do confesse and beleeue the immortalitie of the soule, and the rewarde or punishment in an other worlde, according vnto their workes in this life (as we haue saide). All that euer they can, they doo giue themselues vnto the contentment of the flesh, and vnto all maner pastimes, wherein they liue most delicately, and in verie good order (Mendoza 1853, p. 137).	Of some feasts that the Chinas do make, and of their music and burials. The Chinas do use on their birthdays to make great feasts, continuing yet in them the custom of the old gentiles. In these feasts are wont to meet all the kinsmen and friends, and all do help the host to bear the charges of the feasts by sending him presents, so that when they do celebrate their own birthdays they are repaid in the same sort; and because they have these helps, they make great expence and solemnity. The feast lasteth all night long, for all the gentiles as they walk in darkness, living without the knowledge of God, so all their feasts through all the regions of India and in China particularly are made by night. In these feasts is great abundance of meat and great store of wine; all the night they spend in eating and drinking, and in music, playing on divers instruments (Boxer 1953, p. 143).
13	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 19	chap. 13
	How they salute one another in this countrie, and of some part of their ceremonies. The salutation that the common people do vse is, whenthey do meete the one with the other, to shut the left hande, and to couer it with the right, ioyning therewith their breastes together, with much bowing their heades downewardes, signifying that loue and amitie is as feme betweene them as their handes are fast, and that their friendshippe is not alonely in the ceremonie, but also in the heart: the which they giue to ynderstande by woordes at the same time. But amongest courtyers and gentlemen they vse an other manner of courtesie, which seemeth vnto them of much more curiositie, that is: at such time as they doo meete, they make a little staye, then they caste abroad their armes, and claspe their fingers together, remayning in compasse, humbling themselues manie times, and contending one with an other about their parting for to prosecute his waye; and the higher estate they are of, the more is their contention.(Mendoza 1853, p. 141)	Of the apparel and customs of the men The common courtesy is, the left hand closed, they enclose it within the right hand, and they move their hands repeatedly up and down towards the breast, showing that they have one another enclosed in their heart (Boxer 1953, p. 138). The particular courtesies between men who have some breeding, and who have not seen one another for some days, are the arms bowed and the fingers clasped one within another, they stoop and speak with words of great courtesy, each one labouring to give the hand to the other to make him rise; and the more honourable they are the longer they stand in these courtesies (Boxer 1953, p. 140).
14	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 20	chap. 15
	Of the great closenesse that the women of this kingdome do Hue in, and with what condition they permit common women. a dishonest woman is knowen by name, although it be in a great citie, the which is seldome seene, and a rare thing. And the best way they haue to preuent this is, that all people that haue daughters are commaunded by expresse order, that they shall bring them vp (after they haue the vse of reason) in their owne houses very close, and not be seene, but alwayes to doo some thing to auoide idlenesse, for that it is the mother of all vices, whereby it may take no roote in them (Mendoza 1853, p. 145).	Of the apparel and customs of the women, and whether there are slaves in China. They commonly keep themselves close, so that through all the city of Cantam, there appeareth not a woman, but some light huswives andbase women. And when they go abroad they are not seen, for they go in close chairs (whereof we spake before); neither when anybody cometh into the house doth he see them, except for curiosity they chance under the doorcloth to look on them that come in when they are foreigners (Boxer 1953, p. 149).
15	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 21	chap. 9
	The fashion of their ships, as well of those that passe the seas, as of those that doo roade riuers, which are manie and great: and howe they doo prouide themselues offish for all the yeare There is in this kingdome a great number of shippes and barkes, with the which they sayle all a long their coastes, and vnto ilandes neere hande, and into their riuers, the which doo runne cleane through the most part of all their prouinces. They make them slightly and with small cost, for they haue in all partes of this countrie great aboundance of tymber, iron, and other thinges necessarie for this vse (Mendoza 1853, p. 148).	Of the ships and vessels which there are in the country. As in this country there is great store of timber and very cheap, and much iron and cheap, and it is very good, there is an immense number of ships and vessels, for throughout the country are infinite groves of fir-trees and of other trees, whereby it is easy for any one though of a little substance, to make a ship and own a vessel, and this causeth the great profit and gain that is of them with the necessity the country hath of them (Boxer 1953, p. 111)
16	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 22	chap. 12
	A curious order that these Chinos haue to bring vp ducks in great abundance, and with small cost: and of a pleasant and ingenious order of fishing which they vse. Likewise in this country they do vse a kinde of fishing, that is of no lesse industrie then the bringing vppe of these duckes, and a thing to be seene. The king hath in euerie citie founded vppon the riuers, houses wherein euerie yeare is brought vp many cormorantes or sea rauens, with whome they doo fishe in those monethes that the fish dooth spawne, and that is in this maner following … (Mendoza 1853, pp. 154–55).	Of the fullness of the land and of its abundance In all the cities, which as I said already are built along the rivers, the King hath many sea-crows in coops, in which they breed, with the which they make royal fishings many times. All the barks that are bound to go a-fishing with these cormorants, do meet and form a circle in the river. Those that have charge of the birds, do tie them about the crops, so that they cannot swallow the fish, and thus tied they cast them to fish in the river (Boxer 1953, p. 136).
17	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 23	chap. 22
	Of the curtesie that the king of this mightie kingdome doth vnto the ambassadors that come to himfrom anie other king, prince, or comonaltie.	With whom the King of China marrieth; and of the ambassadors; and how every month the King is informed of all that passeth throughout his kingdom
	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 8
	Of the kings royall counsell, and the order they haue to know euerie moneth what dooth passe in all the kingdome.
18	Part 1, vol. 2, chap. 1	chap. 27
	Of the number of gods that they doo worship, and of some tokens and paintings that is found amongst them that do represent a mysterie of our Christian religion	Of the rites and adorations of the Chinas
	Part 1, vol. 2, chap. 2
	I do prosecute the religion, they haue, and of the idols they do worship.
	Part 1,vol. 2,chap. 3
	How little they doo esteeme their idols whome they worshippe.
	Part 1, vol. 2, chap. 4
	Of lots which they doo vse when they will doe ante thing of importance, and howe they doe inuocate or call the diuell.
	Part 1, vol. 2, chap. 5
	Of the opinion they haue of the beginning of the worlde, and of the creation of man.
	Part 1, vol. 2, chap. 6
	How they hold for a certaintie that the soule is immortaU, and that he shal haue another life, in the which it shalbe punished or rewarded according vnto the workes which he doth in this world; and how they pray for the dead.
	Part 1, vol. 2, chap. 7
	Of their temples, and of certaine manner of religious people, both men and women, and of their superiors.
19	Part 1, vol. 2, chap. 8	chap. 14
	The order that they haue in burying of the dead, and the mourning apparell they haue. When that any one doth die, at the very instant he yeeldeth vp ye gost, they do wash his bodie all ouer from top to toe, then do they apparell him with the best apparell that he had, all perfumed with sweet smels. Then after he is apparelled, they do set him in ye best chaier that he hath; then commeth vnto him his father and mother, brethren and sisters and children, who kneeling before him, they do take their leaue of him, shedding of many teares, and making of great moane, euery one of them by them selues … (Mendoza 1853, p. 59)	Of some feasts that the Chinas do make, and of their music and burials When any man dieth that hath house, kindred and children, after he hath given up the ghost, they wash the corpse and put on his best apparel, and his good footwear and his cap on his head, and set him on a chair, and then cometh his wife and kneeleth down before him, and with many tears and lamentable words she taketh her leave of him; and after the wife, come the children in their order doing the like, and after the children the rest of the kindred and all the rest of the household and friends … (Boxer 1953, p. 146)
20	Part 1, vol. 2, chap. 10	chap. 10
	How that in all this mightie kingdome there is no poore folks walking in the streets nor in the temples a begging, and the order that the king hath giuenfor the maintayning of them that cannot worke. if it hath no parentes, or they be so poore that they cannot contribute nor supply any part therof; then doth the king maintaine them in verie ample manner of his owne costes in hospitalles, verie sumptuous, that he hath in euerie citie throughout his kingdome for the same effect and purpose: in the same hospitalles are likewise maintayned all such needie and olde men as haue a very good order. spent all their youth in the wars, and are not able to maintaine themselues: so that to the one and the other is ministered all that is needefull and necessarie, and that with great diligence and care (Mendoza 1853, p. 67)	Of the husbandry of the land and the occupations of the people if their kindred be not able to maintain them, or if they have no kindred in the country, the Comptroller of the Revenue commandeth they be received into the King’s Hospital; for the King hath in all the cities great hospitals which have many lodgings within a great enclosure. And the officers of the hospital are bound to administer to those that are bed-ridden all things necessary, for the which there are very sufficient rents appointed out of the King’s exchequer (Boxer 1953, pp. 122–23).

