Interpreting Visuality in the Middle Ages: The Iconographic Paradigm of the Refectory of the Monastery of San Salvador de Oña

Abstract

The research area of the interaction between religion, politics, and medieval Hispanic art has been pioneering and at the cutting edge of contemporary historiography in recent years. The deployment of iconographic and calligraphic motifs in medieval religious spaces has been identified as a key means of propagating legitimating messages of power and disseminating Christian doctrines. This interdisciplinary study proposes an analysis of the artistic vestiges present in the refectory of the Monastery of San Salvador de Oña (Burgos), with a view to establishing their decorative evolution during the 14th century and their symbolic significance. In order to establish a chronological proposal for the remains, the historical, artistic, and architectural contexts of the monastery are analyzed. This is complemented by a study of materials and techniques and a symbolic and iconographic analysis of the signs of power and evangelical concepts from the time of Peter I until the transition to the Trastámara dynasty. In this way, a cross-disciplinary investigation is proposed, with the aim of elucidating how a sacred artistic work situated within a secular context can serve multiple purposes of political and religious legitimation through the adaptation of its iconography over time.

1. Introduction

The intersection of religion, politics, and art has been a topic of considerable interest throughout the history of peninsular art, with a substantial body of research devoted to the subject. These studies have contributed to a corpus of knowledge that includes the works of prominent figures such as Almagro Gorbea, Azcárate, Ruiz Souza, Pérez Monzón, Bango Torviso, Senra Gabriel y Galán, Cómez Ramos, and Dodds, among many others. However, these syncretic studies have indicated the existence of new horizons that have advanced in the fields of iconography, epigraphy, and contextual studies. The depiction of a multiplicity of iconographic and calligraphic motifs within monastic and religious contexts has been identified as an efficacious method of propagating doctrines associated with Christian postulates and political positions during the Hispanic Middle Ages. This phenomenon has been the subject of extensive study by Pastoureau (1996), Ruiz García (1999), Cano Ávila and Mohamed Essawi (2004), and Marquer (2012, 2013).

This study, which adopts an interdisciplinary approach, aims to analyze the artistic vestiges located in the regular space of the refectory of the Monastery of San Salvador de Oña (Burgos, Spain). In this context, the iconography has been shaped not only by the presence of Benedictine monasticism but also by the shifting political trends of the Late Middle Ages. In order to achieve this, the monastery is studied from a historical, artistic, and architectural perspective, with the aim of contextualizing the location of the space and the piece to be analyzed. This approach facilitates the establishment of a chronological formal line of analysis, which, in turn, facilitates progress towards material and technical studies. This integration of historical and material perspectives facilitates a more comprehensive understanding of the religious and political influences that have shaped the evolution of distinctive calligraphic and iconographic elements within this regular space.

This article analyzes the visual representation of symbols of authority and religious dogmas in the refectory of Oña, examining their rethink, reworking, and synchronicity with the contexts in which they are inserted, from the cultural influence of Pedro I and his confrontation with Enrique II in the 14th century to the religious and political reforms in the 15th century led by the Catholic Monarchs. By analyzing these calligraphic vestiges and visual representations from an iconographic and material perspective, we can gain deeper insights into the artistic and cultural circulations that have influenced artistic and religious production in the Spanish Middle Ages. Furthermore, this analysis can facilitate a deeper understanding of the social and political functions of sacred art, as well as its pivotal role in the dissemination and reinforcement of political and religious values.

The history of the monastery of San Salvador de Oña dates back to the 11th century, when the Count of Castile, Sancho García (995–1017), known as “the one with the good laws”, established this center. In 1011, Gómez Díez, a knight, and his wife Ostrocia transferred and sold their property in the Valley of Oña (Yepes 1960, p. 424). It seems plausible to suggest that he founded it as an expression of gratitude to God for the successes achieved in the campaigns to recover the Castilian territory from the Muslim taifas. Furthermore, he proposed that his daughter, Princess Tigridia, would oversee the institution’s dual nature. The monastery’s strategic location in Oña, situated near the border with the kingdom of Pamplona, indicates the intention to establish a Castilian political and military resistance point against the Navarrese expansion.

Following the demise of Count Sancho García, a period of considerable upheaval ensued. Sancho Garcés III of Pamplona, husband of Muniadona of Castile, assumed control of the territories of Castile, Monzón, and Álava through matrimony, thereby introducing Benedictine models with Cluniac influences, led by Paterno. The first abbot with whom we have a record is García (–1032), who was brought by King Sancho the Great of Navarre with Abbot Paterno of St. John of the Rock, who introduced Cluniac observance in Oña (Zaragoza 1994, p. 561). During the Middle Ages, the Monastery of Oña witnessed the expansion of its privileges, ultimately leading to a state of autonomy from both the royal authority and the Cluny order, with which it was previously only affiliated through Benedictine principles. In the fifteenth century, the Benedictine order of Valladolid assumed control of the monastery with the assistance of the Constable of Castile and the Bishop of Burgos. However, they were unable to establish the monastery as a subject of the Valladolid jurisdiction. During the 15th and early 16th centuries, the monastery saw a significant artistic expansion marked by decorative and architectural reforms surrounding the cloister, church, chapter house, and refectory.

Since its establishment, the Monastery of San Salvador de Oña has been inextricably linked to and has faithfully reflected the influence of its count and royal benefactors. This support and the constant symbolization of these legitimizing messages are evident in the monastery’s heritage remains, but they have also been reflected in the successive expansions and decorative stages that the monastery has undergone. This institution provided a means for nobles and kings from disparate Hispanic kingdoms to reinforce their legitimizing message and perpetuate their remarkable legacy. This political and symbolic importance is exemplified by one of the monastery’s most significant artistic manifestations: the 15th-century count and royal pantheon, which interweaves funerary art with political iconography, memory, and power.

Nevertheless, other reflections in the monastery’s sacred art demonstrate its alliance with the power of the elite of its time. These include sculptures, canvases, altarpieces, and mural paintings that populate the church, cloister, and regular spaces of the monastery. Consequently, it demonstrates not only the typical religious observance in these settlements, but also the authority of its sponsors through the utilization of pious scenes, bestiaries, or epitaphs, reflecting feudal power.

The monastic complex comprises a variety of architectural spaces, exhibiting a diverse array of styles and chronologies, spanning from the Middle Ages to the modern era. However, the medieval period, spanning from the 11th to the 16th century, is characterized by a notable coherence between the architectural spaces, their functional design, and the aesthetic embellishments. In order to gain an understanding of the circumstances pertaining to the spaces that will subsequently be delineated, it is essential to undertake a formal description of the monastery, together with the rooms that currently constitute it and the location of its most notable artistic works. This facilitates the subsequent establishment of the monastery’s construction phases in a clear and coherent manner.

The monastic ensemble is composed of a series of diverse buildings, among which the abbey church is particularly noteworthy. The church is of the Hispanic rite and was renovated several times between the 11th and 15th centuries. The grand staircase provides a view of a porch with a checkered impost and a semicircular arch, within which are embedded six sculptures representing the rulers of the Kingdom of Castile from the 14th century. The grand porch provides access to a transitional courtyard situated in front of the church facade. This courtyard preserves the remains of the Romanesque construction, including the porch and the semicircular windows with a jagged design.

Upon entering the interior, one encounters a polychrome atrium that dates from the late 15th century. The atrium is adorned with Passionist paintings by the celebrated Oña-based friar, Friar Juan de Zamora. Furthermore, the museum houses a collection of heraldic samples from the Kingdom of Pamplona, Castile, and the emblem of the Catholic Monarchs. The interior of the temple is accessed via a Gothic-Mudejar door, crafted from walnut and boxwood, which opens to a spacious vestibule at the foot of the church. The upper floor of the aforementioned vestibule contains the choir stalls.

