The Practices of the She Organization Contribute to Social Cohesion and Separate Identity in Contemporary Rural Communities: A Case Study in Songyang County of China

Abstract

The She (社) organization is an ancient Chinese folk religious group that was formed to worship the god of the soil through various activities. In contemporary society, the She organization plays a non-mainstream but important role in increasing social cohesion in China’s rural communities. This case study concentrates on the She organization in Songyang County to examine how its practices contribute to the Han and Non-Han peoples’ continued social cohesion and separate identities through observations, in-depth interviews, and the reviewing of local documentation materials. The findings are as follows: Firstly, as forms of social capital, the normative rituals, values, and informal situational networks of the She organization constitute the mechanisms for building trust, which ultimately promotes social cohesion between the Han and Non-Han peoples. Secondly, the coexistence between She and other belief systems is conducive to establishing the extended social capital of the She organization and maintaining the Han and Non-Han peoples’ separate identities according to their ethnic features. Finally, from the perspective of state-society relations, the social cohesion and continuation of the She organization in contemporary civil society are further interpreted as the results of state systems and policies.

1. Introduction

Five religions (Buddhism, Daoism, Islam, Catholicism, and Protestant Christianity) are currently officially recognized by the Chinese government1; however, Chinese people practice numerous folk religions, such as the worship of ancestors, real historical and fictional figures, and indigenous gods. She2 (社, also called Tudishen or Fude 福德, meaning the god of the soil) is one of these indigenous gods; others include Huangdi, Wendi, Wudi, Longwang, Caishen, and Yanwang (Zhong 2024, pp. 174–75). In ancient China, the She organization3 was originally formed based on certain ritual norms of sacrifice to the god of the soil through a variety of traditional folk activities (Che 2008, p. 86).

The popularity of the She organization was the result of a Ming Dynasty policy to organize the religious space of commoners. During the Ming Dynasty, the government banned spontaneously established folk religious organizations and sacrificial activities and tried to regulate folk religious rituals through the national unified “Lishe” (里社) organization based on the “Lijia” regime (里甲制) (Zheng 2004, p. 105). It was stipulated that every 100 households could establish one She organization to worship the gods of soil and grain, also known as a “Lishe” organization4. Therefore, the She organizations became semi-official and semi-folk grassroots organizations. After the mid-Ming Dynasty, as the “Lijia” regime disintegrated, the She organizations worshiping the god of the soil in a folk sense were gradually revived and rebuilt at a village level, but they were carried out under the name of “Lishe” organizations (Zheng 1995, p. 39). After the mid-Qing Dynasty, the She or “Lishe” organizations experienced a process of familialization, communitization, and associationization. Various local public affairs were actually undertaken and addressed jointly by the She or “Lishe” organizations (Zheng 2004, p. 105). After the establishment of New China, during the Land Reform Movement in the 1950s and the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s–70s, the She organizations were destroyed to varying degrees in different areas in rural China, but they were still maintained because of the farmers’ desire to ensure good agricultural harvests. With the impact of the reform and opening up policies, economic liberalization promoted the restoration of the She organizations. At the same time, urbanization and modernization eroded related traditional folk religious practices to a certain extent. Generally, the historical development of the She organizations has shown a fluctuating pattern.

In contemporary society, with the implementation of the Rural Revitalization Strategy5, the emphasis on traditional culture has considerably promoted the maintenance and revival of the She organizations and related folk-art practices in rural society. A series of sacrificial activities organized by the She organization to worship the god of the soil are classified as folk art or intangible cultural heritage and have been recognized and supported by the Chinese government. The local government also participates in modern management of the She organizations based on the premise of not interfering with their normal activities6. The folk religious belief in She is an important cultural characteristic of the Han ethnic group in China (Luo and Huo 2016, p. 169), and it also exists to varying degrees among a wider range of ethnic minority groups, for instance the Buyi, Miao, Dong, Tujia, Yao, and Sheh ethnic groups (Wu 2009, p. 1, 29; Lu 2013, pp. 113–14; Gao 2007, pp. 38–39; Ma 1992, p. 28; Shi and Tan 2014, p. 359).

