4.1. Dual-Axis Worship Space of Huayansi and Its Liao to Jin Dynasty Remnants
In addition to enshrining the Three Jewels of the Buddha (Fobao 佛寶), the Dharma (Fabao 法寶), and the Sangha (Sengbao 僧寶), like regular temples, the Dharma 法寶 of Huayansi are not ordinary scriptures but the imperial-made Liao Dynasty’s Great Tripitaka Liao Canon. Huayansi also serves as an imperial ancestral shrine, creating a space that combines the functions of worshipping the Buddha, preserving scriptures, and worshipping ancestors. The unique functional organization of Huayansi, along with the dual-axis worship structure formed by the merging of the two temples, is very rare in traditional Chinese temple architecture.
The southern axis of Huayansi is a worship space where the Buddha and the Dharma intersect. Constructed in 1038, the temple complex retains just one Liao Dynasty edifice, the Bhagavata Scriptures Hall, which stands as the sole surviving Liao Dynasty wooden structure within Huayansi. The main hall faces east, spanning a five-bay width of approximately 25.7 m and a depth of around 18.5 m. It features a single-eave gable and hip roof, elevated on a 3.5 m high terrace. To better support the extensive majestic sutra cabinet, only the central three bays of the east main entrance are equipped with floor-to-ceiling doors and windows, flanked by solid brick walls, and the back west facade lacks doors, offering just a small high window in the center of the inner hall (
Figure 10). The structure integrates eight types of indoor and outdoor bracket sets that connect the wall columns to the roof. The exterior eave bracket sets on column heads are 5-puzuo 鋪作 with two jumps, while the intermediate bracket sets feature 4-puzuo 鋪作 with a single jump, positioned one set per bay. This overall timber framework demonstrates a clear and concise load distribution (
Figure 11), accentuating the architectural style of the Liao Dynasty, which reflects the Tang Dynasty’s elegance, presenting a robust and stable appearance (
Liu et al. 2023, pp. 263–73).
On the Sumeru throne in the Bhagavata Scriptures Hall, there are three groups of Buddha and Bodhisattva statues, surrounded by sutra cabinets that once held the
Liao Canon, forming a dual worship space that embodies the coexistence of the Buddha and the Dharma. Worshippers pass through the mountain gate and inner courtyard, ascend the steps to the platform, and from the shifting axis of the space, view the hall and statues from a distance, gradually approaching and admiring this dazzling and sacred environment. This design presents a space of reverence and awe in a gradual and impressive manner (
Figure 12).
The northern axis of Huayansi is a space dedicated to the worship of both Buddha and ancestors, expanded in 1062 and granted the imperial name Huayansi, serving as a dual-purpose worship site. Unfortunately, all the temples and structures built during the Liao Dynasty have been destroyed, and the precise location of the remnants remains uncertain, with the current buildings being later reconstructions. Historical records indicate that during the second year of the Baoda period of the Liao Dynasty (1122), when the Jin army attacked the Western Capital, Huayansi, situated within the city walls, became a major battlefield. “It marked the beginning of the Jin Dynasty. The Jin army seized the Western Capital of Liao. Huayansi was fiercely attacked and severely damaged, with only the dining hall, kitchen, pagoda, Bhagavata Scriptures Hall, and the Portrait Hall of Master Situ 司徒 remaining” (fuyu benchao dakai zhengtong, tianbin yigu, ducheng sixian, diangelouguan, ererhuizhi, wei Zhaitang, Kuchu, Baota, Jingzang jishou Shitu Dashi Yingtang cunyan 伏遇本朝大開正統,天兵一鼓,都城四陷,殿閣樓觀,俄而灰之,唯齋堂、廚庫、寶塔、經藏、洎守司徒大師影堂存焉) (
Datong Liao and Jin Culture and Art Museum 2018, p. 106). The Mahavira Hall, the Yurong Hall for ancestral worship, and all significant Liao Dynasty structures along the northern axis were obliterated in this conflict. Sixty years after its expansion, Huayansi was abandoned due to the ravages of war.