The interior of the temple, which was reconstructed in its current form in the 15th century, comprises three large naves separated by three sections of lateral chapels, a transept, a main chapel, and an altar. This architectural ensemble occupies a considerable volume of space, with dimensions of approximately 83 m in length, 20 m in width, and 20 m in height (Figure 1).

In the lateral chapels located on either side of sections 1 and 2, four large altarpieces are installed, which are currently enclosed by substantial ironwork. Section 3, oriented to the south, is of particular interest as it houses the 14th-century Gothic fresco of Saint Mary of Egypt. Despite extensive restoration, the painting allows us to observe the story of the saint’s life with a moralizing vision, presenting her sins and redemption through God and penitence. Of particular interest is the large carving on the Gospel side of this same section, the Christ of Saint Tigridia, which dates back to the 12th century.

The section of the transept is of particular significance, as it currently houses a considerable number of works of art, which are of great cultural and historical importance. It is evident that the architectural design incorporates a prominent lantern structure, a post-medieval addition that allows for substantial illumination within the space. The most notable feature, however, is the Chapel of Santa Catalina on the epistle side, which houses a 15th-century Gothic altarpiece dedicated to the saint, as well as six panels by Juan Sánchez that formed part of a larger altarpiece ensemble, now lost. The Baroque organ, constructed in 1768 by Antonio de San Juan and comprising over 1100 pipes, is situated in front of the chapel and is still used on occasion for festivities.

The large main chapel is surmounted by a 400 m² star-shaped vault constructed circa 1460 by Fernando Díaz (Figure 2a). The space was expanded due to the considerable number of monks residing in the monastery, necessitating an enlargement of the choir area. This reform resulted in the removal of the triple apse, a feature that had been present since the establishment of the Romanesque church, in favor of a square altar of greater dimensions that extended towards the chancel.

In the same century, the chapel was completed with two masterpieces of Hispanic Gothic art created by Fray Pedro de Valladolid. These include a double-decker choir stall crafted from walnut wood with tracery and the royal and county pantheon, which is made of inlaid wood (Martín Martínez De Simón 2012, pp. 637–40) (Figure 2b). This masonry, which is unique in the world, comprises eight inlaid sepulchers in walnut and boxwood, in which members of the Castilian and Pamplona nobility who were related to the monastery are interred. The following individuals are interred within the aforementioned tomb: Sancho García, Count of Castile, and his wife Urraca Gómez; Sancho Garcés III of Pamplona, and his wife Muniadona of Castile; Sancho II, the first king of Castile; and García Sánchez of Castile. The final members of the line of Counts of Castile were García and Sancho IV of Castile, who was also known as García Sánchez. García Sánchez was the son of King Sancho IV and Queen María de Molina. García and Sancho IV had several sons, including Enrique and Felipe of Castile, who were princes of Castile (Tour Turístico Oña 2016).

The chapel is flanked by a large Baroque altarpiece in the form of a gilded triumphal arch. Adjacent to this is an octagonal chapel, or “camarín”, dedicated to Saint Iñigo, a revered figure in the local community, where his relics are kept. This saint served as a confessor to King Sancho III the Great of Pamplona, who appointed him abbot of Oña in 1035, thereby providing impetus to the Benedictine monastic community at the monastery. The lunettes of this chapel feature frescoes by Francisco Bayeu, brother-in-law of the painter Francisco de Goya (Monasterio 2024).

The monastery’s visitable route includes the sacristy, situated adjacent to the main altar. This space was originally used to store the sacred vessels and priestly vestments, and it currently houses liturgical objects, historical textiles, and other artistic pieces. This room, which dates from the 16th century, features a minimalist decorative style, incorporating storage cupboards, a Rococo altarpiece, and a multitude of paintings on diverse subjects. Two sets of objects merit particular attention in this room: the Arabic aljubas of Count García (10th century) and of the Infante Don García of Castile (12th century), and an excellent set of both Nordic and Arabic boxes from the 12th and 14th centuries.1

A transition space exists between this room and the Chapter House, which is currently utilized as the Image Room by the museum. This space houses sculptures of Romanesque devotion and from other periods.

The Chapter House is an almost quadrangular space dating from the 12th and 13th century and represents one of the monastery’s most significant architectural features. It served as the primary venue for the monks to engage in deliberations pertaining to crucial matters. This space exhibits distinctive characteristics, including the presence of arches at its western entrance that have been partially walled up on the exterior. These arches are believed to be part of the original Romanesque cloister and are notable for their polychrome decoration. This space currently plays host to one of the monastery’s most exceptional pieces: the architectural relief of the refectory.

It is also noteworthy to mention the cloister, which serves as the fundamental structure of the monastery and from which other monastic rooms, such as the refectory, are distributed. The cloister, which was originally constructed in the 12th and 13th century and exhibits a quadrangular structure, was replaced in 1503 with a new Gothic structure that employed the same surface configuration but lacked the semicircular arcades. This resulted in the necessity to increase the vertical construction space, which, in turn, required a meter’s deepening of the vertical levels of the cloister floor.2 The cloister is surrounded on the interior by the tombs of the Counts of La Bureba (Herrera Oria 1917, pp. 125–42) and obstructed on the interior by a small, roofed structure attached to the southwest corner, which is known as the lavatory. Despite the absence of tangible evidence, historical accounts, such as that of Herrera Oria, attest to the existence of a fountain that occupied the central space of this area prior to the arrival of the Jesuits in Oña (Herrera Oria 1917, pp. 144–48).

The refectory, situated on the south side of the cloister, is currently inaccessible. Its point of entry has undergone a series of alterations over time, with the original access point located at the western end of the room and the subsequent relocation to the eastern end. A detailed examination of this room is provided subsequently, as it represents a principal focus of investigation in this article.

In order to study the most relevant remains of the monastery in a chronological manner, it is essential to review the construction phases of the building that took place during the Middle Ages. This will enable us to establish a correlation between the extant works and the abbeys, as well as the historical events that have left an imprint on the monastery’s material reality. In the course of their research, prominent historians, artists and architects such as Enrique Herrera Oria (1917), Juan del Álamo (1950), Antonio de Yepes (1960), Pilar Silva Maroto (1974), Isabel Oceja Gonzalo (1986) and Santiago Olmedo Bernal (1987) have made significant contributions to the field. Ernesto Zaragoza Pascual (1994), Fernando Gutiérrez Baños (2005), José Luis Senra Gabriel y Galán (1992, 1995, 2012), Elena Martín Martínez de Simón (2012), Fernando Gutiérrez B In addition, the studies of José Luis Senra Gabriel y Galán (1992, 1995, 2012), Elena Martín Martínez de Simón (2012), and Fernando Gutiérrez Baños (2005) allow us to propose a sequence of construction phases of the building and the decoration of the most relevant works during the 11th and 16th centuries.:

• Phase 1: The period preceding the establishment of the monastery in 1011, during which the site was already in existence. In this period, documentary evidence exists, which pertains to Oña, and is dated 934. This evidence takes the form of a writing by Iby Hayyan, which recounts an assault by Abd-al-Rahman III on the fortifications of this town (Reyes Téllez 2012, p. 37). It can, thus, be postulated that the extant remains of defensive towers are located at the entrance to the church. Of particular note is the tower associated with Samson’s staircase, which served as the access tower and exhibited a distinctive elbow-shaped design characteristic of the Islamic world. This architectural feature afforded the defenders enhanced control over the entrances, thereby providing a strategic advantage against invaders.
• Phase 2: Oñeca Garcés (1011–1014) to St. Trigidia (1014–1030). Oneca Garcés, sister of Count Sancho Garcés and abbess of San Juan de la Hoz, assumed the role of guardian to her niece Tigridia, daughter of the count and abbess of San Salvador de Oña, during the nascent stages of its establishment. In the early years of the enclave, men and women were welcomed under the formula Dei cultores y deo devotas (Reyes Téllez 2012, p. 45), although the exact scope of the profession of both is not specified. During this period, the monastery was established as a duplicate space under the Hispanic rite, with facilities to accommodate this liturgy. Hispanic monasteries were typically composed of two enclosed spaces. The first was an interior, smaller area offering greater protection, which served as the monastic quarters. The second was an exterior space surrounding the garden and orchard. Although there is currently no material evidence from this period, the approaches of architects such as Cambero, in his preliminary studies, can be followed to suggest that the original location of this courtyard and this church would correspond to the cloister and the current church (Cambero Lorenzo 2019, p. 32).
• The third phase of the monastery’s history is characterized by the tenure of Abbot García (1032–1039) and Abbot Pedro Pérez (1259–1271). The reforms of the 12th century are evidenced by documentary sources, which indicate that a portion of the cloister construction was completed around 1141. This indicates that the church and the remainder of the cloister were also completed at this time. The abbot responsible for implementing these reforms was Juan de Castellanos (1137–1160), who, according to the chronicles of the period, was in charge of concluding the construction of the refectory (Zaragoza 1994, p. 562).
• The fourth phase of the monastery’s history is characterized by the tenure of Abbot Pedro García (1272–1287) and Abbot Sancho Díaz (1381–1419). During the period between 1332 and 1360, which corresponds to the reforms of the church, modifications were made to the main chapel. These modifications were carried out by Abbot García (1313–1329) (Zaragoza 1994, p. 564). The walls of the main chapel were widened, thereby enlarging the space and eliminating the Romanesque chancel with three apses. It may be reasonably assumed that the cycle of animalistic capitals of the east transept’s toral closures and the mural of Santa Maria Egipcíaca were also configured during this period. The capitals originally comprised a 360° structure comprising twelve supports, nine of which remain due to the enclosure of the western wall during the mid-10th century. Consequently, it is probable that the work was completed prior to this period, which spans from 1332 to 1360 (Cuesta Sánchez and Pazos-López 2022, p. 60). A traumatic event occurred in the monastery between 1366 and 1367. Troops under the command of the Black Prince, retreating from the civil war between Peter I and Henry II, razed the center to the ground and looted a large quantity of items. In order to collect the payment of the debt that Peter I was unable to pay because of the support of the British troops in the conflict with his half-brother, precious works from the monastery were collected (Herrera Oria 1917, pp. 86–87). During this period, the figure of Abbot Lope Ruiz (1350–1381), who served as royal chaplain to Alfonso XI and Pedro El Justiciero (Pedro I the Cruel), is worthy of particular note. During his tenure, the monastery was sacked by the Black Prince of Wales (Zaragoza 1994, p. 565), after which fortification work commenced with the construction of the wall and Puerta del Cid under Abbot Sancho Díaz (1381–1419).
• Phase 5: the period from Abbot Pedro de Briviesca (1419–1452) to Abbot Juan Manso (1479–1495). This phase encompasses a multitude of remodeling works undertaken between circa 1430 and the conclusion of the century, encompassing both the church and the regular rooms. During the tenure of Pedro de Briviesca and his successor until 1460, the vaults of the central nave, the enclosures of the side chapels, the enclosure of the Santa María Egipcíaca Mural Paintings, and other architectural elements underwent significant modifications. The final phase of decoration of the refectory’s relief involved the painting of the lunettes and repolychroming with the use of gold leaf. This was possibly undertaken in response to the deterioration caused by the sacking of 1367. The period between 1460 and 1470 saw the construction of the doorway and the polychrome atrium or narthex, in addition to the altar choir and the choir loft, the royal and county pantheon, and the access door in walnut and boxwood. This was carried out by Fray Pedro de Loreno in collaboration with Fray Pedro de Valladolid. Additionally, the ribbed vault of the main chapel was constructed, a project undertaken by Fernando Díaz that drew inspiration from Juan de Colonia and his school of thought. It was completed in 1470. As Martín Simón notes, this type of vault is also present in the Cartuja de Miraflores and will serve as an architectural model that will be disseminated throughout the entire peninsular geography during the reign of the Catholic Monarchs, as evidenced by buildings such as San Juan. The Royal Chapel of Granada, also known as the Chapel of the Reyes or El Paular, saw significant construction between 1465 and 1470. The most notable documentation from this period pertains to the payment for the works, which was signed by the abbot and the master. Based on these sources, it can be inferred that the vault was completed around 1470 (Martín Martínez De Simón 2012, pp. 639–40).
• Phase 6: from Abbot Andrés Gutiérrez de Cerezo (1495–1503) to Abbot Alonso de Madrid (1506–1512). In 1503, the Romanesque cloister underwent a reformative process with the objective of replacing it with a Gothic cloister designed by Simón de Colonia. This endeavor reached its culmination with the installation of the fountain in 1508 (Martín Martínez De Simón 2012, p. 643). The abbot responsible for initiating this reform was Alonso de Oña y del Castillo (1503–1506), who completed two sections of the cloister, with the remaining two sections completed by Alonso de Madrid (1506–1512). The latter abbot concluded the remodeling process by placing the fountain of Simón de Colonia in front of the refectory (Zaragoza 1994, p. 569).

Presently, the monastery is only partially accessible to visitors in the aforementioned areas, as the remainder of the premises, including the refectory, the Renaissance cloister, the regular quarters, and the upper levels, are in a state of disuse. Over the course of its history, this enclave has experienced a series of disruptions and transformations. During the Middle Ages, it was subject to sackings. In the Modern Age, it was affected by disentailments. In the Contemporary Age, it was utilized for military and sanitary purposes. Additionally, it was sold to private hands and served as a Jesuit Colegio Máximo from 1880 to 1969. It was at this time that the Diputación de Burgos acquired the building for the purpose of establishing a mental sanatorium, which was subsequently transformed into a geriatric home. The extensive renovations that were carried out during this period led to the discovery of a significant amount of material evidence.

2. The Space and the Object

2.1. The Refectory

One of the most significant spaces within the Benedictine monastery of Oña is the refectory. This room, which is situated at the heart of the monastery, has been in use since the observance brought about by Sancho el Mayor de Pamplona in 1033 was consolidated.

This space in Oña was used by the monks as a dining room during the Middle Ages, although it is currently inaccessible to the public. The structure is elongated and rectangular, measuring approximately 25 meters in length and 8.90 meters in width. It is covered with simple ribbed vaults distributed in three sections, with large windows on the south wall that allow for natural light to enter (Figure 1).

This room was completed in 1141 (Herrera Oria 1917, p. 163)—1179 AD—and has subsequently undergone numerous modifications, both internal and structural, which have resulted in a significant alteration to the current view of the room. It is assumed that from the end of the 15th century or the beginning of the 16th century onwards, the central access door to the refectory, which serves as the entrance today, was opened. This entailed the partial destruction of the medieval architectural relief located on the eastern side of the room. A considerable number of the stone components of the central arch of this relief were deposited in the river’s rubble heap, where they were subsequently discovered by local residents. However, the majority of these have since been lost.