Songyang County is located in the southwest area of China’s Zhejiang Province and is close to Jingning County, China’s only Sheh autonomous county, to the south. Although it is mainly inhabited by the Han people, the villages under its jurisdiction are inhabited to varying degrees by the Non-Han people, such as the Sheh ethnic migrants and their descendants, who are the largest minority population in the entire county. Both the Han and Sheh peoples believe in She. Additionally, there are more than 100 well-preserved traditional villages in Songyang County, 78 of which are included in the List of China’s Traditional Villages7. These traditional villages constitute a complete ecosystem that includes not only natural resources and farmlands but also well-preserved traditional architecture. In 2016, with the approval of the Ministry of Finance and the National Cultural Heritage Administration, the “Old Buildings Rescue Action” (拯救老屋行动) was launched in Songyang County8. Increasing numbers of traditional villages are gradually being renovated. Against this background, many She shrines in the villages are also well maintained, providing important belief spaces for the She organizations and related folk religious practices. The research described in this article was also carried out based on this premise.

As the sociologist James Coleman has mentioned, all social relations facilitate some form of social capital (Coleman 1988, p. S105). Social capital is defined as the features of social relations or connections, which may include the nature of the networks, the mechanisms that build trust within and among networks, and the norms and values required to cultivate cooperation necessary for social cohesion (Halpern 2005, p. 10; Putnam 1993, pp. 163–76; Aldrich and Meyer 2015, p. 257; van der Merwe and Morelli 2022, p. 8). Social cohesion is defined as a glue holding society together, consisting of social trust and social participation (Kalolo et al. 2019, p. 1). During participation in folk religious practices, social capital is produced when individuals and families are connected through the She organizations as social networks and share a set of normative behaviors by some fixed rituals of worshiping She. These group behaviors and interactions can induce trust and have the unintended consequence of increasing social cohesion. This article explores how the practices of the She organization of the Han and Non-Han peoples in Songyang County of China contribute to their continued social cohesion and separate identities in contemporary rural communities.

2. Literature Review

A considerable body of research focuses on the She organization in China (Zheng and Chen 2003; Lu 2015; Chen 1996; Che 2008; Zhao 2020). Many of these studies discuss how the She organization was established and operated in ancient China. Zheng and Chen (2003, pp. 335–53) made considerable contributions to the study of the “Lishe” organization in Fujian during the Ming and Qing dynasties and revealed the changes in the grassroots social structure and the profound impact of the state political systems and ideology on the “Lishe” organization in civil society. Chavannes (Lu 2015, p. 52) argued that the She organization was an administrative unit in ancient China, with various sacred functions in the minds of Chinese people. He also argued that the close relationship between She and the soil reflects the common belief characteristics of Chinese agricultural society. Chen (1996, p. 18, 434–54) classified the different types of She organizations and briefly described their organizational structures in ancient China. Che (2008, p. 86) explained the establishment, structure, and sacrificial activities of the She organization as a folk sacrificial organization in ancient China. Furthermore, Zhao (2020, p. 1) discussed the existence and transformation of the She organization as a folk sacrificial organization in contemporary China from the perspective of Chinese history. However, relatively few studies focus on how the She organization operates in the context of different ethnic groups and multi-religious beliefs in contemporary rural China. In particular, it is worth exploring the She organization’s mechanisms of building trust through the norms, values, and networks behind various folk-art practices, as well as the reasons why it has been able to survive to the present and promote social cohesion with separate ethnic identities.

3. Methods

This study employed a mixed-methods approach. These methods included participant observation of the spaces and processes of sacrificial activities of the She organization, which explored the basic situation of the She organization operating at a village level. While the observation method is useful for understanding the general status of the She organization, detailed information that enables the in-depth investigation of specific issues is also necessary. To explore the complexity of practices at a village level, in-depth interviews were conducted with the event organizers and participants. Moreover, as a supplement to observations and in-depth interviews, we reviewed local documentation, such as county chronicles, to understand some of the historical background and local customs. We investigated a total of 12 villages and conducted 36 interviews in Songyang County, including 23 shrines of the She organization and 4 families belonging to the Sheh ethnic minority (

Table 1. Basic information for the survey of the She organizations in the Sheh and Han ethnic groups in Songyang County.