shows that Mendoza’s two chapters, ‘Of the 15 prouinces that are in this kingdome’ (Part 1, vol. 1, chap. 7) and ‘Of the cities and townes that every one of these prouinces hath in himselfe’ (Part 1, vol. 1, chap. 8), are based on extensive quotations from Cruz’s Chapter 5 (‘Of the volumes into which China is divided’. Again, the second line of

Table 2. Intertextuality of Mendoza and Rada’s Chinese ethnographies.

	Mendoza’s History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China	Rada’s Relation of the things of China
1	Part 1, vol. 1, chap. 2	chap. 7
	Of the temperature of the kingdome of China.	Of the manner of the people and of their customs and clothes.
2	Part 1, vol. 1, chap. 5	chap. 6
	Of the antiquitie of this kingdome.	Of the antiquity of the kingdom of Taybin and of the changes which have occurred therein
3	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 1
	How manie hinges hath beene in this kingdome, and their names.
4	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 3	chap. 5
	The number of such subiects as doo pay vnto the king tribute in all these fifteene prouinces.	Of the population of the kingdom of Taybin and tributers and tributes
5	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 4
	The tribute that the king hath in these fifteene prouinces, according vnto the truest relation.
6	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 5	chap. 3
	Of the men of war that are in the fifteene prouinces, as wel footmen as horsemen, and of the great care they haue in the gard of the king dome.	Of the number of the cities and towns of the kingdom of Taybin
	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 6	chap. 4
	More of the men of war which are in al these flfteene prouinces, and how many there be in euery one of them, as well horsemen as foote men.	Of the fighting-men, garrisons and weapons.
7	Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 15	chap. 4
	How that with them they haue had the vse of Artilery long time before vs. in these parts of Europe.	Of the fighting-men, garrisons and weapons.

indicates that another two of Mendoza’s chapters (Part 1, vol. 1, chap. 5 and Part 1, vol. 3, chap. 1) contain extensive quotations from Rada’s Chapter 6. The data presented in the two tables illustrate that the first part of Mendoza’s book comprises 19 chapters derived from Cruz’s Treatise, in addition to 5 chapters derived from Rada’s report. This demonstrates that Cruz was the primary source of information for Mendoza, with Rada’s report serving as a supplementary source. Mendoza also made use of other sources, although these were not primary reference points and are thus not discussed here due to space limitations.

3. Mendoza’s Idealised Rewriting Based on Cruz and Rada’s Reports

The concept of Sacred Orientalism, as proposed in this paper, consists of two distinct elements: the idealised and the sacralised image of China. The following chapters analyse how Mendoza used Cruz and Rada’s descriptions to effect idealised and sanctified rewritings, respectively, with reference to a number of illustrative examples. Mendoza presented a highly idealised image of China as an advanced, powerful, and strong nation, populated by attractive individuals and operating within a sophisticated social system.