In his chapter “El proceso constructivo del monasterio de San Salvador de Oña durante la Edad Moderna y la contemporánea” (Pérez Camacho 2012, pp. 470–95), Antonio Manuel Pérez Camacho and Magdalena Illardia Gálligo in “El claustro de los caballeros y su entorno” (2011, pp. 444–69), concur in indicating the opening of this door in the 15th century under the abbacy of Fray Pedro de Briviesca. Nevertheless, no evidence has been uncovered to substantiate this hypothesis, as historical sources such as Herrera Oria, Fray Iñigo de Barreda, Arzalluz (1950), and the Abadologio de Zaragoza Pascual make no mention of the destruction of the eastern wall. In addition to the aforementioned historical sources, the architect José Ramón Duralde offers an alternative explanation in his 2012 article, “La restauración del monasterio de Oña: una obra necesaria” (pp. 536–59). Duralde proposes that the cloister-refectory axis can be restored by recovering the original entrance to the cloister, which was located at the western end. In this way, he indicates that the changes introduced in the seventeenth century may have resulted in the relocation of the entrance to its current position.

However, the refurbishment of the refectory can be dated to 1880, when the monastery was acquired by the Society of Jesus. This was a period of significant alteration to the building, including the re-traction of walls towards the interior of the room, which reduced the usable space, and the addition of a vaulted roof (Senra Gabriel y Galán 1992, p. 36). In 1969, the space was once again remodeled in order to adapt it to the construction of kitchens for the psychiatric center, thereby revealing a large relief embedded in the eastern wall. Finally, it is worth mentioning the historical fountain of Fray Iñigo de Barreda, which offers us a window into the past.

“The piece of the refectory is very old, as it was completed in the year one thousand one hundred and forty-one. It is magnificent and beautiful in a great way, as if made for such a large community; it is forty-eight steps long and thirty-seven feet wide. It has been renovated many times, and today only the walls and a rich and majestic coffered ceiling in the form of an orange vault remain. There is a memory that it was in its beginnings, as it is said that it had a great reputation of having been then one of the most costly and curious works of Castile, truly that the aforementioned coffered ceiling will be understood, because it has a singular and pilgrim assembly and inlay. It is gilded and painted, with interverados and many oil paintings of various saints, and what makes it stand out most is a starry gilded rosette and some large gilded carved pinecones that hang downwards, with the gold as fresh and shiny as if they had just been gilded, being so that they are about seven centuries old. And the memory also says that the seats of the monges were made of very delicate inlaid wood, with their highly polished gilded and painted backs. On the trabiessa table they were more outstanding and of greater refinement, with the abbot’s seat standing out, on the head of which the era in which this work was made was read in an extraordinary way.

IN ERA DECIES CENTENA, BIS QUINQUAGENA SEPTlES DENA, INTER TRINA FACTUM: EST HOC OPUS REGNANTE MPERATORE DOMNO ALDEPHONSO TOLETO, ET PER OMNES HESPERIAS.

Which means: as in the era of one thousand one hundred and seventy-nine this work was made, reigning—in Toledo, and throughout Spain, the emperor Don Alonso; that having reduced the years of Caesar, which are thirty-eight, it was made in the years of Christ our Redeemer, one thousand one hundred and forty-one.

What is certain is that this sumptuous and beautiful piece says what it is and what it has been just by looking at it, as today it appears from the cornice of its famous coffered ceiling on its smooth walls in white Yesso with great capacity, cleanliness and clarity, as it has five arched windows three rods high and about two wide, with their stained glass windows that give it copious light from the south”.

(Herrera Oria 1917, pp. 163–65)

In this chronicle, Fray Iñigo de Barreda presents a vision of the monastery as it appeared in 1771, the year in which this manuscript was completed. In this way, we can see how Barreda employs the information contained in the preceding chronicles to describe not only the space he observes, but also the space that at certain times came to exist. This enables him to highlight issues such as the wooden coffered ceiling made up of rosettes and pinecones, painted and gilded, which must have been structurally similar to the ceiling of the Royal and Condal Pantheon.

The medieval ceiling, along with the inlaid seats, which may have been constructed between 1460 and 1470, have been lost. Only traces of similar works in the abbey church remain. The ceiling, constructed during the abbey period of Fray Pedro de Briviesca, exhibits comparable elements in terms of technique and materials, as evidenced by the choir stalls in the Main Chapel, crafted from wood and Gothic tracery, and the sarcophagi of the Royal and County Pantheon, which feature boxwood and walnut inlay. It is also noteworthy that in addition to the aforementioned loss of the wooden coffered ceiling, there has been a structural alteration of the ceiling, which has undergone a transformation from a flat wooden ceiling to a vaulted ceiling in three sections, akin to the current configuration.

With regard to the frieze (Figure 3), which is referenced by Father Barreda and provides a date for the room, only a small fragment of it currently exists. This fragment includes some letters incised and colored in black, which would indicate the time of its creation and the patronage responsible for it. Senra Gabriel y Galán (1995, p. 269) proposed that the words of the inscription (DOM)NO AL(DEPHONSO) could be included in this fragment, thereby establishing the reign of Alfonso VII as the time of construction of the refectory and the exceptional ensemble in which it was inserted. In this way, it is evident that the influence of royal power was not only evident in the monastery of Oña, but also reflected in this specific piece and, consequently, in a space of regular use.

Further evidence of the connection between Alfonso VII and the monastery, as well as this particular piece, can be found in his visit to the monastery in 1137, during which he made a donation to the family tombs (Senra Gabriel y Galán 2012, p. 408). This is particularly significant as, following the death of Alfonso I of Aragon in 1134, the annexation of La Bureba to the territories of Alfonso VII occurred, a period during which he consistently demonstrated his support for the monastery. Throughout this period, he provided consistent and unwavering support to the monastery, a stance that continued until his grandson Alfonso VIII (Senra Gabriel y Galán 2012, p. 406).

2.2. The Architectural Ensemble as a Key Work of Hispanic Medieval Art

The carved and polychromed stone ensemble (Figure 4) that would have been located in this room is an extremely peculiar piece with various references in the Burgundy area. However, there is no other vestige that can be demonstrated to match the impeccable workmanship of our relief in its carving process.

This piece is composed of nineteen elements, which, although decontextualized, coalesce to reveal an impressive carved and polychrome architectural ensemble. Over the centuries, this ensemble has undergone modifications and reforms that have altered its final appearance. It was removed from the wall in 1969 as part of the work on the psychiatric hospital’s kitchens. Following the discovery of the arches, the entire piece was removed at the request of the parish priest of the town, D. Agustín Lázaro, and placed on the north side of the cloister, where it remained until approximately 2008, when it was relocated to the chapter house. In 2012, the year of the celebration of the Ages of Man in Oña, on the occasion of the Monacatus exhibition, the piece was relocated to the transept of the church. It subsequently returned to the chapter house, where it is currently situated.

The architectural relief, which now consists of five arches (Figure 5), is made of white dolomitic stone. Two of the arches are partially mutilated, while the remaining four are intact. Additionally, there are four quadrangular capitals, the remains of which have been divided into five pieces. Additionally, a single fragment of the frieze bearing the 12th-century inscription is currently situated in the upper part of the ensemble. An assortment of large plaster slabs with the remains of black Kufic inscriptions3 can also be found. The ensemble, which is incomplete due to its fragmentation and removal, originally comprised seven arches. The central arch was destroyed in the 15th and 16th centuries, while the seventh arch was walled in due to the narrowing of the room in the 19th century.

The five arches that represent the carving or manufacturing phase have been preserved, and they feature a variety of decorations on their archivolts, which are distributed evenly as one moves from the ends of the ensemble towards the lost central arch. The decorations exhibit a progressive increase in complexity, beginning with the simplest form observed in arch 1, characterized by smooth, parabolic archivolts. This is followed by arches 2 and 5, which feature outer archivolts with opposing trilobed leaves in contrast to the inner saw-toothed archivolt. The complexity culminates in arches 3 and 4, displaying outer riveted and silhouetted braids and pineapple-angled archivolts.