It was not until the third year of the Jin Dynasty’s Tianjuan period (1140) that several eminent monks, including Master Tonglu, succeeded in raising funds to reconstruct the temple buildings, including the Mahavira Hall, on the remnants of the Liao Dynasty’s architecture. Thus, Huayansi was revived, albeit without fully restoring the complete architectural style of the Liao Dynasty on both the northern and southern axes (
Figure 13). “They rebuilt Huayansi on its original site, constructing main halls with nine and seven bays, as well as the Cishi, Guanyin, and Demon-Subduing Pavilions, the Scripture Hall, Bell Tower, Temple Gate, and Side Hall, without setting a deadline, and it gradually took shape. However, the left and right chambers, surrounding corridors, and pavilions were still missing” (nai renqi jiuzhi, er tejian jiujian, qijian zhidian, you goucehng cishi, guanyin, xiangmo zhige, ji huijing, zhonglou, sanmen, duodian, bushe riqi, weihu youcheng, qi zuoyou dongfang, simian wulang, shang queru ye 乃仍其舊址,而特建九間、七間之殿,又構成慈氏、觀音、降魔之閣,及會經、鐘樓、三門、垛殿,不設期日,巍乎有成, 其左右洞房,四面廊廡,尚闕如也) (
Datong Liao and Jin Culture and Art Museum 2018, p. 106).
The Mahavira Hall, reconstructed in 1140 during the Jin Dynasty, has been preserved through the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties to the present day, with clear ink inscriptions on the beams. The wooden board beneath the ridge beam in the central bay is inscribed with “The reconstruction was undertaken in the third year of Tianjuan (庚申年), on the twelfth day of the sixth month 甲申月, at the time of Wuchen 戊辰時, with the auspicious Qian divinatory symbols of Yuanhenglizhen” (wei Tianquan sannian suici Gengshen run liuyue Guiyou Shuo shi’er ri Jiashen Wuchen shi chongjian ji Qianyuan Hengli zhengji 維天眷三年歲次庚申閏六月癸酉朔十二日甲申戊辰時重建記乾元亨利貞吉). On the four-rafter-beam of the north second bay, there is an inscription written with a brush: “In the fourth year of Huangtong, on the fourth day of the fifth month” (wei tian Huangtong sinian wuyue siri 維天皇統四年五月四日) (
Qi et al. 2008, p. 106).
These inscriptions range from the third year of the Tianjuan period (1140) to the fourth year of the Huangtong period (1144) of Emperor Xizong in the Jin Dynasty, indicating that the reconstruction of the Mahavira Hall spanned five years. This reflects the arduous task of organizing monks to raise funds from the public for the repair and reconstruction of the temple, which cannot be compared to the scale and efficiency of the Liao Dynasty’s imperial construction and organization of Huayansi.
The unique spatial layout of Huayansi, with parallel axes, merged in 1062 and gradually separated into Upper and Lower Huayansi from the Hongwu 洪武 to Xuande 宣德 periods of the Ming Dynasty, forming two independent temple complexes. This confirms the dual-axis layout of Huayansi, reflecting the historical development trajectory of two temples built successively and then merged. Based on the compilation of the literature and on-site research and the interpretation of the dual-axis layout of Huayansi, this study will further elaborate on the rich historical connotations and artistic tension presented in its worship spaces dedicated to the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Ancestors.
4.2. The Western Pure Land Created by Buddha and Dharma in the Bhagavata Scriptures Hall
What is meant by “the Buddha and the Dharma”? They refer to the Buddha’s treasure and the Dharma’s treasure. Shakyamuni Buddha himself, along with his statues and images, constitute the Buddha’s treasure. The teachings of Buddha represent the Dharma treasure. Buddha embodies Dharma as its essence, and Dharma relies on Buddha; thus, Buddha and Dharma are inseparable. Constructed by the Liao Dynasty royal family to enshrine Shakyamuni Buddha and the Liao Canon, the Bhagavata Scriptures Hall presents a unique and innovative form in the material spatial manifestation of Buddha and Dharma. This is evident from its architectural design to the arrangement of sculptures. By creating an imagined Western Pure Land through physical spatial construction, the hall establishes a new worship space that highlights the sacredness of Buddha and Dharma through masterful artistic techniques.
Within the Bhagavata Scriptures Hall, 34 statues are currently preserved, of which 29 are colorfully decorated clay sculptures dating back to the seventh year of the Zhongxi era of the Liao Dynasty (1038). The statues of the Threefold Buddha (or the Three Bodies of Buddha) on the Sumeru pedestal are depicted in the posture of teaching, sitting in the lotus position with their right hand raised in front of the chest in a teaching mudra, and their left hand either resting flat or hanging down by the knee (
Figure 14). The disciples Ananda and Kasyapa, along with fourteen attendant bodhisattvas, form three “U”-shaped groups of statues with the main Buddha. These groups are relatively independent yet interconnected, taking both vertical and horizontal perspectives into account to create a dynamic spatial layout (
Figure 15). The arrangement includes the three tall main Buddha statues and four medium-sized seated bodhisattvas, as well as standing bodhisattvas, Ananda, Kasyapa, and smaller-sized offering child 供養童子 statues, arranged orderly without obstructing each other. This ensures a diverse and complete composition of the worship space from various angles. Additionally, the hall is home to the
Liao Canon, which encompasses eighty-four thousand of the Buddha’s teachings. This serves as the Dharma treasure, establishing an imagined space where the Buddha treasure and the Dharma treasure mutually reinforce each other for the propagation and protection of the Dharma. The faith in the Buddha and the Dharma thus serves as a spiritual support, stabilizing the western frontier of the Liao kingdom.