Ethnic Group	Villages	Families	The She Shrines	Interviews
Sheh (畲)	9	4	12	21
Han (汉)	3		11	15
Total	12	4	23	36

). Full ethical clearance was obtained from the university for the survey, and informed consent was received from all respondents. The names of all respondents were anonymized in this article using pseudonyms.

4. Background

4.1. Definition and Organizational Structure of the She Organization

From a rational perspective, organizations can be defined as highly formalized collectives with goal specificity (Scott and Davis [1981] 2013, pp. 36–37). As a folk religious group, the She organization is defined as a rational organization because it has a formal structure with the specific objective of worshiping the god of the soil. The formalization of the structure of the She organization is manifested in a structured group of people working together with defined roles, responsibilities, hierarchies, and rituals.

According to a leader of the She organization in Songyang County9, each She organization typically has a fixed shrine for sacrifices to the god of the soil in the local village. Some shrines are stone niches under huge trees, and others are independent buildings in the villages or near farmland. The image of She is represented by anthropomorphic form (Figure 1a) or a few stones (Figure 1b). In addition, each She organization has a stable council, which includes the leader, cashier, financial officer, the inheritor of the sacrificial ritual, and other council members. In addition to their fixed responsibilities, all council members can take turns serving as the leader of the sacrificial rituals in the annual Lantern Festival (Figure 2). For instance, in Dazhuxi Village, each She organization holds formal activities to worship the god of the soil during the annual Lantern Festival. In these annual activities, each She organization selects eight members, who are also called Toushou (头首), as a rotating group to host and manage all matters related to worshiping, She for the year. The selection of the eight members (including the leader) is determined by the geographical order in which the houses of each family are located in the village. The leader of the rotating group is also one of the fixed members of the council of the She organization. Hence, the eight representatives from the eight families can form a group and take turns being the organizers of the event each year.

4.2. Common Agricultural Civilization Background of Han and Sheh Peoples

The Sheh people were in a constant state of migration within China for a long period of history. The ancestors of this group originally lived in the Fenghuang Mountains, Chaozhou, Guangdong Province. In terms of appellation, the name “Shanha” (山哈), which means the guests living in the mountains, is usually used by the Sheh people. The local indigenous Han people in Songyang County called the Sheh people who later moved to the mountains “Sheke” (畲客) or “Shekeren” (畲客人, meaning the guests of Sheh), using the term “Ke” (客, meaning the guests) to express their respect (Local Chronicles Editorial Committee of Songyang County 2020, p. 3067). The Sheh people (畲族人) only have four surnames, namely, Pan (盘), Lan (蓝), Lei (雷), and Zhong (钟), which are important symbols of their ethnic identity (Local Chronicles Editorial Committee of Songyang County 2020, p. 3093).

The population of Songyang County is dominated by the Han people, but among the 31 ethnic minorities in this county, the Sheh ethnic group has the largest population, accounting for 40% of the minority population and 3% of the county’s total population (Local Chronicles Editorial Committee of Songyang County 2020, p. 3071). In Songyang County, both the Han and Sheh peoples believe in She and have established the She organization based on their beliefs. The material reason why the local indigenous Han and Sheh peoples believe in She can be traced back to the tradition of attaching importance to the soil and agriculture, which is related to people’s food sources and survival.

Soil is one of the basic conditions for rice growth and agricultural production, and it is also the source of the She belief among different ethnic groups in China. The term Sheh (畲) used to refer to the Sheh ethnic group originally meant “Huozhongtian” (火种田), which is a unique method of soil cultivation in agricultural civilization. In the Chinese classic The Jiyun (集韵), Sheh denotes slash-and-burn farming (Ding 1983, p. 433). A further explanation regarding Sheh is provided in the Chinese classic Laoshegeng Bingxu (劳畲耕并序), referring to the Sheh paddies and slash-and-burn farmland in mountain valleys (Fan 1997, p. 176). In short, Sheh also means a type of farming that involves cutting and burning trees before planting new ones. Thus, the people who used the primitive “slash-and-burn” farming method are usually called the Sheh people.