3.1. Expansion Writing on the Great Wall and Omission of the Negative Aspects of China

Firstly, Mendoza’s exaggerated rewriting of the two reports is reflected in the account of the Great Wall. Cruz is regarded as one of the earliest European writers to have described the Great Wall of China, as he himself asserted in his published work:

With these is the continual war of the Chinas; and as I have said, the Chinas have an hundred leagues (others saying there are more) of a wall between them and the other, where are continually garrisons of men for defence against the raids of the Tartars. 1 It may be believed that this wall is not continuous, but that some mountains or hills are intermixt between; for a Persian lord affirmed to me that the like works were in some parts of Persia, intermixed with some hills or mountains (Boxer 1953, p. 85).

Rada was also impressed by the Great Wall, describing it as ‘a magnificent boundary-wall of square stone which is one of the most notable works which have been made in the world; for it must be about six hundred leagues long, and seven fathoms high, and six fathoms broad at the bottom and three at the top, and according to what they say it is all faced with tiles’ (Boxer 1953, p. 263). However, both Cruz and Rada used a relatively limited number of words to describe the Great Wall (90 and 142 words, respectively). In comparison, Mendoza expanded upon these, allocating more than 300 words to his chapter ‘Of the wonderfull buildings in this kingdome, and of mightie wall or circuit in the same of 500 leagues long’ (Mendoza 1853, pp. 26–29). Let us read Mendoza’s writing about the Great Wall:

There is in this kingdome a defence or wall that is fine hundred leagues long, and beginneth at the citie Ochyoy, which is vppon the high mountaines, and runneth from the west vnto east. The king of that countrie which made it was called Tzintzon, and it was for Tartaries, with whom he had warres; so that the wall doth shut vp all the frontier of Tartaria. But you must vndcrstande that foure hundred leagues of the saide wall is naturall of it selfe, for that they be high and mightie rockes, verie nigh together: but in the other hundred leagues is comprehended the spaces or distance that is betwixt the rockes, the which he caused to be made by mens handes of verie strong worke of stone, and is of seuen fathom brode at the foote of it, and seuen fathom high. It beginneth at the partes of the sea, in the prouince of Canton, and stretcheth foorth by that of Paguia and Cansay, and doth finish in the prouince of Susuan. This king, for to finish this wonderful work, did take of cucrie three men one thorono-li his kingdome, and of fine, two; Avho for that they trauailed in their labour so long a iourney, and into different clymes (although that out of those provinces that were nearest there came great store of people), yet did they almost all perish that followed that worke. The making of this superbious and mightie worke, was the occasion that his whole kingdome did rise yjy against the king, and did kill him, after that he had raigned fortieyeares, and also a sonne of his that was called Agnitzi. The report of this wall is helde to be of a verie truth, for that it is affirmed by all the Chinos that doo traficke to the Islands Philippinas and to Canton, and Machao, and be all confirmable in their declaration as witnesses, because they haue scene it: and it is the farthest parts of all the kingdome, whereas none of vs. vnto this day hath beene (Mendoza 1853, pp. 28–29).

He comprehensively described the Great Wall’s dimensions and elucidated its construction as a defensive measure against Tartar incursions. Moreover, he emphasised the crucial role of the general population in its construction, which ultimately led to widespread discontent and the assassination of Qin Shi Huang, the first emperor of China. With such descriptions, centred on the Great Wall, he magnified China’s considerable power and strength and enriched its history.

Secondly, Mendoza’s exaggerated rewriting is also reflected in his omission of the negative aspects of China described by Cruz and Rada. For example, Rada wrote that ‘The people of Taybin are all, on the one hand, white and well built, and when they are small children they are very fair, but when they grow up they become ugly’ (Boxer 1953, p. 282).8 Similarly, Cruz also stated ‘Although the Chinas commonly are ill-favoured, having small eyes, and their faces and noses flat, and are beardless, with some few little hairs on the point of the chin, notwithstanding there are some who have very good faces, and well proportioned with great eyes, their beards well sets, and their noses well shapen’ (Boxer 1953, p. 137). Therefore, Rada and Cruz mentioned not only the handsome, but also the ugly Chinese. In contrast, Mendoza avoided portraying the Chinese as bad-looking, instead writing ‘Both men and women of this countrie are of a good disposition of their bodies, well proportioned and gallant men, somewhat tall: they are all for the most part brode faced, little eyes and flat noses, and without bearde saue only upon the ball of the chinne: but yet there be some that haue great eyes and goodly beardes, and their faces well proportioned, yet of these sorts (in respect of the others) are verie few’ (Mendoza 1853, p. 29).

3.2. Mendoza’s Idealisation of China’s Social System

Mendoza’s analysis of China’s social system was also characterised by a tendency towards idealisation. One illustrative case was that of the supervisory system. A comparison between Rada’s and Mendoza’s statements is now required. The former is used as a point of reference for the latter. Rada stated that the emperor would annually send ministers to different provinces for the purpose of correcting wrongdoings and investigating the extent of loyalty to duty among officials at all levels (Boxer 1953, p. 302). Additionally, in Chapter 10, Rada also noted that the government’s authority was so great that ‘when they [officials] pass anybody on horseback he has to dismount and stand to one side, and anybody in a chair has to have it put down on the ground and gets out of it, while he who carries a sunshade lowers it, and he who carries a fly whisk hides it up his sleeve’ (Boxer 1953, p. 301). In addition, according to Rada, the prisons were characterised by poor lighting and ventilation (Boxer 1953, p. 301), as well as the imposition of harsh penalties on those deemed to have committed crimes (Boxer 1953, p. 302). In conclusion, Rada did not consider the Chinese judicial system as an exemplar for emulation. In comparison, Mendoza offered high praise for the Ming dynasty’s judicial system, repeatedly asserting its worth for both study and emulation by Europeans, as he stated:

This great diligence is the occason that fewe times there is any that doth complaine of any ill iustice doone, the which is a great and notable vertue, and ought to be imitated of all good iustices, for to auoyd many incoimeniences which doo happen for the not vsing the same, the which these Gentiles haue great care to performe; who, beside the prosecution of right iustice, without respect or exception of any person, do vse certaine preuentions worthie to be suffere. (Mendoza 1853, pp. 109–10)

Furthermore, in assessing and promoting ‘the mandarins’, a term denoting officials within an organization or government, Cruz frequently highlighted the prevalence of corruption, stating ‘they are many times mightily bribed by the Louthias in order that these may receive promotion’ (Boxer 1953, p. 158). Moreover, before the arrival of the Court of Censors, who had considerable influence over the appointment and dismissal of officials, the mandarins routinely sought out avenues for bribes, with Cruz stating that ‘the Louthias labour to find out before he enters their region whether he can be bribed; and if they know that he takes bribes, they relax and are at ease, being confident that if they bribe him their matter will turn out as they wish’ (Boxer 1953, p. 158). Nevertheless, Mendoza did not discuss any instances of corruption among Ming officials in his book, despite Cruz (who served as a primary source) citing many instances of such practices.

As another example of the corruption of the Ming dynasty, Cruz indicated that the allocation of official positions was conducted by the emperor with the counsel of the eunuchs. In other terms, eunuchs exert considerable influence over the promotion and appointment of officials (Boxer 1953, p. 158); therefore, considering that the eunuchs were those with whose counsel the offices were distributed, he stated that ‘they are many times mightily bribed by the Louthias in order that these may receive promotion’ (Boxer 1953, p. 158). Indeed, the dictatorship of eunuchs was a reflection of the historical context of the late Ming dynasty, particularly in the reign of Wanli. However, Mendoza concentrated solely China’s political clarity, thereby avoiding the decline and corruption that characterised the late Ming dynasty.

Indeed, in contrast to Cruz and Rada, Mendoza observed a rigorous and highly efficacious surveillance system of the mandarins established by the Ming dynasty:

It is to be woondred at the great and vigilant care that this heathen prince hath, in that his ministers and iudges, as wel viceroyes, gouernors, presidents, as anie other officers, should execute their offices well and vprightly, as they ought to doo: for in the end of three yeares that their gouernment doth indure, they do take of them in residence straight account by the iudges thereof, who bee called Chaenes. Likewise they doo dispatch euerie yeere in great secrecie into euerie prouince, other iudges and visitors, that be called Leachis, the which are persons of great confidence, and prooued by experience of long time to be of good life, good customes, and haue done good seruice in the administering of iustice vprightly. (Mendoza 1853, pp. 112–13)

Moreover, Mendoza repeatedly noted the absence of beggars in China, citing the benevolence of the king who distributed a portion of his wealth to support the less fortunate. However, Cruz’s account contradicted this, thus illustrating (once more) Mendoza’s idealised reproduction of previous reports on China. For example, the title of Chapter 10 of Volume 2 of the first part of Mendoza’s book is ‘How that in all this mightie kingdome there is no poore folks walking in the streets nor in the temples a begging, and the order that the king hath giuen for the maintayning of them that cannot worke’ (Mendoza 1853, p. 66). Within this chapter, Mendoza (1853) explicitly emphasised that ‘there is no poore that doo perish nor begge in the streetes, as was apparent vnto the Austen and Barefoote fryers, and the rest that went with them into that countrie’ (p. 68). As another example, Mendoza stated that ‘it was a rare thing that kingdome to see them begge in the streets, by reason, as hath been tolde you, that they haue no poore folk’, and also wrote that the governor, using imperial funds, would provide daily allowances for those who were seen as not being able to support themselves (Mendoza 1854, p. 161). In contrast, Cruz stated ‘we also saw poor people who went begging through the streets, especially blind’ (Boxer 1953, p. 294).

Let us gain further insight into how Mendoza described the Chinese social welfare system and its role in assisting economically disadvantaged persons. He indicated:

if it hath no parentes, or they be so poore that they cannot contribute nor supply any part therof; then doth the king maintaine them in verie ample manner of his owne costes in hospitalles, verie sumptuous, that he hath in euerie citie throughout his kingdome for the same effect and purpose: in the same hospitalles are likewise maintayned all such needie and olde men as haue spent all their youth in the wars, and are not able to main taine themselues: so that to the one and the other is ministered all that is needefull and necessarie, and that with great diligence and care: and for the better accomplishing of the same, the iudge doth put verie good order, and dooth appoint one of the principallest of the citie or towne, to be the administrator, without whose licence, there is not one within that hospitall that can goe foorth of the limittes: for that license is not granted vnto anie, neyther doo they demand it, for that there they are prouided of all thinges necessarie so long as they doo liue, as well for apparell as for victualles (Mendoza 1853, p. 67).

Mendoza states that the homeless were accommodated in the ‘Royal Hospital’ (Mendoza’s term), where a plethora of resources were available. Furthermore, residents there were permitted to cultivate vegetables and raise chickens in order to become self-sufficient. Additionally, judges and administrators were subject to regular inspections and disciplinary action if they failed to fulfil their duties satisfactorily. Mendoza, in fact, employed 332 words to delineate the royal hospital as a social welfare system (Mendoza 1853, pp. 67–68). However, due to the limited number of words, it is not feasible to present the entire text here.