The sutra cabinets in the Bhagavata Scriptures Hall, which house the
Liao Canon, are known as the “Bizang and Tiangong Louge” (
Liang and Liu 2006, p. 17). Excluding the three bays with doors at the eastern entrance, the tall sutra cabinets are continuously arranged along the walls, encircling the central rectangular Sumeru throne Buddha Altar in the hall, thereby forming a complete interior loop space (
Figure 16). The 5.5 m high sutra cabinets create a magnificent and exquisite celestial palace pavilion architecture, allowing worshippers to kneel before the three Buddha statues and then circumambulate the altar, surrounded by the continuous space storing the
Liao Canon. This immersion in the solemn and grand world of the Buddha realm completes the ritual of worship within the realm where the treasures of Buddha and Dharma are harmoniously integrated.
The group of statues featuring the three main Buddhas and attendant Bodhisattvas is situated on the Buddha Altar in the Bhagavata Scriptures Hall, with the sutra cabinets mimicking palace-style celestial palace pavilion architecture as a backdrop. The overall spatial arrangement aims to depict the grand scene of Buddha preaching and expounding the Dharma in the Western Pure Land, offering worshippers a new, immersive Buddhist contemplative space. The murals illustrating the transformation scenes from the Infinite Life Sutra on the eastern wall of Cave 148 in Dunhuang, the northern wall of Cave 172, the northern wall of Cave 217, and the southern wall of Cave 25 in Yulin depict the Buddha preaching in the Pure Land (
Figure 17). In these scenes, Manjushri, Samantabhadra, Avalokiteshvara, and Mahasthamaprapta Bodhisattvas are seated on either side of the Buddha while attendant Bodhisattvas joyfully listen to the Buddha’s teachings. Palaces, pavilions, gates, bridges, and rainbow bridges frame the scene from behind and on both sides while flying Apsaras musicians and auspicious clouds encircle the celestial pavilions. These murals vividly and perfectly recreate the splendid scenes of the Western Pure Land in Paradise, conveyed in a two-dimensional imaginary space. The scale proportions of the Buddha and the Bodhisattvas, their U-shaped arrangement, as well as the spatial form constructed by the sutra cabinets’ architectural style and decoration of the celestial pavilions are all faithfully reproduced in the real three-dimensional physical space of the Bhagavata Scriptures Hall. This enriches the sacredness of the Pure Land space created by the hall and enhances the power and grandeur bestowed by the Buddha and the Dharma, thereby significantly strengthening the force of Buddhist faith (
Hamar 2014, pp. 145–65) (
Figure 18).
4.3. Ancestral Protection within the Yurong Worship Space at Huayansi
The
Zuozhuan 《左傳》 states, ”The major affairs of the country lie in sacrificial rituals and warfare. Sacrificial ceremonies are significant rituals for interacting with the gods” (guo zhi dashi, zai siyurong, si you zhifan, rong you shoushen, shen zhi dajie ye 國之大事,在祀與戎,祀有執膰,戎有受脤,神之大節也) (
Zuo 2006, p. 141). The Liao Dynasty was deeply influenced by Han culture and governed through a combination of rituals and laws. Toqto’a wrote in the
Jin Liaoshi Biao 《進遼史表》 that the Liao Dynasty “established the foundation of the state through warfare, governed effectively through rituals and laws, respected heaven and honored ancestors, and performed sacrificial rituals for all activities” (zaobang benxi yu gange, zhizhi nengzi yu fufu, jintian zhunzhu, er churu biji 造邦本席於干戈,致治能資於黼黻,敬天尊祖,而出入必祭) (
Toqto’a 2017, p. 1714). The reverence for gods and ancestral worship were both important state ceremonies of the Liao Dynasty, where the divine spirits of heaven and earth and the imperial ancestors were crucial deities protecting the country and its people. The Liao Dynasty placed great importance on ancestor worship, developing a system of national ancestral shrines and ritual ceremonies with distinctive Khitan characteristics. Through ancestor worship activities, they served both the functions of seeking blessings and promoting moral education, ultimately serving the imperial rule.