The spandrels are completed with rosettes of two distinct types. The first type features a central arrangement of fine, stylized leaves, while the second type comprises a combination of smooth and striated leaves, with an interior of small, smooth, stylized leaves covered with gold and polychrome. The composition of the rosettes is characterized by a variety of colors, including red, turquoise blue, yellow ochre, brown, black, greyish blue, and green. The full composition is presented at a later stage, based on the results of the laboratory examination of previously selected micro-samples. The rosettes are surmounted by a ring of die-cut perforations, distributed at uniform intervals. The entire architectural ensemble is embellished with polychrome decoration and metal leaf. The lunettes contain vestiges of mural painting, which include depictions of human figures. These have been identified by historians as the Apostles, thereby representing the Last Supper.

The measurements of the entire object are presented in

Table 1. Measurements of the arches of the ensemble of the relief of the refectory. Source: author.

Piece	Width (cm)	Height (cm)	Depth (cm)	Outer Archivolt (cm)	Inner Archivolt (cm)
Arch 1	129.5	60	27	7	8
Arch 2	117	60	27	7.5	8.5
Arch 3	70	60	27	6	8
Arch 4	80	60	27	7	9
Arch 5	123	60	27	8.5	9
TOTALS	519.5	60	27	-	-

, both in their individual components and as a whole. The four capitals are complemented by four bosses, which are divided into five pieces and arranged and catalogued in accordance with the specifications outlined in

Table 2. Measurements of the capitals and capital tops of the ensemble of the relief of the refectory. Source: author.

Set Piece	Code Piece	Width (cm)	Height (cm)	Depth (cm)
CT1	P23	45	9	42.5
CP1	P24	32.5	28	58
CT2	P31	26.5	10	24.5
	P27	42	10	42
CP2	P22	32	28	53.2
CT3	P25	42	10	58
CP3	P29	32.5	27.5	53.5
CT4	P20	44,5	10	42
CP4	P28	32.5	28	46.5

.

With regard to the existing capitals and capital tops (Figure 6), it is important to note that only four of the eight that originally existed have survived. This is due to the construction works carried out during the 16th century and the subsequent reduction of the walls in the 19th century, which resulted in the loss of other four elements that constituted the complex, as well as the potential existence of the bases and columns of the complex. The surviving elements of the ensemble reflect the style of the arches in terms of complexity, with the simplest located on the far left and the most complex situated in the center of the composition.

In terms of both structure and decoration, there are no references for this piece throughout the Peninsula. However, examples of morphologically similar pieces of lesser quality can be found elsewhere. The most illustrative national example is the refectory of Santa María la Real in Aguilar de Campoo, which features a tripartite arcade but lacks carved or polychrome decoration. Outside the Iberian Peninsula, the refectory of the Abbey of Saint-Wandrille provides an illustrative example. Although it has the form of an arcade with semicircular arches linked together on columns attached to the wall and three shades of polychrome, it does not possess the same technical difficulty as the Oña ensemble. Nevertheless, there are examples that serve as stylistic references for the decorations of the San Salvador de Oña piece in the regions influenced by Burgundian art associated with the Abbey of Cluny during the 12th century, namely the period of Cluny III.

One of the pieces considered to be a model or inspiration for these Onyan arcades is the stone choir stalls of the Cluny church, which were identified by Kenneth John Conant in his monograph Cluny, Les églises et la maison du chef d’ordre (1968). This piece, which has been preserved in fragments, can be found in two locations: the Metropolitan Museum of New York at The Cloisters and the Musée d’Art et D’Archéologie de Cluny. In the Iberian Peninsula, an example of a partially preserved and now reconstructed stone choir can be found in the Museum of the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela. This is the Stone Choir of Master Mateo, created by Master Mateo during the construction of the church between 1180 and 1200. It was subsequently reconstructed by professors Yzquierdo Perrín and Otero Túñez in 1981.

In examining the piece from Burgos, it becomes evident that there are numerous decorative patterns that can be attributed to the Cluniac style. These patterns are not exclusive to the Abbey of Cluny; rather, they can also be observed in various sites within the Burgundy region, specifically in the department of Saône-et-Loire. The most notable examples can be observed within the church of Cluny itself, as well as in local residences and other nearby sites, including the Basilica of Paray-le-Monial and the Cathedral of Saint-Lazare d’Autun.

One of the most frequently observed decorative motifs in the vicinity of Cluny is the design of the angled archivolt, which can be seen in arches 3 and 4 of the relief. This decorative design is evident in the archivolts of the three lower blind windows of the south transept of Cluny Abbey, as well as in other elements of the abbey’s furnishings that are not part of the abbey’s architecture. These include the 11th-century altar, which was probably consecrated by Pope Urban II. Furthermore, this decorative motif is evident in the village houses, where it constitutes a frieze at the apex of the semicircular windows. Finally, in relation to the Saône-el-Loire area, this decoration can be observed in the interior of the tympanum of the basilica of Paray-Le-Monial, where it delineates the scene of the Last Supper.

Additionally, the rosettes in the spandrels of the ensemble, which draw inspiration from Burgundian art associated with Cluny, are worthy of note as a decorative motif. These figures are present throughout the abbey and constitute the principal decorative elements of the choir enclosure, which was constructed between 1120 and 1130. Furthermore, the rosettes can be observed on a lintel featuring twelve variations. However, the style and the resemblance in the shape of the petals of all of them, particularly the smaller central rosette similar to those of Oña, demonstrate the evident influence of the Burgundian workshops of Cluny in Oña during the 12th century.

Furthermore, there is evidence from Oña that suggests the influence of this monastery on neighboring sites. This evidence is material in nature and directly correlates with the architectural forms observed in the refectory complex. This is exemplified by the rosettes of the spandrels, which are also present in other locations. As Magdalena Illardia notes, these can be observed in the tympanum of the interior apse window at Abajas, the tympanums of the windows on the interior south wall at Escóbados de Abajo, and the tympanum of an apse window at Quintanarruz (Illardia Gallego 2011, p. 550).

It is noteworthy that the ensemble displays decorative evidence attributable to its second decorative stage. This comprises six stone slabs of an average thickness of approximately 5 cm and variable sizes, which exhibit traces of calligraphy. Some of the stones, which have undergone considerable deterioration, display clear indications of Kufic script and the distinctive flourishes associated with this style of Arabic calligraphy (Figure 7a–c). The barely perceptible calligraphy was photographed and submitted to ImageJ© software with the DStrech© plugin, which was used to enhance the quality of the inscriptions, thus facilitating the attribution of their characters and the interpretation of their meaning (Figure 7d).

In terms of the iconography of the piece as a whole, it can be noted that figurative remains are present in the lunettes of the arches in a Gothic style. This has led to the piece being dated after its construction, with Gutiérrez Baños dating it to the beginning of the 15th century (Gutiérrez Baños 2005, pp. 118–24). Alternatively, it may be dated to the third decorative phase of the ensemble. The figures depicted in the lunettes are not only partially mutilated, but also exhibit an advanced state of degradation, which impedes an accurate identification of the scene. The historical record from the time of its extraction identifies the object as a representation of the Last Supper, based on the presence of certain objects—which have since been partially lost due to degradation—and the location of the piece and its interpretation in relation to the Benedictine order.

A hypothetical reconstruction of the scene is currently displayed in the chapter house (Figure 8). This reconstruction is visible in darker areas, where existing fragments of the frontal are displayed, and in the line drawing. As evidenced by the destruction of the central arch in the 16th century and the lack of surviving elements in the lower part of the complex, there is no basis for accepting this reconstruction as accurate. The only elements that have survived are the arches up to the capitals, leaving the structure of the columns, the central area, and the right arch, which has not yet been extracted from the wall, open to interpretation.