During the Tang and Song Dynasties, as China’s economic center moved southward, the Sheh people, characterized by “slash-and-burn” farming, and the Han people, known for intensive farming, gradually merged in the southern areas (Zeng 2005, p. 30). Although there are differences in farming methods between the two ethnic groups, they are still within the scope of agricultural civilization. Based on their background, the Sheh and Han peoples highly value their tradition of soil and agriculture in China’s history.

4.3. Economic Cooperation between the Han and Sheh Peoples in Contemporary

In contemporary society, the people of both ethnic groups in Songyang County are still highly economically dependent on, and therefore attach great importance to, agriculture. Given its excellent natural environment surrounded by mountains and rivers, Songyang County has been famous for its high-quality tea since ancient times. For example, in addition to rice planting, 40% of the population is involved in the tea industry, 50% of farmers’ income derives from tea planting, and 60% of the agricultural production value derives from the tea industry within the whole county10. For Sheh and Han farmers living near the mountains planting tea has become one of the most important sources of family income. Normally, the younger generation of the family chooses to work in the city, while the older generation chooses to stay and engage in tea planting and picking. In daily life, tea picking activities are carried out as a family unit. The farmers take the picked tea leaves home to dry and package them, and then sell them to local tea merchants in exchange for a considerable income. During the tea harvesting season, Sheh and Han farmers invite each other to cooperate in picking tea in the mountains for remuneration11. In modern society, tea planting has become an important means of economic cooperation for them and is also an effective path to promoting common prosperity and rural revitalization.

5. Mechanisms of Building Trust by the She Organization

Social trust can be defined as the willingness of people to cooperate with others in a society (Fukuyama 1995; Delhey et al. 2011, p. 787). Civic participation is highly generative of generalized social trust (Li et al. 2005, p. 119). As forms of social capital, the norms, values, and informal situational networks of the She organization can constitute the mechanisms for building trust, ultimately promoting social cohesion between the Han and Non-Han peoples in Songyang County.

5.1. The Norms of Fixed Sacrificial Ritual of the She Organization

Social norms can be defined as rules governing an individual’s behavior or behavioral regularity (Ellickson 2001; Opp 2001). Social capital is generated when individuals and families are connected through a social network and shared behavioral norms. In the rural communities of Songyang County, the Han and Sheh people can establish social networks by participating in the various folk religious activities of the She organization. In normal times, people can enter the She shrine freely to pray to the god of the soil according to their own wishes. The sacrificial ritual during the Lantern Festival is the most important and is a fixed event of the She organization every year, during which all the followers must share a set of regularized behaviors or steps in order to worship She, which can be seen as a form of social capital and induce trust.

For instance, the Dazhuxi Village in Songyang County is mainly inhabited by the Han people but also by the Sheh people. According to the author’s observations12, six main steps are arranged by the She organization in the shrine during the annual Lantern Festival. First, the eight members of the rotating group for the next year are determined at the end of the previous year, mainly including the group leader, coordinator, accountant, and cashier. Second, the sacrificial offerings that each family needs to present in the current year can be established by drawing lots at the end of the event on the morning of the 17th day of the first lunar month of the previous year. Meanwhile, the eight members of the previous year record the sortition results for each family on eight large red pieces of paper on the spot and then hand them over to the eight members of each She organization for the next year. Third, at the beginning of the year (the end of the twelfth month of the lunar calendar), the eight members in charge of that year’s activities write the names of the sacrificial offerings drawn by each family on red paper and send them to each household. Fourth, each family artistically makes the sacrificial food according to the names drawn by lot and sends it to the She shrine before the afternoon on the 14th day of the first lunar month. Then, the eight members of the rotating group arrange and classify the food on a long table in the shrine. Fifth, at the beginning of the sacrifice, the eight members need to collectively set up the head table (头桌, also called Jiupantou 九盘头) and burn the first incense in front of the god of the soil. The whole process lasts for three days and nights, and the eight members are responsible for taking turns on duty at night. Finally, on the morning of the 17th day of the first lunar month, when the sacrificial activities are finished, the eight members of each She organization who will be on duty in the next year come to handle the handover procedure and make an announcement regarding the income and expenditure accounts of the current year.