The Liao Dynasty’s ancestral shrines were classified based on their locations, including capital shrines, provincial shrines, mausoleum shrines, and Mount Muye shrines, as well as “mobile shrines” established with the imperial entourage camp. According to their types, there were imperial ancestral temples, mausoleum temples, and shrines dedicated to individual emperors. As recorded in the “Gaomiao Ceremony” (Gaomiao Yi 告廟儀) and “Yemiao Ceremony” (Yemiao Yi 謁廟儀) in the
Liaoshi (
Toqto’a 2017, p. 931), the ancestral shrines of the Liao Dynasty did not enshrine the spirit tablets of ancestors but rather imperial portraits and statues of successive emperors, unlike any other dynasty. Even in the ancestral shrine of the Khitan imperial clan in Mount Muye, they enshrined “painted sculptures of two saints and their eight divine children” (huisu ersheng bing bazi xiang 繪塑二聖並八子神像) (
Toqto’a 2017, p. 504), not the spirit tablets. Therefore, the ancestral shrines of the Liao Dynasty can be regarded as “Yurong Hall” (Yurong Dian 禦容殿) enshrining imperial portraits and statues, but the places where these halls were set up were not necessarily temples. There were more Yurong Halls in terms of quantity and form, which could be worshipped in noble residences and imperial temples. Only two temples for enshrining imperial portraits and statues are recorded in the
Liaoshi: “One built by Liao Taizu Abaoji in the Tianzan period (922–926) in the Supreme Capital, where he enshrined the imperial portrait of his father, Emperor Dezu Xuanjian” (you yu neicheng dongnanyu jian Tianxiongsi, fengan liekao xuanjian huangdi yixiang 又於內城東南隅建天雄寺,奉安烈考宣簡皇帝遺像) (
Toqto’a 2017, p. 498). The other was “The Yurong Hall built during the expansion of the Huayansi in the Western Capital in the eighth year of the Qingning period (1062), where stone and bronze statues of successive emperors of the Liao Dynasty were enshrined there” (Qingning banian jian Huayansi, fengan zhudi shixiang, tongxiang 清寧八年建華嚴寺,奉安諸帝石像、銅像) (
Toqto’a 2017, p. 578).
The Liao Dynasty’s five capitals
4, except for the Western Capital, all had ancestral shrines. The establishment of the imperial ancestral worship space in the Huayansi in 1062 was closely related to the absence of ancestral sacrificial sites following the upgrading of Yunzhou to the Western Capital. In 1044, Emperor Xingzong suffered a disastrous defeat when leading his army to invade Western Xia, riding a horse and fleeing back to Yunzhou alone. He was forced to accept the proposal of surrendering to the Liao Dynasty made by Li Yuanhao, the king of Western Xia, before the battle, temporarily restoring peace. This defeat prompted Emperor Xingzong to resolve to pacify Western Xia, upgrade Yunzhou to the Western Capital, enhance the city’s military infrastructure and ceremonial space, fortify the frontier town, and prepare for another expedition. According to the
Liaoshi “Liyizhi. Junyi” 《遼史·禮儀制·軍儀》, the first item, the “Imperial Expedition Ceremony”, stipulates “Before setting out on a campaign, the emperor must first announce it to the ancestral shrines. The emperor dons armor and worships at the ancestral shrines of the former emperors before reviewing the troops” (
Toqto’a 2017, p. 941). Setting up a place for ancestral worship in the Western Capital became an important necessity, facilitating the holding of the Gaomiao Ceremony, a state ritual, before the emperor’s expedition. However, with Li Yuanhao’s assassination in 1048, the Liao Dynasty launched several small-scale attacks on Western Xia in the following years. In 1053, Western Xia formally sought peace with the Liao Dynasty, and in 1055, Emperor Xingzong, aged 40, died suddenly in his traveling palace (
Toqto’a 2017, pp. 239–83). This series of historical events likely contributed to the delay in building ancestral shrines in the Western Capital. It was not until the eighth year of the Qingning period of Emperor Daozong that, during the expansion of the Huayansi, a grand Yurong Hall was specifically established in the temple to enshrine statues of successive emperors and empresses, finally constructing an ancestral blessing and protective space in the frontier of the Western Capital.