Mendoza’s account of the royal hospital is based on Cruz’s report, such as Cruz stated “The lame and the cripples” who had no families nor supports could “be received into the King’s Hospital; for the King hath in all the cities great hospitals which have many lodgings within a great enclosure. And the officers of the hospital are bound to administer to those that are bed-ridden all things necessary, for the which there are very sufficient rents appointed out of the King’s exchequer” (Mendoza 1853, p. 123). Moreover, Cruz also indicated that the patients in hospitals could get rice and raise animals to support themselves and that all these things were very well paid for, without fail, and that the hospital officers had to annually account for their expenses and care. Any negligence was strictly punished (Mendoza 1853, p. 123). However, Cruz’s description of the hospital was relatively concise, comprising approximately 100 words. In contrast, Mendoza’s account is considerably more detailed, encompassing 332 words. Mendoza’s interest in this social welfare system is evident from the length and detail he devotes to its description. Additionally, Cruz makes reference to “the lame and the cripples” in his report. In contrast, Mendoza broadened the scope of the initiative to encompass all unsupported homeless individuals with physical disabilities, thereby reproducing Cruz’s report in an exaggerated manner.

Indeed, both Cruz and Mendoza’s observation of the Chinese royal hospital system can be seen as an idealised representation of the ‘Charitable court’ (养济院) initiated by Zhu Yuanzhang 朱元璋 (1328–1398), the founding emperor of the Ming dynasty. He established a refuge institution with the specific intention of providing assistance to the impoverished. In this regard, the Laws of the Ming Dynasty of China included the following stipulation: “In the event that widows, widowers, orphans and individuals with serious illnesses are impoverished and lack familial support, the official district to which they belong is obliged to provide them with assistance” (Li and Liu 1908). Failure to comply would result in a sentence of sixty strokes of the cane. In the event that an official proposed a reduction in the level of support, they would be incarcerated.

Despite Zhu Yuanzhang’s initial objective of establishing the Yang Ji Yuan (Charitable court) with the intention of providing for the people’s basic needs, he failed to consider the financial capabilities of the local government. Furthermore, he did not conduct any research or statistical analysis on the data pertaining to the poor, the elderly, and the disabled in various locations. In particular, during the period of natural disaster, the government was unable to provide adequate financial support. In addition to financial constraints, the prevalence of corruption and malpractice among officials was a significant contributing factor to the challenges encountered in the operation of the institutions. These challenges included instances of corruption and malpractice by the association’s leadership, as well as a lack of adequate supervision, which ultimately lead to a deviation from the intended purpose of the orphanages. As Wang notes, while the Ming government did not impose an upper limit on the number of orphans and disabled persons to be adopted by the institutions, the actual number of individuals who could be admitted was constrained by significant limitations. Moreover, the absence of effective supervision resulted in the chaotic management of the institutions and a proliferation of public fund embezzlement (Wang 1989, p. 55). Mendoza’s writing on the ‘Royal Hospital’ of China is therefore an idealised imagination of the charitable court system (known as Yang Ji Yuan in Chinese) created by Zhu Yuanzhang, the first emperor of the Ming dynasty.

4. Mendoza’s Sacred Rewriting Based on Rada and Cruz’s Accounts

This paper proposes a new interpretation of Mendoza’s work as one that constructs a Sacred Orientalist image of China. This image conceptualises China as an idealised nation awaiting redemption and as a territory conducive to the expansion of Christianity. Indeed, the preceding section has shown how Mendoza rewrote earlier accounts in an idealised and sacred manner, while this section turns to his re-writing of Rada and Cruz’s accounts in a sacred context.

4.1. Mendoza’s Emphasis on China’s Rationality and Receptiveness to Christianity

Firstly, in his writings, Mendoza sought to emphasise the rationality of the Chinese people as a means of suggesting their potential receptiveness to Christianity. To illustrate, the chapter entitled ‘How little they doo esteeme their idols whome they worshippe’ provides an account of how the Dominican friars observed the Chinese engaging in idol worship within the city of Canton and proceeded to dismantle these idols (Mendoza 1853, p. 44). Upon witnessing this, the Chinese were on the verge of assaulting the friars. However, the friars proceeded to argue that the worship of idols crafted from stone and wood was unwarranted, and that they themselves possessed a conscience. The Chinese who were present listened to them, expressed their approval and gratitude, and proceeded to dismantle the idols. Subsequently, they accompanied the friars back to their residence.

This story is cited from Cruz’s Chapter 27 ‘Of the rites and adorations of the Chinas’ (Boxer 1953, p. 217). However, Cruz’s account of the story was relatively brief, comprising approximately 100 words, and he ultimately concluded that ‘I found in these people his likelihood and disposition for them to become Christians’ (Boxer 1953, p. 217). In contrast, Mendoza expanded upon it considerably, using over 500 words to emphasise the potential for spreading Christianity in China. For example, in this account, Mendoza argued that, despite the Chinese prohibition against foreign entry, the Chinese people would be receptive to Christianity. Let us examine his assertion in closer detail:

Hereby you may vnderstand with what facilitie, by the helpe of almightie God, they may be reduced vnto our Catholicke faith: opening (by the light of the gospel) the doore which the diuell hath kept shut by false delusions so long time, although the king, with all his gouernors and ministers, hath great care that in all that kingdome there be none to induce nouelties, neither to admit strangers or any new doctrin without license of the said king, and of his roial counsel, vpon pain of death, the which is executed with great rigor. (Mendoza 1853, pp. 45–46)

4.2. Construction of Commensurability Between Chinese and Christian Cultures

Secondly, Mendoza attempted to establish a commensurability between Chinese and Christian cultures through exaggerated rewriting. For instance, in Chapter 1 of Book 2 (of Part 1) of his book, Mendoza recounted the story of a three-headed idol, symbolising being of one heart and one mind and loving each other. When one head is happy, the other two are happy with it. Conversely, if someone offends one of the heads, the other two are angry with it. This account is a quotation from Rada. However, Mendoza and Rada offered markedly disparate interpretations. Mendoza interpreted it as a symbol of the Holy Trinity, stating that ‘the which being interpreted Christianly, may be vnderstoode to be the mysterie of the holy Trinitie, that wee that are Christians doo worship, and is part of our faith’ (Mendoza 1853, p. 37). Furthermore, Mendoza suggested this to be the legacy of Saint Thomas, who had journeyed to China to preach, stating that this idol, among other things, ‘seemeth somwhat to be respondent to our holy, sacred, and Christian religion: so that of verie truth may presume that Saint Thomas the Apostle did preach in this kingdome’ (Mendoza 1853, p. 37). Rada, on the other hand, interpreted this idol as a symbol of the son of the devil: ‘they say is prince of the devils’ (Boxer 1953, p. 304). In this way, Mendoza provided a space of historical imagination in which the influence of Christianity on Chinese culture can be considered.