5.2. Social Values of the She Organization

With the impact of modernization on rural society in China, the Chinese public tends to no longer emphasize maximizing economic growth, motivation for achievement, or authority but instead pays more attention to quality of life, subjective well-being, and self-expression (Guo 2011, p. 27). Therefore, in the context of modern rural society, it is necessary and significant to reconsider and evaluate the values of the She organization.

A series of traditional folk-art practices of the She organization can not only convey the Han and Non-Han peoples’ history and sentiments but also their common values. When the members of a group share a set of basic values and attitudes, mutual understanding and trust can be formed (Wang et al. 2021, p. 3). The She organization upholds some traditional values, such as the emphasis on the importance of family. In the She organization’s fixed sacrificial rituals, although a rotating group of members preside over the annual activities, these activities are actually implemented by each family. Therefore, the family plays an indispensable role in the practices of the She organization. In addition, three main findings can be highlighted.

5.2.1. Equality

Equality among individuals, families, and ethnic groups is the basic condition for people to participate in the She organization. For instance, the “Dazhuxi Food Sacrificial Ritual”, also called “Baiji” (摆祭, 排祭, 拜祭), is exclusively held to worship She in the She shrine during the Lantern Festival every year and lasts for three days and nights (Zhang and Cheng 2010, p. 81). A variety of sacrificial foods are presented on more than ten square tables in the She shrine after their ingenious design and diligent production by members of each family in the village. There are more than one hundred unique varieties of sacrificial foods with a wide range of ingredients and cooking crafts13. The value of equality is reflected in many aspects in the food sacrificial ritual held by the She followers in Dazhuxi Village in Songyang County.

Four findings can be highlighted based on the statements from the leader of the She organization and the author’s observation in Dazhuxi Village14. First, the spatial ranges of the families vary in size in local villages, but they all have equal status. There are eight She organizations in Dazhuxi Village. During the Lantern Festival every year, when folk-art activities are held to worship She, a group of families take turns hosting the activities of that year in the order of the location of their houses. Thus, regardless of the size of the family or its house, everyone in the community can equally participate in the folk-art activities of the She organization. Second, regardless of the surnames of the participants or which clan they belong to, as long as they belong to their own, She organization, they can take turns as the organizers of events. Third, the She organization accepts individuals from different ethnic groups equally in local villages. For instance, the leader of “Shuangkeng Tan” (双坑社坦) in Dazhuxi Village belongs to the Sheh ethnic group. His ancestors as Sheh people first migrated from Fujian to Zhejiang in the Qing Dynasty, and his family continues to live in the village to the present day and participate in all the She activities. He can even serve as one of the organizers and managers in the She organization. Fourth, the She organization has no gender restrictions. Men and women can enter She space and participate in related folk-art activities equally. In particular, women can donate money and materials to the She organization and sign their names on donation plaques as well.

It can be seen from the above that the value of equality has penetrated the establishment of the She organization, its event participation and management, and the acceptance of organizational members. Although there are different family sizes, clans, ethnic groups, and genders among the participants, they can all equally engage in events. The value and principle of equality mean that sacrificial activities related to She are no longer limited to a specific group and that everyone in each household can have an opportunity to participate or manage them together. The value of equality and related institutions can also encourage people to move beyond a single identity boundary and build a more inclusive social atmosphere.

5.2.2. Inclusivity

The inclusivity of the She organization is also reflected in the accommodation of other gods. For instance, the folk sacrificial dance “Talianhua” (踏莲花) organized by the She organization was originally derived from Buddhist art; however, the Han and Sheh peoples also hold “Talianhua” ceremonies in their She shrines in Songyang County.

In the past, local Han and Sheh peoples typically visited the She organization to make requests to She in times of adversity. However, in time, they also heard that there was a great benevolent figure in Buddhism, Guanyin, who rescued people in distress. Thus, they also prayed to Guanyin for resolution of difficulties in the She shrines. As the structural functionalist Alfred Radcliffe-Brown argued (Pan et al. 1999, p. 176), most people do not attach importance to the fulfillment of rituals, only to their social functions. Normally, after praying to Guanyin, they took the initiative by repaying Guanyin for helping them realize their wishes. It is said that Guanyin likes to step on lotus flowers, and the local people used the dance of “Talianhua” (踏莲花, meaning stepping on lotus flowers) to repay Guanyin15 (Figure 3). Therefore, the dance of Talianhua in the She organization became a traditional activity, which continues to the present day.