Sixty years after the expansion of Huayansi, the temple experienced military turmoil during the chaotic Baoda period at the end of the Liao Dynasty, resulting in the destruction of all significant buildings on the northern axis. The Yurong Hall within the temple ceased to exist with the collapse of the Liao Dynasty, and its location and spatial form became unknown. The
Jinshi 《金史》 mentions the enshrinement of statues of emperors and empresses in Huayansi in two places. One instance is recorded in the
Jinshi “Benji”: “On Wushen day (in the sixth year of the Dading period of Emperor Sizong, 1166 AD) of the fifth month, Emperor Shizong visited Huayansi to view the bronze statues of the former emperors of the Liao Dynasty” (wuyue Wushen, xing Huayansi, guan guliao zhudi tongxiang 五月戊申,幸華嚴寺,觀故遼諸帝銅像) (
Toqto’a 2020, p. 154). The second instance is mentioned in the
Jinshi “Dilizhi”: ”There are statues of the emperors and empresses of the Liao Dynasty in Huayansi” (you Liao dihou xiang zai Huayansi有遼帝後像在華嚴寺) (
Toqto’a 2020, p. 605). Until the Yuan Dynasty, these imperial statues were still preserved in Huayansi: “The bronze statues of the emperors and empresses of the Liao Dynasty that were in the Western Capital still exist today, and there is no record of any prohibition” (
Song et al. 1976, p. 6708).
During the Qing Guangxu period, the
Shanxi Tongzhi 山西通志 provided specific descriptions of these imperial portraits: “Huayansi of the Liao Dynasty was located inside the west gate of Datong Prefecture大同府. Below the Northern Pavilion of the temple, there were several stone and bronze statues, traditionally believed to be statues of the emperors and empresses of the Liao Dynasty... There were five stone statues, three male and two female; and six bronze statues, four male and two female. One bronze figure, depicting the appearance of an emperor wearing ceremonial attire and a ceremonial crown, sitting in a relaxed pose, while the others wear headgear, ordinary attire, and sit upright” (Liao Huyansi zai Datong Fuyu ximen nei, si zhongbeigei xia tongshixiang shuzun, xiangchuan Liao dihou xiang...fan shixiang wu, nansan nv’er, tongxiang liu, nansi nv’er, neiyi tongren, gunmian diwang zhixiang, cuizu erzuo yu jie jinze changfu weizuo 遼華嚴寺在大同府域西門內,寺中北閣下銅石像數尊,相傳遼帝後像……凡石像五,男三女二;銅像六,男四女二。內一銅人,袞冕帝王之象,垂足而坐,餘皆巾幘常服危坐 (
Zeng et al. 2015, p. 5112). Based on the above information and in conjunction with the details of the relevant imperial statue worship ceremonies recorded in
Liaoshi “Lizhi Yi. Jiyi” 《遼史》禮志一·吉儀, including “Caice Ceremony” (Caice Yi 柴冊儀), “Gaomiao Ceremony”, “Yemiao Ceremony” (
Toqto’a 2017, pp. 930, 931), and
Liaoshi “Lizhi Liu. Shuishizayi” 《遼史》禮志六·歲時雜儀, which includes “Rebirth Ceremony” (Zaisheng Li 再生禮) (
Toqto’a 2017, p. 976), brief speculation can be made regarding the rituals and spatial form of the Yurong Hall in Huayansi.
First, the specifications and ceremonial procedures of the “Gaomiao Ceremony” and the “Yemiao Ceremony” are different. “Gaomiao Ceremony” and “Yemiao Ceremony” are both referred to as paying respect to ancestors. “Gaomiao Ceremony” is performed before a military campaign, while “Yemiao Ceremony” is performed when visiting various capitals. Although the Yurong Hall in Huayansi is not an ancestral shrine, if the emperor were to perform ancestral worship before a military campaign, a high-standard ceremony similar to the “Gaomiao Ceremony” may be conducted here.
Second, according to the description in the
Shanxi Tongzhi during the Qing Guangxu period, the Yurong Hall in Huayansi housed eleven imperial statues made of stone and bronze. Among these, there were seven male figures corresponding precisely to the seven emperors before Emperor Daozong. This arrangement of imperial statues, encompassing all the emperors of the Liao Dynasty within a single hall for worship, was a high-level ceremonial scene not seen in any ancestral or temple hall in the Liao Dynasty. However, only statues of four empresses remain, indicating the possible loss or damage of the other three. While the specific allocation of space for each emperor’s life-size statues within the hall remains unknown, according to the “Zhaomu System” (Zhaomu Zhizhi 昭穆之制)
5 of the imperial ancestral shrine rites, it is conceivable that seven distinct spaces were designated within the Yurong Hall, each dedicated to a single emperor, resembling individual ancestral shrines. The construction of such a grand “Yurong Hall of the Seven Ancestors” in the Western Capital reflects Emperor Daozong’s fervent aspirations for the gathering of ancestral spirits to safeguard peace and stability on the western border.