These questions allow us to support this identification, as no other visual references can be found that would indicate the possibility of being in front of another Christological scene. The depiction of the Last Supper scene represents a theme with a double significance, as it shows two different aspects in its iconography: the betrayal of Judas and the establishment of the Eucharist. This allows for differentiation between the historical Holy Supper and the symbolic one.

3. Analytical Results and Study Methodology

In regard to the methodology employed in this study, which was designed as a comprehensive investigation of the polychromies on stone in the refectory of the Monastery of San Salvador de Oña, it is important to note that a mixed approach and study method were essential. In this regard, a body of knowledge has been constructed that draws upon elements from both the field of conservation of cultural heritage and that of art history, thereby forming a multidisciplinary study.

Firstly, it is necessary to specify the two main variants of study that have been followed. The first variant is centered on the field of Art History and has been informed by a bibliographical study focused on the artistic, architectural, iconographic, stylistic, symbolic, religious, and historical fields. The second variant has been derived from a system of work taken from the disciplines of Conservation and Restoration. The disciplines of Conservation and Restoration have enabled the composition and state of conservation of the polychromies under study to be determined. This has been achieved through organoleptic examination, photographic study, recording of alterations, and the taking and interpretation of micro-samples using scientific examination techniques.

The study of the materials that comprise the polychromy on stone is founded upon a mixed methodology that encompasses the examination of the work itself, as well as the sources and feedback derived from them. This approach enables the derivation of comprehensive studies that facilitate the identification of the constituent materials and the techniques employed in their creation. The present approach to this mode of study is inherently complex, given the theoretical corpus based on historical-literary sources, collectively known as artists’ treatises or technological art sources. This corpus comprises over 400 examples (Kroustallis 2013, p. 69).

The most pertinent sources for the study of pigment production and utilization in antiquity and the Middle Ages are those from the 8th to 15th centuries. These include the following, which are of particular relevance: Mappae Claviculae (Smith and Hawthorne 1974), the treatises of Heraclius, Archerius, the Book of Master Peter of St. Audemar, the manuscripts of Jehan le Begue, and the Bolognese Manuscript. The relevant sources can be found in Medieval and Renaissance Treatises on the arts of painting (Merrifield 1999), De diversis artibus from the monk Teófilo (1979), and The Montpellier Liber diversarum arcium (Clarke 2011). However, some contemporary contributions have the potential to clarify certain historiographical, terminological, and technical issues pertaining to the use and production of pictorial materials in the Middle Ages. Notable contributions to this field have been made by Max Doerner (1998), Mark Clarke (2001), and Stefanos Kroustallis (2008a, 2008b, 2012).

In order to gain insight into the technical expertise and extensive use of pre-existing materials evident in the vestiges of Oña, a range of studies from the field of conservation and restoration of cultural heritage were employed to identify and characterize the diverse supports, preparations, pigments, binders, and metals utilized in the polychromies, supports, preparations and mortars, pigments, binders, and metals.

The laboratory results provided by ArteLab S.L. are presented in a report format, comprising the interpretations of the analyses and tests carried out. These are presented in tabular form, with materials distributed by layers and accompanied by footnotes. Additionally, microscopic images are provided, taken with halogen and UV light, as well as scanning electron microscope images with backscattered electrons (BSEs), diffractogram graphs, EDX spectra, and chromatograms of organic material. Finally, summary tables of materials are included. These analyses were conducted by professionals in the sector without precise indications of areas or materials to be traced. In some cases, this resulted in an inadequate characterization of materials in conflictive points of the samples previously detected.

These analyses, complemented with organoleptic and microscopic studies with UV, halogen, and grazing light, as well as in situ digital microscopy, provided data and images that allowed us to establish the possible pictorial sequences of the pieces, as well as the discovery of organic materials and possible methods of decoration in singular areas. This led to the formulation of decorative theories for the most relevant pieces in this collection.

In this way, and using the knowledge that both disciplines, in a multidisciplinary way, have been able to offer on the history, materiality, artistic techniques, creation, style, chronology, or context of these pieces, it was possible to obtain data that integrate and complement each other, ensuring that the analytical results are the extension of the historical research and vice versa, thereby providing greater knowledge of those pieces and episodes for which we had only small testimonies.

3.1. Technical and Material Analysis of Calligraphy

Of the five plaques discovered, three display the most discernible vestiges, which include calligraphic elements in the flowery Kufic and vegetal motifs. Piece P32 features vegetal or floral motifs that are typically associated with Kufic writing, characterized by a geometric appearance and thick strokes. This motif is also present in pieces P33 and P34 (Figure 7a–c). These calligraphic and graphic remains can be stylistically related to those found in other peninsular locations, such as the palaces of the Partal and the Generalife of the Alhambra. The latter are dated between 1302 and 1019 (Puerta Vilchez 2015, p. 102).

The material characterization and stratigraphic analysis (Figure 9) of these inscriptions, conducted by the ArteLab S.L. laboratory, yielded definitive results, elucidating the composition of the black pigmentation. The analyses revealed the presence of three layers, as illustrated in

Table 3. MSSO-RFT-P5-PL01. Black pigment on stone plate. Plates with Kufic writing. Refectory. Source: ArteLab S.L.

Layer	Color	Thickness	Pigments/Fillers	Observations
3	White	0–20	Calcium carbonate, earth pigments (very low proportion), gypsum (very low proportion), bone black (very low proportion)	Remains of a possible whitewashing
2	Black	0–10	Charcoal, bone black (very low proportion)	Hints of a layer of paint
1	White	45–60	Gypsum, silicates (very low proportion)	Possible plastering 1

¹ A small amount of magnesium (Mg) is detected in this layer, which could correspond to a low proportion of dolomite.

. It appears that a plaster may have been applied to the stone support layer. This layer enables the support to acquire a uniform whitish tone, which allows for the calligraphy to be spread without chromatic interference. The application of a black pigment based on charcoal and small concentrations of bone black, largely covered by a whitewash based on calcium carbonate,4 can be observed on this layer. This technique is relatively simple, involving the application of black pigment to produce the mural calligraphy.

3.2. Technical and Material Analyses of the Arches’ Lunettes

It is likely that these lunettes, which are currently sectioned at the height of the arches, continued along the pilasters up to the bases, thus creating large decorative canvases of more than two meters in length. In order to ascertain the nature of the supports and the pictorial materials employed in these paintings, FTIR analyses were conducted at the ArteLab S.L. laboratory. In this manner, in conjunction with other investigations, including specific solubility tests conducted in situ, we were able to ascertain their resilience to humidity and, consequently, to infer their original composition.

The material characterization analyses have identified the presence of two distinct types of mortar. The first, which is thicker and in contact with the substrate, has a composition of calcium carbonate and silicates in low proportion. The second, which is thinner and has a polished texture, is made of gypsum and is used to prepare and polish the surface before the application of color.

The FTIR analysis of the initial mortar (Figure 10a) indicates that it is a mortar with a minimal calcium carbonate and silicate proportion. In order for the mortar to adhere correctly to the stone support, it was necessary for the dolomite to be irregular; this was achieved by treating it with a variety of tools. In some areas of the tympanum of arch 4, where part of the mortar has been lost, the tool marks are visible. The analysis of the second mortar (Figure 10b) indicates that it is a plaster mortar, which is used to prepare and polish the pictorial surface prior to the application of color. This material peculiarity indicates that we are dealing with a type of painting that goes beyond traditional fresco mural painting. Consequently, it is necessary to characterize the binders and pigments used in these mural decorations and to determine how this technique is carried out.