The dancers of Talianhua explained why it is also popular among the Sheh people16. Buddhism is not the native religion in the Sheh ethnic group. The Buddhist concept of “karma and retribution” conflicts with the Sheh people’s ancestor worship, and they do not traditionally build Buddhist shrines or choose to become monks (Local Chronicles Editorial Committee of Songyang County 2020, p. 3094). Based on the author’s observations17, it is worth noting that unlike the Han people, who believe in various Buddhist gods, the local Sheh people only believe in one god, Guanyin, whose Buddhist attributes have been diluted completely and is called “Guanyin Niangniang” (观音娘娘) instead of “Guanyin Bodhisattva”(观音菩萨). More importantly, the objective is limited to praying for the great benevolent Guanyin Niangniang to save those who are in suffering (Local Chronicles Editorial Committee of Songyang County 2020, p. 3094). Currently, the dance of Talianhua in Songyang County is performed to express gratitude on the 19th day of the third lunar month (the birthday of the sun) and the 15th day of the eighth lunar month (the birthday of the moon).

Essentially, the practices of Guanyin Niangniang worship were accommodated to the She organization due to the Han and Sheh peoples’ strong need for survival and development. This is a profound reflection of the mutual influence between social demands and religious beliefs. The harmony and symbiosis between folk religion and mainstream religion also create a better understanding and trust for a sustainable and cohesive rural society in China.

5.2.3. Respecting Nature

Chinese people have respected and valued nature as the origin of everything since ancient times. As the traditional Chinese philosophical view states, nature is the origin of everything (万物本乎天) (Sun 1989, p. 694). Thus, the respect for nature by both the Han and Sheh peoples is not only reflected in the worship of the god of the soil but also in the maintenance and preservation of She shrines in Songyang County.

To date, the architectural styles of the She shrines have been well preserved in Songyang County. In particular, they are all built in compliance with natural conditions. First, all the She shrines maintain open spaces so that the She enshrined can always be connected to the external natural environment. Specifically, it is manifested in the preservation of patios inside or with open doors (Figure 4). Second, the establishment of the She shrines respects the surrounding natural terrain. For example, the Han people mainly live in the central plains in the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River and Yangtze River18. In these regions, the land is flat, fertile, and suitable for farming. The Han people’s houses are therefore generally located in flat and open areas, and their She shrines are either located near flat farmland or run through flat villages (Figure 5a)19. Influenced by their migration experience within China, the Sheh people tend to live close to the mountains (Local Chronicles Editorial Committee of Songyang County 2020, p. 3089). Most of the She shrines are located halfway up (Figure 5b). Third, all the large trees next to some She shrines (see Figure 1b) have been well protected for a long time regardless of changes in surroundings, which illustrates the positive effect of the She organization in protecting natural resources. Therefore, the preservation of the traditional architectural styles is the result of people’s joint protection and cherishment of the She shrines and the surrounding natural resources. These shared practices are conducive to building a sustainable relationship between humans and nature, as well as trust and solidarity within their communities.

It can be seen that the values contained in the She organization and related practices have traditional and postmodern characteristics (Inglehart and Baker 2000, pp. 24–28). Traditional values carry the history and cultural traditions of the She organization, while self-expression values reflect the individual’s need for identity and expression. The She organization upholds these two dimensions of values simultaneously, promoting the balance between collective interests and individual rights, tradition and modernity, and individual self-realization on the basis of respecting traditional belief and culture. Such integrated and balanced values have permeated all aspects of the She organization’s structure, such as shared norms, roles, and institutions, strengthening social trust and further promoting social cohesion.

5.3. Informal Situational Networks of the She Organization

Informal situational networks are classified as a type of resource with weak ties, such as neighborhood relations (Li et al. 2005, p. 120). Trust emerges when people feel a strong sense of belonging and receive support from informal situational networks. The Han and Sheh peoples not only worship She during traditional Chinese festivals and the twenty-four solar terms; they also incorporate these beliefs into their daily lives. The She shrines are not only a formal location to worship She but also open and informal spaces for people’s daily leisure and entertainment activities.