Third, the worship ceremony in the Yurong Hall follows a clear spatial sequence both indoors and outdoors, unfolding along a series of architectural spaces that combine indoor and outdoor elements, including the “upper hall”, exposed terraces, red terraces, and balustrades. During the worship process in the Yurong Hall, which involves multiple cycles of bowing, kneeling, and repositioning, there is a series of spatial arrangements for standing, bowing, kneeling, offering incense, and presenting offerings, following a prescribed ritual protocol. After completing the designated worship procedures, the ceremonial official “leads the group” (Yingban 引班) to usher the worshippers into the “upper hall” (Shangdia 上殿) in batches, proceeding with the offering of Yurong wine three times, then guiding their departure, marking the conclusion of the ritual (
Toqto’a 2017, p. 931). Here, the “upper hall” refers to a space distinct from the area designated for the worship of imperial statues, potentially located within the same roof structure of the Yurong Hall but in a different spatial sequence. Alternatively, it could be an independent hall situated along the axis behind the Yurong Hall. The term “upper” expresses the spatial relationship of front and back.
Fourth, participation in the Yurong worship ceremony involves a large number of people, including the emperor, empress, courtiers, priests, officiating officials, and musicians, necessitating a spacious indoor area within the Yurong Hall to accommodate the gathering. Additionally, the hall is equipped with an outdoor terrace to facilitate the frequent transitions between indoor and outdoor spaces during the ritual procession. This terrace also serves as ample space for the sacrificial music ensemble to perform (
Hu 2015, pp. 76–85).
Fifth, “The Emperor descends from the carriage, leading the officials from the southern and northern ministries to enter the temple, forming two lines on the left and right sides. Upon reaching the cinnabar courtyard of the temple, they merge into a single line, and the Emperor ascends the sacrificial terrace of the temple” (huangdi jiangche, fengyin nanbei chenliao zuoyou ru, zhi Danchi ruwei, heban, huangdi sheng lutai ruwei皇帝降車, 分引南北臣僚左右入, 至丹墀褥位, 合班, 皇帝升露臺褥位) (
Toqto’a 2017, p. 931). The spatial configuration reflected by these actions indicates that religious buildings, ancestral shrines, and imperial halls in the Liao Dynasty were often built on elevated platforms. Their architectural style should be similar to the grand elevated platforms found in extant Liao-era structures such as the Bhagavata Scriptures Hall and the Mahavira Hall of the Huayansi. In the stele corridor located on the northern axis of the Huayansi, there is an inscription from the fifty-ninth year of the Qianlong period in the Qing Dynasty, which records the following: “The Huayansi in Yunzhong has a long history, and there have been repairs over the generations. However, due to the passage of time, it has unavoidably become dilapidated. Additionally, the original site of the Heavenly Kings Hall was quite elevated, and the mountain gate is steep and inaccessible” (Yunzhong Shang Huayansi youlai yijiu, daiyou xiubu, bumian yushi qingsi, qie Tianwang jiushi shenggao, shanmen yi jun er buke ☐雲中上華嚴寺由來已久,代有修補,不免逾時傾圮,且天王舊址甚高,山門亦峻而不可☐) (
Zhao and Qi 2023, p. 57). The old site of the Heavenly Kings Hall on the high platform might have been the location of the Yurong Hall with a terrace. The Jin Dynasty Stela records “It was restored to its original site, and halls with nine and seven bays were specially built” (nai renqi jiuzhi, er tejian jiujian qijian zhidian 乃仍其舊址,而特建九間、七間之殿) (
Datong Liao and Jin Culture and Art Museum 2018, p. 107). The Mahavira Hall of Huayansi, with nine bays and rebuilt during the Jin Dynasty, still exists today. Originally constructed during the eighth year of the Qingning period of the Liao Dynasty (1062), it may have served as the highest-level Yurong Hall for the simultaneous worship of the seven ancestors (
X. Liu 2015, pp. 79–85).
In 1062, Emperor Daozong issued a decree to establish the Yurong Hall of the Seven Ancestors in the Huayansi. This hall was chosen for expansion on the side of the Bhagavata Scriptures Hall completed in 1038 for housing the
Liao Canon. This decision allowed for the integration of blessings from the Buddhas, the Dharma, and the ancestral deities, showcasing their combined protective power. The choice to rely on the original east-west axis layout of the existing architectural complex should have been a significant influencing factor. During the Liao Dynasty, the predominant ethnic group, the Khitan people, worshipped the sun and revered the customs of the East. Historical records abound with such practices: all rituals were conducted facing east, referred to as “Rituals To The East” (Ji Dong 祭東) (
Toqto’a 2017, p. 1698). The establishment of the “Sun Worship Ceremony” (Bairi Yi 拜日儀) involved conducting activities to worship the sun towards the east at the beginning and middle of each month. During imperial court assemblies to discuss state affairs, the east was regarded with reverence (
Toqto’a 2017, pp. 927–76).