Thirdly, Mendoza repeated the story of Saint Thomas, who travelled to China to preach the gospel: ‘By that aforesaid, it appeareth to be of a truth that the apostle S. Thomas did preach in China, and we may presume that all which wee haue seene dooth remaine printed in their hearts from his doctrine, and beareth a similitude of the truth and a conformity with the things of our catholike religion’ (Mendoza 1853, p. 53). This statement indicates that Mendoza argued that Saint Thomas had already effectively preached in China and established the foundation for conversion. Cruz also referred to this story, although slightly differently. He posited that the Chinese were unaware of the existence of God, and it was unclear whether Thomas’s disciples had been successful in preaching the gospel in China (Boxer 1953, pp. 212–13). Nevertheless, Mendoza espoused a more optimistic perspective, thus providing further evidence for his idealised and sacred rewriting.

4.3. Different Writing Styles of Mendoza, Rada and Cruz

Finally, despite the prefaces of Mendoza, Rada, and Cruz all indicating their intention to disseminate Christianity through their accounts, the three authors adopted disparate writing styles. Mendoza presented a compelling argument for the feasibility of disseminating Christianity in China. He either omitted or embellished any accounts in the works of Cruz and Rada that would have impeded the spread of Christianity in China, thus resulting in an idealised image of the country as ready to embrace the gospel. In contrast, Rada and Cruz followed a more exploratory approach, integrating both favourable and unfavourable aspects for the gospel into their reports.

To illustrate, Cruz identified two significant challenges in Chapter 28 (‘Of the Moors which there are in China’) to the dissemination of Christianity in China. Firstly, he asserted that the Chinese government would never permit (but instead actively suppress) the introduction of new ideas within its borders. Secondly, he highlighted the fact that foreigners were not permitted to enter China without a licence. This, he argued, was a major obstacle to his own mission, which required him to remain in Guangzhou (Boxer 1953, pp. 220–21). However, Mendoza did not use this chapter in his book, likely due to its content being at odds with his own intentions—i.e., to promote the potential viability of spreading Christianity in China. As argued by Lach (1994), ‘If his book therefore exhibits a tendentious quality, this can be explained by his hope that he might through his narrative help to encourage missionary activity while discouraging those who thought it possible for only two or three thousand Spanish soldiers to wage war against his “Mightie Kingdome”’ (pp. 793–94).

Mendoza also omitted Cruz’s Chapter 29 (‘Of some punishments from God which the Chinas received in the year of fifty-six’) from his work. In this chapter, Cruz highlighted some of the less favourable aspects of Chinese society, noting that its people were ‘besides the ignorances above said, a filthy abomination’ due to their inclination towards ‘the accursed sin of unnatural vice’ (Boxer 1953, p. 223). Cruz also observed that this vice had resulted in God’s decision to ‘send them a grievous punishment in some regions’ (Boxer 1953, p. 223). Indeed, Cruz dedicated an entire section of Chapter 29 to an account of the significant natural disaster that occurred in the Ming Empire in 1556, suggesting it to be a form of divine punishment inflicted upon the Chinese people (Boxer 1953, p. 227). These images clearly stand in stark contrast to the Sacred Orientalism employed by Mendoza, where the Chinese empire is visualised as idealised and sacred. Moreover, Mendoza did not incorporate Cruz’s Chapters 24–27 in his work. These chapters delineated some of the disagreements, confrontations, and interactions between the Portuguese and the Chinese. Such assertions were inconsistent with Mendoza’s Spanish readership, as he stated, ‘to arouse greater desire for the salvation of so many souls (as there are lost) in the faithful breasts of our Spaniards’ (Mendoza 1586, p. 13).

As another example, and as noted previously, Cruz argued that the prohibition of any new ideas and of foreigners entering China without government permission was the main obstacle to the spread of the gospel (Boxer 1953, pp. 220–21). However, Mendoza did not perceive this obstacle as insurmountable. He made no reference to these observations, but rather articulated that there were already approximately five or six missionaries residing in the city of Zhaoqing (肇庆), in the province of Canton. Not only did they build a church for the common people of the city, but they also received permission from the aforementioned governor to travel freely throughout China, as he wrote: ‘it is said, of a truth, that they haue got license of the saide vizroy for to passe freely thorough out all the whole kingdome of China. But if it bee so, you must thinke that hee did it after that he had consulted with the king, and doone by his authoritie: otherwise I am perswaded he durst not grant any such license’ (Mendoza 1853, p. 171). This further supports Mendoza’s position on the topic as a whole, namely that China was a suitable environment within which to disseminate Christianity. In sum, Mendoza represented China as a figurative ideal for the potential dissemination of Christianity, thus following a Sacred Orientalist approach. He depicted China as a country with a rational populace, an advanced social system, and, most notably, an environment conducive to the spread of the gospel.

5. The Emergence and Acceptance of Sacred Orientalism on China in the Late 16th Century

As mentioned previously, Sacred Orientalism is comprised of two key elements: an idealised portrayal and a sacralised image of China. This section seeks to present an interpretation of the emergence and reception of this Chinese ethnography within the context of the late 16th century. The former concerns the idealised representation of the Ming dynasty, while the latter focuses on the construction of China as an appropriate setting for the dissemination of Christianity.