With regard to the pigments employed in the lunettes, two samples were taken of the most pertinent pigments identified, namely, black and orange (Figure 11), given that the tones observed in these lunettes span the spectrum from black to yellow ochre. The black pigment sample, MSSO-SCP-F-PL16 (

Table 4. MSSO SCP FSSO PL16. Black pigment on plaster. Location: Arch 1. Tympanum, lower part. Drawing of a cup. Source: ArteLab S.L.

Layer	Color	Thickness (µm)	Pigments/Fillers	Observations
2	Black	0–15	Charcoal, white lead (low proportion), oropiment (very low proportion)	Paint layer
1	White	50–100	Gypsum	Possible plastering

), was obtained from the drawing of the cup of arch 1, an area where the outline is still clearly visible. The sample was analyzed and found to contain very low proportions of charcoal, lead white, and orpiment. The combination of these two pigments with charcoal is indicative of the techniques described in Chapter LXXII of Cennini’s Book of Art, entitled “On how to paint dry on the wall”. In this chapter, Cennini outlines the use of white lead and yellowish pigments, including orpiment, to lighten colors that cannot be used in fresco painting. However, he notes that orpiment is rarely employed in this way (Cennini et al. 1988, p. 123).

The final sample, MSSO-SCP-F-PL17 (

Table 5. MSSO SCP FSSO PL17. Orange pigment on plaster. Location: Arch 4. Tympanum, lower part, Apostle’s orange beard. Source: ArteLab S.L.

Layer	Color	Thickness (µm)	Pigments/Fillers	Observations
2	Orange	0–15	Earth pigments, charcoal (very low proportion), minium (very low proportion)	Paint layer
1	White	25–150	gypsum, silicates (very low proportion)	Possible plastering

), illustrates the orange pigment derived from the apostle’s beard, discernible in arch 4. The characterization of materials indicates the presence of earth pigments in conjunction with charcoal and minium, albeit in minute quantities.

Given the inability to explicitly identify the binders in the aforementioned samples, solubility tests were conducted on select and limited areas of the composition using swabs. This approach aims to ascertain the resilience and composition of these areas. Following the application of the swabs moistened in warm water, it was observed that the pigments of the gypsum lunettes or stuccos exhibited sensitivity to humidity. The most susceptible to these tests were the yellow and dark ochre pigments, with the orange pigments displaying a lesser degree of sensitivity.

This widespread detachment of the pigments suggests two potential methods for the application of dry paint. One possible explanation is that the paint was applied using a lean tempera binder, such as glue tempera or, less likely, gum tempera. However, given the observed degradation of the piece and the progressive deterioration that has occurred over time due to exposure to the elements, it is also possible that the paint is a fatty binder such as linseed drying oil or a fatty egg yolk or casein tempera that has lost the stability of the paint film, thus facilitating its detachment in the form of powder.

With regard to the technique employed in the painting of the lunettes, it is important to note that the geometric forms that constitute the decorative scheme were initially delineated through an incised drawing, serving as a reference for achieving the desired proportions and shapes. The outline is more clearly discernible in arch 2, where the paint is notably diluted. In this tympanum, the nimbus of the Apostles is incised into the mortar in order to delineate their shape prior to painting. These incisions are maintained in the existing nimbus in the remainder of the arches, indicating that this was an established working method.

The application of these plaster mortars on the lunettes demonstrates the superimposition of these materials on the pre-existing polychromy in the areas of the soffit, as well as the clear presence of edges, which would indicate that both mortars were manufactured in a decorative stage subsequent to the polychromy inside the arch. With regard to the current state of the lunettes, it is possible to note a discrepancy in their coloring, with some of them displaying a difference in the tone of their mortars, which are cleaner and lighter in color.5

4. The Symbolic Transformation of the Refectory: The Transition from the 14th Century to the 15th Century

4.1. The Reign of Pedro I and the Reflection of Islamic Influence: The Imprint on the Artistic Remains of the Onian Refectory

The Crown of Castile experienced a period of significant and continuous transformation during the 14th century. This period was characterized by a series of economic, social, and political events that had a profound impact on the future of the kingdom and its configuration. The successive battles against the Nasrid troops carried out by Alfonso XI the Justiciero required the constant support of the Castilian nobility in exchange for their military support, which was reciprocated with lands and privileges (Valdeón Baruque 2024a). However, the death of the monarch in 1350 due to the plague epidemic suddenly truncated this situation.

In that same year, Pedro I of Castile, the legitimate son of Alfonso XI and Maria of Portugal, upon ascending to the throne, sought to establish a circle of confidence, headed by Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, an outstanding nobleman of Lusitanian origin, followed by other figures who were already present in his father’s government. In order to consolidate his power and neutralize the threat posed by Leonor de Guzmán, the king’s father’s mistress, and her supporters at court, Pedro I kept a significant number of nobles in his domains and permitted them to amass wealth in exchange for allegiance (Díaz Martín 2007, pp. 41–43).

Nevertheless, the monarch was compelled to reform the fiscal system with the objective of augmenting the kingdom’s revenue, which had been significantly depleted by his father’s protracted military campaigns in the south and the devastating plague epidemic (Díaz Martín 2007, pp. 47–48). Faced with these extreme measures that threatened the welfare state and the authoritarian and centralizing figure of Alburquerque, the nobles of the kingdom perceived Pedro I as a direct threat to their autonomy and privileges. Consequently, they resolved to confront and oppose him (Díaz Martín 2007, p. 55). Furthermore, the capture and execution of Leonor de Guzmán, the mistress of Alfonso XI and mother of Enrique de Trastámara, in Talavera in 1351 has been attributed to Queen María of Portugal (López de Ayala 1994, p. 34; Valdeón Baruque 2002, p. 59).

In 1353, Pedro I entered into a marital union with Blanca de Borbón, the daughter of the French monarch, with the objective of consolidating the political alliance between Castile and France. Nevertheless, a few days after the marriage, Pedro I repudiated his young wife, confining her to Arévalo to join his mistress, María de Padilla, with whom he had four children. Following this, Pedro I attempted to annul his marriage to Blanca de Borbón and marry Juana de Castro, the widow of Diego López de Haro. The latter’s abandonment was used by the high nobility, led by Enrique de Trastámara and Juan Alfonso de Alburquerque, to oppose the legitimate monarch (Díaz Martín 2007, pp. 105–110).

The coalition against Pedro I was consolidated in 1354, although he was able to attract some nobles to his cause, such as the princes of Aragon. In this year, the Castilian king openly confronted his rivals in Toledo. As Valdeón notes, the papal legate proceeded to launch the excommunication against Pedro I of Castile in the Cathedral of Toledo (Valdeón Baruque 2002, p. 74). In this confrontation, the troops of Henry II perpetrated a violent sacking of the major Jewish quarter of Toledo, which had been fully supportive of the Castilian king, who was in a position of considerable military strength. In light of this military superiority, the bastard’s forces were compelled to retreat, resulting in Henry II’s exile in France in 1356. This marked the beginning of the decline of the noble cause in Castile. In an effort to consolidate his power, the king granted pardons to those who had supported his half-brother, provided they agreed to abide by the conditions set forth by Pedro I. Those who remained opposed to Pedro I’s cause were compelled to follow him. Those who were not in favor of following them were exiled either to France or Aragon. This resulted in a prohibition of the collection of rents to those ecclesiastics who did not reside in Castile. This measure directly provoked the accumulation of groups of nobles willing to recover their benefits and privileges on the other side of the Castilian border (Díaz Martín 2007, pp. 126–35).

In that same year, the War of the Two Peters broke out between Pedro I of Castile and Pedro IV of Aragon, capitalizing on the aforementioned fact. The conflict initially took place on the border between the two kingdoms. As was to be expected, the Aragonese king, confronted with the Castilian advance, sought the assistance of Henry II of Trastamara and John II of France, also known as “the Good”, in order to continue his attacks on the king of Castile. While Pedro I, following a series of confrontations, returned to Seville to secure financial resources and plan further incursions against the Aragonese monarch (Díaz Martín 2007, pp. 143–44).