The emperor’s imperial tent faced eastward, with the east-west direction serving as the horizontal longitude axis and the north-south direction as the vertical latitude axis. This was in the opposite direction to the conventional longitudinal and latitudinal directions, as commonly agreed upon. Hence, the imperial tent was referred to as a “Horizontal Tent” (Hengzhang 橫帳) (
Toqto’a 2017, p. 800). The Yurong Hall, one of the seven ancestral halls established in the Western Capital, was situated atop high platforms, facing west to east, in accordance with the ethnic and cultural beliefs of the Khitan people. Simultaneously, the remaining four capitals among the Five Capitals are situated to the east of the Western Capital, spanning a vast territory. The Yurong Hall of Huayansi faces west to east, positioning the statues of the seven former emperors to face the four capitals. Standing on the western frontier, they watch over and guard the territory of the Liao Dynasty. This arrangement represents the best metaphor for the worship space dedicated to the protection of ancestors.
4.4. The Liao Court’s Political Intent in Buddhist Worship: The Triple Blessings of Buddha, Dharma, and Ancestors in Border Protection
From the founding of the Liao Dynasty by Emperor Taizu in 907 AD and his adoption of the imperial title in 916 AD until its fall to the Jin Dynasty in 1125 AD, a period spanning 219 years, the reverence and belief in Buddhism by the imperial family and the court has remained integral to both the domestic governance and foreign affairs of the Liao Dynasty. The development of its religious beliefs was closely linked to the changing political landscape (
Wang 2020, pp. 146–77).
Although the Liao Dynasty did not establish itself as a Buddhist state, alongside Buddhist beliefs, there existed the indigenous religious practices of the Khitan people such as nature worship, ancestor worship, and Taoist beliefs. However, successive emperors of the dynasty devoutly believed in Buddhism, regarding Avalokitesvara, Shakyamuni Buddha, and various Bodhisattvas as protective deities of the ancestors, the state, and the people. In the
Taizu Ji 太祖紀 in the
Liaoshi (in office from 907 to 926), it is recorded that “In the fourth year of the Shence period, he visited Buddhist temples and Taoist temples” (Shence sinian……fen ye siguan 神冊四年……分謁寺觀), and “In the fourth year of the Tianzan period, he visited the Anguo Temple and made offerings to the monks” (Tianzan sinian……xing Anguosi, fanseng 天贊四年……幸安國寺,飯僧) (
Toqto’a 2017, pp. 17, 23). Subsequent emperors, empresses, crown princes, and important ministers regularly visited and made offerings at temples, venerating the Triple Gems of the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha. Particularly during the period of Emperor Taizong 太宗 (927–47), he visited the Great Compassion Pavilion ( Dabei Ge 大悲閣) in Youzhou and brought a statue of the White-robed Avalokitesvara to Mount Muye (Muye Sha 木葉山), a sacred mountain of the Liao Dynasty, where a Bodhisattva hall was erected for worship, honoring Avalokitesvara as the guardian deity of the imperial family and clan. At the same time, the ritual of paying homage to the Bodhisattva hall was added, leading to modifications in the ceremonial procedure of the “Mountain Sacrifice Ceremony“ (Jishan Yi 祭山儀), which served as a state ritual. Subsequently, the sacrificial ritual at Mount Muye began with worship at the Bodhisattva hall, followed by the mountain worship ceremony (
Toqto’a 2017, p. 929). The fact that the Liao court placed the worship of Avalokitesvara before the essential ceremonies honoring ancestors and mountain deities underscores Emperor Taizong’s devoutness to Buddhism and the fervor with which he promoted widespread Buddhist beliefs among the populace.