5.1. The Influence of the Protestant Reformation on Mendoza’s Writing

Firstly, it can be argued that Sacred Orientalism represents a distinctive mode of early modern missionary ethnographic thought and poetics. Its core is the ‘sacred imagination’, which can be interpreted as a historical representation of the period in which Mendoza lived. As previously observed, the entirety of the 16th century was characterised by a series of Reformation and Counter-Reformation movements. The objective of the latter was to reclaim souls from heretical groups, facilitate their conversion, and re-establish the organisation as the central authority within the apostolic Church and the foundation of orthodoxy (Hsia 2010, p. 10). The Society of Jesus was established within this context. It is a religious order of the Catholic Church, founded in 1534 by the Spanish cleric Ignacio de Loyola. From its inception, the Jesuit mission was a global soteriological endeavour, and, at the time, was both highly global and markedly salvific (Clossey 2008, p. 255). The Chinese writing of the Spanish Augustinian, Mendoza, was produced within this context. Furthermore, Francis Xavier, a Jesuit, one of Loyola’s closest associates, and a founding member of the Society of Jesus, was appointed to preach the gospel in several Asian countries, including China, Japan, and India. In response to the circumstances of non-Christian Asian countries, he proposed the ‘policy of adaptation’ (Luo 2022, p. 43). Javier’s achievements in missionary work in Asia significantly influenced Mendoza, reinforcing his evangelical conviction in China: ‘The faith of Christ is very well planted in some of these islands (Japan), by the good diligence and trauell of the fathers and Iesuites, but in particular by that which was doone by Master Francisco Xavier’ (Mendoza 1854, p. 299). In addition, Mendoza was an Augustinian friar and one of the envoys dispatched to meet with the Wanli Emperor of the Ming dynasty. Therefore, both the macro-historical context and the identity of the Spanish author contributed to the strong missionary purpose of the writing on China, presented by Mendoza as an optimal environment for the dissemination of Christianity, distinguished by rationality, a sophisticated social structure, and, most significantly, an amenable spiritual context conducive to the acceptance of Christian teachings. This constitutes the foundation of Sacred Orientalism.

5.2. Sacred Orientalism: Reflections of European Political and Economic Crisis

The idealised rewriting of China in the context of Europe’s political and economic crisis implied European expectations of a better future. Spain was at its height during the reign of Philip II; however, Mendoza’s book was written in the 1580s, during the latter part of Philip II’s reign (1527–1598), when its power was beginning to decline. In particular, the defeat of the invincible Armada by the English navy in 1588 marked the decline of Spain under Philip II. In addition, the Spanish monarchy declared bankruptcy several times in the second half of the 16th century (Braudel 2016, pp. 27–34). Furthermore, an unprecedented ‘price revolution’ occurred in Spain during the 16th century. Concurrently, Spain was experiencing a period of rapid population growth, coupled with an economic crisis on the Iberian Peninsula. This was characterised by a lack of supplies and soaring prices, with even food production unable to meet the population’s needs, ultimately leading to the Great Famine (Braudel 2016, p. 30). Moreover, Spain at that time was not only struggling economically, but was also involved in a succession of internal and external wars, which undoubtedly aggravated the crisis in the Iberian Peninsula.

Moreover, Mendoza’s idealised rewriting of Chinese history is not a mere exercise of the imagination; rather, it is based on historical fact. In fact, it constitutes a poetic representation of the history of China during the Ming dynasty. At this juncture, it is pertinent to direct our attention to the contemporaneous Ming dynasty, which was in the period designated as the ‘Wanli Prosperity’ (1572–1587). The term ‘prosperity’ was used to describe the initial 15-year period of Wanli’s reign. The implementation of reforms by Zhang Juzheng led to a significant increase in revenue for the state treasury, which in turn facilitated the flourishing of the commodity economy. Furthermore, the Ming court undertook a comprehensive programme of reform aimed at enhancing the accountability and conduct of officials, thereby contributing to a period of social prosperity. However, this is not to say that this period was devoid of social crises. Several major military operations occurred almost simultaneously in the northwest, northeast, and southwest of the country. Despite their ultimate victory, these campaigns resulted in significant human, material, and financial costs, as well as social unrest (Fan 2016, p. 385). Additionally, the political decline and official corruption of the late Ming era are well-documented historical events.

Therefore, Mendoza’s idealisation of China serves to exaggeratedly reproduce the reality of China at that time and reflect China’s dominant and central role in the process of global capitalisation. Although the Ming dynasty did not enjoy a period of uninterrupted peace and prosperity, it is an indisputable fact that, at that time, China was one of the most powerful empires in the world in terms of territory, natural resources, population, taxation, military and economic power, and, especially, foreign trade. In particular, the Ming dynasty played a pivotal role in the process of capital globalisation through overseas trade, which held a prominent position in the global economic and trade order. It was known as the ‘Silver Empire’ due to its long-standing foreign trade surplus, absorbing approximately one-third or one-quarter of the world’s silver (Gunder Frank 1998, p. 125). In contrast, during the same period, Spain not only sustained a considerable trade deficit with China, but was also experiencing a severe economic crisis and military conflict. An analysis of the parallel contexts in which Spain and China found themselves in the 16th century once again reveals the implicit period background encoded in Mendoza’s late-modern utopian imagination. In addition, Mendoza’s hyperbolic idealised recreation of late-Ming society can also be seen as a mirror reflection of Spain’s series of total crises. On the one hand, the utopian idealization of the Chinese political system by Mendoza and other Western missionaries reflects their dissatisfaction with contemporary Western political systems (Zou 2017, pp. 43–50). On the other hand, this period may also be regarded as a metaphor for the collective anxiety and longing for a life of abundance and of peace experienced by distressed Europeans at that time.