In daily life, people can interact with She freely without observing any formal norms or rituals. They can share daily life experiences, play chess and mahjong, watch TV, prepare ingredients for cooking, etc., in the She shrines (Figure 6). Communication and interaction between neighbors in the She shrine can increase neighborhood trust and reduce loneliness, especially for the elderly left behind in the villages. The She shrines have become a sanctuary second only to the elderly’s homes. In addition, some She shrines were established next to farmland20. When people work on the farmland, there is an ongoing interaction through labor collaboration, agricultural skills exchange, weather, and discussions of grain prices in the open spaces. Hence, informal networks are weak ties, but they play an important role in providing support and assistance to individuals in their daily lives. Meanwhile, informal scene networks present more natural and relaxed channels for interaction, which helps to enhance mutual trust, thereby improving the social cohesion in neighborhoods and local communities.

6. Sustaining Separate Identity in Extended Social Capital

When the Han and Non-Han peoples share the folk religious practices of the She organization in contemporary rural communities, social trust increases, which promotes social cohesion between them as well as within the rural communities. In a Han-inhabited area like Songyang County, an undeniable fact is that the Han people are Han, and the Non-Han people do not want to be the “other”. Thus, it is significant to understand how to sustain their separate identities (Bizman and Yinon 2004, p. 116) while remaining cohesive through the practices of the She organization. The social capital of the She organization is not only reflected in the shared practices dedicated to worshiping She among the Han and Non-Han peoples in Songyang County, but also in the practices of other belief systems that coexist with She and present ethnic features. The coexistence of She with other belief systems manifests a way of thinking; that is, the She organization constantly seeks sources of spiritual power for the survival and development of itself and ethnic groups. The connection between She and other belief systems can extend the social network and social capital of the She organization and maintain the Han and Non-Han peoples’ separate identities according to their distinguishing features.

In Songyang County, for example, the Sheh people practice a range of religious beliefs, which include the worship of ancestors, indigenous gods, real historical heroes, nature, and officially recognized religions, such as Buddhism and Daoism (Chen 1979, pp. 39, 56, 178, 218). The worship of She appears as part of their larger system. According to the author’s observations, there are two main types of coexistence between She and other beliefs. First, in the central hall (中堂) of each Sheh family’s house, as a patron god of the family, She (福德) is enshrined next to their ancestor Gaoxinshi21 (高辛氏, 帝喾), who is the ancestor of the Sheh people and has the highest status in the Sheh ethnic group (Figure 7). The gods of wealth and Feng Shui also feature. Except for the differences in a clan’s ancestral prefecture (郡望) and hall insignia (堂号) due to the different surnames of the Sheh people22, the content and form of the shrine in the central hall of each Sheh family’s house23 are the same. The Sheh people can interact with their ancestor Gaoxinshi, She, and other deities in various settings, such as family reunions, when sleeping, performing housework, engaging with leisure activities, and meeting with relatives and friends, with the hope of achieving the protection of their family. Second, She also coexists with other indigenous gods or real historical and fictional figures in the She shrines, such as Dayu (大禹)24. Dayu has been considered to provide protection from flooding throughout China’s history. However, as the local Sheh people in Jincun Village stated, Dayu is a very important god to Sheh people living in the mountains because natural disasters such as floods and mudslides are more likely to occur in these areas during the rainy season25. Hence, based on their own history and collective memory, the Sheh people give sacrifices to Dayu in the hope of wind, rain, a good crop yield, and safety. It can be seen that even if the Sheh and Han peoples are gradually integrating, when Sheh people worship these gods that coexist with She and are closely related to their own ethnic history, they create a separate identity that can be sustained.

The same phenomenon also exists in the Han people’s religious practices in Songyang County. For instance, in Dazhuxi Village, the Han people not only worship She but also worship Li Taiwei, an ancestor god26 in local history. In the Tang Dynasty, Li Taiwei, who was born and raised locally, was deeply respected by local Han people for his efforts in helping the village resist natural disasters and epidemic diseases. After his death, the Han people erected a statue in memory of Li Taiwei, who was worshiped as an ancestor god together with She from generation to generation in the village27. Zhuxi Gong and Drum Art is primarily used by the She organization to worship She in She shrines and also to worship the ancestor god Li Taiwei in the Taiwei shrine.