The periods of Emperors Shengzong, Xingzong, and Daozong were a prosperous era in terms of socioeconomic aspects and a period of military and political prosperity in the Liao Dynasty, also marking the peak of Buddhist reverence. The adoption of Buddhist names as childhood names by the emperors and empresses offers insight into the flourishing Buddhism in the Liao Dynasty: Emperor Shengzong’s childhood name was “Wenshu Nu” 文殊奴 (Manjushri Bodhisattva’s Servant), Empress of Shengzong’s childhood name was known as “Pusa Ge” 菩薩哥 (Bodhisattva Brother, a woman’s intimate address for a man), and the Empress of Daozong’s childhood name was “Avalokitesvara” (Guanyin 觀音) (
Toqto’a 2017, p. 115). During the period of Emperor Shengzong, efforts to compile and collect Buddhist scriptures began, with the woodblock printing of the
Liao Canon commencing no later than the twenty-first year of the Tiance period (1003). This monumental project, spanning the periods of Emperor Shengzong, Xingzong, and Daozong, was spearheaded by the emperor and involved numerous eminent monks from various regions, culminating in its completion under full support from the court. Emperor Xingzong continued the dedication of Shengzong to Buddhism, often engaging in Buddhist debates in the palace and making offerings to monks in temples (
Toqto’a 2017, pp. 250, 260). In the ninth month of 1038, the Bhagavata Scriptures Hall was completed in the strategic border territory of Datong in Yunzhou, housing the
Liao Canon compiled from the period of Emperor Shengzong to Xingzong. Yunzhou, thus, became a holy site of Buddhism in the Liao Dynasty. Utilizing the divine power of the Buddha and the Dharma to safeguard the western border, particularly to deter the ambitious Western Xia led by Li Yuanhao, who proclaimed himself emperor in 1038, was imperative. In the same year, in the twelfth month of 1038, in the records of the
Liaoshi, Emperor Xingzong ”visited a Buddhist temple to receive precepts” (xing fosi, shoujie 幸佛寺,受戒) (
Toqto’a 2017, pp. 1174–75). This likely refers to his visit to the newly constructed Bhagavata Scriptures Hall, where the
Liao Canon was housed and where he received the precepts. This act by Emperor Xingzong further propelled the populace towards the path of Buddhism.
Deeply influenced by Xingzong, Emperor Daozong was also a devout Buddhist who constructed numerous temples and pagodas, with monks and nuns numbering as high as 360,000 across various regions (
Toqto’a 2017, p. 319). Emperor Daozong possessed profound scholarly knowledge in Chinese studies and had a thorough understanding of Buddhist teachings. Under his leadership, the second expanded version of the
Liao Canon was completed through woodblock printing. The
Liaoshi records that in the eighth year of the Qingning period (1062), Emperor Daozong decreed the construction of Huayansi. In the fourth year of the Xianyong period (1068), he issued the
Yuzhi Huayanjing Zan 禦制華嚴經贊. In the eighth year of the Xianyong period (1072), he presented the imperial inscription of
Huayan Wusong 華嚴經五頌 to his ministers (
Toqto’a 2017, pp. 303, 312). These historical facts illustrate Emperor Daozong’s adherence to the Huayan sect, his study of the Huayan Sutra, his promotion of the woodblock printing of the
Liao Canon, and his vigorous efforts to propagate Buddhism.
While fostering friendly relations with the Song Dynasty since the signing of the Treaty of Chanyuan, the Liao Dynasty also sought to rival the state’s strength of the Song Dynasty. Learning that neighboring countries Goryeo and Western Xia were requesting the Tripitaka from the Song Dynasty, Emperor Daozong, shortly after the high development of Buddhism and the completion of the
Liao Canon woodblock printing, more precisely in the twelfth month of the eighth year of Xianyong period (1072), granted one set of the
Liao Canon to the King of Goryeo (
Toqto’a 2017, p. 1674). Historical records depict the King of Goryeo personally receiving the gift with great pomp and ceremony. This event reflects the political intent of the Liao court’s reverence for Buddhism, utilizing it to advance peaceful diplomacy and showcase the value of the empire’s power on the international stage.
After the development during the periods of Emperor Shengzong, Xingzong, and Daozong, Buddhism in the Liao Dynasty gradually entered its heyday in the 10th and 11th centuries. The court, utilizing the divine protection of the Buddha and the Dharma, as well as the educational function of the Buddhist faith, employed it as a dual means in both domestic governance and foreign diplomacy. The decree by Daozong to build the Huayansi and the construction of the grand Seven Ancestors’ Hall in the Western Capital were emblematic products of the Liao’s political and diplomatic history in the 10th–11th centuries. The sacred spatial composition of Huayansi included Buddhist statues along the two axes in 1038 and 1062, the repository of scriptures from the Khitan and Tibetan cultures, and the ancestral worship space for the seven generations of Liao emperors. These elements combined to form a triple blessing of the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Ancestors, serving as the protective stronghold of the western capital of Datong Prefecture in the Liao Dynasty, collectively bearing the political expectations bestowed by the Liao court.