5.3. The Popularity of Mendoza’s Book in 16th-Century Europe

China’s greatness, prosperity, and dominant role in global trade led to a notable opposition in Spain through the Philippines, which was actively promoting an armed invasion of China. Indeed, in the 1570s, the Spanish authority in the Philippines proposed an invasion of China to King Philip II of Spain, suggesting that: ‘It is feasible to conquer any Chinese province with an armed force of 2000 or 3000 men, given Spain’s strategic access to the sea and naval power. A single provincial capture would significantly enhance Spain’s capacity to conquer the entire Chinese nation’ (Sande 1576). Our analysis of the article suggests that Mendoza’s Chinese ethnography presents a sanitised rewriting of the reports by Rada and Cruz. In particular, Mendoza omitted any references to information unaligned with his missionary objectives. In light of these adaptations, Mendoza attempted to persuade his readers that China was an ideal country for the dissemination of Christianity. Consequently, his missionary approach constituted an optimal alternative programme for China at the time, as it differed from the armed invasion argued for by the Spanish authority in the Philippines. This perspective was further reinforced by Lach, who pointed out the strong missionary purpose of Mendoza’s book (Lach 1994, pp. 793–94). In this context, Mendoza’s Sacred Orientalist stance can be seen as a poetic representation of the history of Sino–Spanish relations of the time.

It is also necessary to consider the significant impact of Mendoza’s book in 16th-century Europe, particularly considering its publication in Rome under papal sanction and patronage. This is evident from Mendoza’s preface (Mendoza 1586, p. 13), which highlights the endorsement and patronage of the Roman Catholic Church, thereby conferring considerable authority upon the book. In contrast, Rada’s book was not published, but has survived in manuscript form.

Regarding the limited popularity of Cruz’s book, Boxer explained ‘One reason why Gaspar da Cruz’s Tractado was not more often quoted by subsequent writers was doubtless its rarity. Published in Portugal in the great plague year, it never seems to have circulated widely’ (Boxer 1953, p. 64). In other words, Cruz’s book was published in Évora, a small Portuguese city, in a relatively minor language that was not as widely disseminated as Spanish. Furthermore, the book was published in 1569, during the height of the European plague, which impeded its dissemination. Ultimately, Cruz perished from the plague in 1570 (Boxer 1953, p. 61).

Finally, in the 16th century, only a relatively modest number of missionaries had arrived in China, and European comprehension of the country was largely confined to the realm of imagination. This context facilitated an idealised mode of writing. From approximately the 18th century onwards, as Europe’s industrialisation accelerated and surpassed China’s, and as an increasing number of Western missionaries came to China to observe the country first hand, this idealised writing mode (which had previously characterised missionary ethnographies) gradually dissipated. In contrast, the 19th- and 20th-century missionary ethnographies were characterised by an underlying dichotomy between the presumed superiority of the Western perspective and the perceived inferiority of the Oriental.

6. Conclusions

In conclusion, the central argument of this paper is that Mendoza constructed an extremely idealised and sanctified image of China, a perfect land conducive to the dissemination of Christianity. While Cruz and Rada, as Mendoza’s two principal references, also wrote of China with missionary objectives and, to some extent, noted the positive aspects of Chinese society, they adopted a more exploratory approach in their reports. In other words, they were uncertain whether they could ultimately convert this Asian country and thus observed both the conducive and oppositional factors to achieving this missionary goal. In contrast, Mendoza was firmly convinced that China could be converted and all of his narratives about China were aligned with this missionary objective. For instance, Cruz identified the principal obstacles to missionary work in China, while Mendoza omitted all of these statements and argued forcefully for its feasibility. Furthermore, both Rada and Cruz alluded to the negative aspects of Chinese society, including the corruption of eunuchs, the bribery of officials for promotion, and the presence of beggars on the streets. However, Mendoza either ignored or minimised these aspects, striving instead to create an idealised image of China throughout the book.

Besides, it is essential to elucidate that Mendoza’s Sacred Orientalism permeated the idealised and sacred imagination of China to a considerable extent. Indeed, in comparison to those of the 16th century, late-medieval oriental ethnographies were less idealised and sacred, as evidenced by the influential accounts of Mongolia by William of Rubruck (1215–1295) (William of Rubruck 1990)and Giovanni da Pian del Carpine (1185–1252). During that era, there was a considerable lack of knowledge regarding how to deal with Mongolia. Although both Rubruck and Carpine were missionaries who claimed to have travelled to Mongolia to convert the great steppe empire, it can be argued that this was merely a pretext. Their true objective was to gather intelligence about Mongolia so that they could relay this information back to their countries in order to facilitate an informed decision regarding the potential formation of an alliance with the Mongol Empire against the Muslims in the Middle East (Khanmohamadi 2014, p. 57). Another important purpose was to persuade the Mongols to halt their westward military actions through the use of diplomatic means. Accordingly, unlike Mendoza, their purpose was not to persuade the reader of the feasibility of travelling to the land for missionary work and conversion. In contrast to Mendoza, who excised all references to the shortcomings of the Ming dynasty and also removed any arguments against his missionary purpose, Rubruck and Carpine recorded both positive and negative aspects of the Mongols as they saw them, with profound openness and dialogue (Khanmohamadi 2014, pp. 1–2).

This paper focuses on the 16th century, during which Mendoza lived and wrote about China, as this was a pivotal era in European history. It spanned from ancient to modern societies and marked the advent of modernity in Europe. Consequently, there was a corresponding transformation in Europe’s perception of China. As Gregory Blue (1999, p. 70) indicated, the evolution in Europe’s perception of China can be traced from the late 18th century onwards, from a stance characterised by respect to one defined by contempt. Furthermore, during the 19th and 20th centuries, the ‘Orientalist’ perspective was applied to missionary ethnographies. Consequently, the image of Chinese people as backward and ignorant of the world beyond their own culture prevailed in these ethnographies (Khanmohamadi 2014, p. 24). It can thus be seen that Mendoza’s writing in the 16th century represents one of the pinnacles of European idealisation and sanctification of China’s perception, as evidenced by the evolution of the Western image of China in its missionary ethnographies on the country. This unique mode of writing on China has been interpreted as Sacred Orientalism in this paper.