From the 14th to the 17th day of the first lunar month in each year, taking each She organization as a unit, each troupe representing the corresponding She organization performs Zhuxi Gong and Drum Art in the whole village. The performance is usually practiced by five people and can be divided into two styles: fixed sitting (固定坐式) (Figure 8) and queue walking (队列行走式) (Figure 9) (Zhou 2019, p. 53). Surrounded by residents, the worshiping ritual of She begins with a parade of the Gong and Drum troupes through the streets and alleys. Second, on the 16th day of the first lunar month, Zhuxi Gong and Drum Art is also performed for Li Taiwei’s sacrifice ritual to wish peace and health28. It can be seen that these practices of ancestor worship are not carried out alone but in conjunction with the rituals of She and maintain the Han people’s separate identity.

Overall, sustaining a separate identity within the extended social capital of the She organization will make the Non-Han people feel respected and have a sense of belonging in Han-inhabited areas, and build a fair and just social environment, which will enhance their trust in the Han people. The historical heritage and cultural features that enable the Han people to maintain their separated identity are the basis for the Non-Han people to respect them. Subsequently, mutual respect fosters trust and strengthens social cohesion between the Han and Non-Han peoples.

7. Discussion and Conclusions

In contemporary society, as a folk religious group, the She organization plays a non-mainstream but important role in increasing social cohesion through different forms of social capital in China’s rural communities. A group of historical anthropologists has highlighted that the She organizations have different forms, statuses, structures, and functions in different historical stages, but they are all closely related to official systems or policies, which reflects the identification of civil society with the state-level system and ideology (Zheng 1995, p. 47; Faure 2007, pp. 6–8; Faure and Liu 2000, pp. 13–14). Political recognition and trust can help to sustain social trust in China (Tao et al. 2014, pp. 249–50). In a broader context, the survival, development, and continuation of the She organization in contemporary civil society are also the results of the influence of state-level systems and policies.

The She organization is classified as folk and unofficial, but some of its folk religious practices are officially recognized as folk art or intangible cultural heritage. For instance, Zhuxi Gong and Drum Art for She worship was added to the Zhejiang Provincial Intangible Cultural Heritage List29. In terms of official policies, governments at different levels have supported a group of representative intangible cultural inheritors who are proficient in Zhuxi Gong and Drum Art and have provided financial support as well30. Moreover, the emphasis on the protection of traditional villages in the Rural Revitalization Strategy has contributed to the official “Old Buildings Rescue Action” (拯救老屋行动), preserving more She shrines in Songyang County. The recognition of these official systems and policies can indirectly affect the acquisition of social capital by the Han and Non-Han peoples in the practices of the She organization, affecting their social trust and cohesion. In turn, a cohesive organization or civil society can better understand and adapt to state policies and ideology, as well as facilitate their improvement. Therefore, the maintenance and generation of the social capital resources of the She organization are closely related to state-society relations.

To conclude, on the basis of the practices of the She organization in Songyang County, this article analyzed the specific ways in which these practices contribute to social cohesion between the Han and Non-Han peoples and the reason for sustaining their separate identities in contemporary rural communities. The findings demonstrate how the norms, values, and informal situational networks shared by the She organization promote interaction and trust between the Han and Non-Han peoples, thereby inducing their cohesion. The social capital of the She organization is reflected not only in fixed ritual practices to She but also in the neighborhood interactions around She shrines in daily life. The harmonious coexistence between She and other belief systems helps to build the extended social networks and social capital resources of the She organization. In terms of extended social capital, the Han and Non-Han peoples can preserve their separate ethnic identities and attributes. Additionally, from the perspective of state-society relations, this study points out the profound influence of state systems and policies on folk practices in civil society. State policies boost the acquisition of social capital by participants in the She organizations and ultimately promote social cohesion. Social cohesion caused by social capital and civil society’s adaptation to official ideology are also the reasons for the continuation of the She organization in contemporary rural communities.