From 1359 onwards, there were numerous clashes that resulted in defeats on both sides. The most notable of these was the defeat of Henry II in Nájera, which enabled Peter I to reinforce the border with Aragon by signing the Peace of Terrer in 1361. However, in 1362, hostilities resumed when the Castilian forces took Teruel and advanced to Valencia. In the same year, the Treaty of London was signed with Edward III of England. In the following year, 1363, the Peace of Murviedro was concluded between Pedro I and Pedro IV. Among other clauses, it provided for the expulsion of Enrique II and the Castilian exiles from Aragonese lands. However, no response was forthcoming. In the absence of a response to Peter I’s requests, Peter IV entered into the Binéfar agreement with Henry II with the objective of conquering the Castilian crown. This resulted in the prolongation of the war until 1365, when the defeat in the town of Murviedro marked the end of the conflict for Peter I (Valdeón Baruque 2002, pp. 85–102).

The policies enacted by Pedro I during this period prompted numerous nobles to defect and align themselves with Enrique II, largely due to the relentless nature of the Castilian monarch, as evidenced by incidents such as the “orgy of blood” that transpired in 1358 within the Alcázar of Seville. At this time, the assassination of the Master of the Order of Santiago, his half-brother Fadrique, was carried out in cold blood, as was the murder of the latter’s senior knight, along with other nobles (López de Ayala 1994, p. 268; Díaz Martín 2007, p. 159).

Nevertheless, the most significant conflict of Pedro I’s reign was the prolonged confrontation with his half-brother, Enrique II of Trastámara. With the support of the kingdoms of France and Aragon, Enrique proclaimed himself King of Castile in 1366 in the city of Calahorra. This conflict, more commonly referred to as the Civil War, saw the formation of opposing sides, with Henry and Peter each securing the support of formidable allies. In addition to the support of Aragon and France, the count of Trastámara also enjoyed the backing of Pope Urban V and the White Companies, which constituted a significant component of his military forces. Conversely, the side of Peter I was able to rely on significant support from England, which was engaged in a parallel conflict with France as part of the Hundred Years’ War. Henry II’s incursion into Castile from Aragon prompted Peter I’s rise from Seville to the city of Burgos, whereupon he proceeded to march towards Toledo. This event was exploited by Henry II to proclaim himself king of Castile in the Monastery of Las Huelgas, Burgos. However, the effective authority of the illegitimate monarch did not extend beyond the eastern portion of the northern plateau. Consequently, he advanced towards Toledo with the objective of conquering it, which he regarded as “the axis of the political and economic life of the Crown of Castile” (Valdeón Baruque 2002, 144).

After the conquest of Toledo, Henry’s troops marched to Seville where king Peter was, from where he fled due to the lack of support he was finding, until he settled in Portuguese lands. From there he marched to Santiago de Compostela, where the murders of the dean and the archbishop took place, increasing the image of cruelty against the Church on the part of the king. Pedro I continued his march towards France, until arriving at Bordeaux, where he signed in 1360 the agreement of Libourne with the Black Prince of Wales, heir to the throne of England and Charles II of Navarre. In this way, the Civil War of Castile was included as another episode in the Hundred Years’ War that was being fought on the continent.

Consequently, in 1367, the English troops entered the peninsula via the Pyrenees until they reached Santo Domingo de la Calzada, entered Vitoria/Gasteiz, and encountered the troops of Henry II in Nájera. The English army was triumphant due to its superior military capabilities and the strategic use of archers, resulting in the defeat of the army led by his brother.

Nevertheless, Peter I’s failure to adhere to the stipulations of the Libourne accord with the English contingent prompted the Black Prince to return to England, albeit after amassing considerable wealth from monasteries such as San Salvador de Oña and San Millán de la Cogolla (Valdeón Baruque 2002, p. 183). Meanwhile, in 1367, Henry II, who was in exile in France, once again assembled an army with the intention of reclaiming his throne amidst the ongoing uprisings in the region. These uprisings were a direct result of the Libourne agreement and the attacks launched by the Nasrid forces in response to the pacts struck between King Peter I and Muhammad V. One year later, the incursions of Enrique II compelled Pedro I to advance towards the central plateau until he reached Montiel, where the decisive encounter between the two brothers took place (López de Ayala 1994, pp. 286–92). The death of king Pedro I at the hands of his brother inaugurated the Trastámara dynasty, which brought about a significant shift in the prevailing trends associated with the monarch’s maurophilia and his philo-Jewish tendency, as Valdeón Baruque (2002, pp. 107–8, 267–76) observed.

Peter I was perceived as an ally of the non-Christian minorities, a stance that was exploited by his brother and his enemies. Additionally, he was accused of fiscal abuses against the Church and of persecuting prelates such as the Archbishop of Toledo, Don Vasco, who was exiled to Portugal, and the Archbishop of Braga, Jean de Cardaillac, who was taken prisoner. It seems plausible to suggest that, in opposition to the stance adopted by his half-brother, Henry II, upon assuming power in 1369, may have opted to expand the number of clergy serving the crown in a variety of roles. These included roles such as major chancellor, major notary, royal chaplain, and major chaplain of the kingdom (Díaz Marcilla 2020, pp. 15, 20, 26, 42).

In this context of cultural mixtures and military crises, and in spite of the monarch’s overt confrontations with significant sectors of the Church, it is pertinent to examine his close relationship with several prominent figures within the same institution. His close relationship with prominent figures from his formative years included Juan Saavedra, Bishop of Palencia and Major Chancellor, and Don Bernabé, Bishop of the Diocese of Osma, who was responsible for fostering the prince’s intellectual development (Valdeón Baruque 2002). Furthermore, at a more mature age, he appointed ecclesiastical authorities such as the Abbot of Oña, Lope Ruiz, as chaplain (Zaragoza 1994, p. 565).

This figure is one of those that, during the Middle Ages, fell exclusively on members of the clergy. They were permitted not only to serve personally in the royal residence but also to assume significant responsibilities within the court. According to the studies of Nogales:

“The chaplain would be one who enjoys ecclesiastical income by reason or title of chaplaincy. [...] would refer to a benefit attributed to a chaplain with specific religious obligations, established in a foundation act that, in general, would not in itself imply a reference to a specific architectural framework -a chapel-, but would make use of pre-existing spaces. In a particular sense, a royal chaplaincy would be characterized by the following parameters:

-

Royal foundation, i.e., these chaplaincies are instituted by a member of the royal family.

-

Exercise of the Royal Patronage over all or some of the positions.

-

Quitclaims settled on rents of the Crown (tercias, chest of the aljamas, etc.).

-

Fulfillment of their religious obligations in favor of the soul of a royal person or a royal servant”.

(Nogales Rincón 2010, pp. 142–43)

However, he makes a necessary clarification on the term chaplain:

“However, occasionally in both medieval and modern documentation it is possible to document some references to royal chaplains or chapels that should not be confused with these institutions. In the first place, this denomination must have been applied to certain monks and monasteries linked to the Royal Patronage, in relation to the notion of chapel as “Iglesias de los Monges” [...] Peter I’s reference to the clerics of the monastery of Oña as “mios capellanes”.

(Nogales Rincón 2010, p. 146)

From this, we can infer that the monastery at Oña, which has been linked to the power of the counts since its foundation, enjoyed a close relationship with the Royal Patronage during the reign of Pedro I. This is evidenced not only by the enclave’s history but also by the presence of the remains of monarchs, queens, and princes. The Monastery of San Salvador de Oña, thus, became a pivotal location for the appointment of a funeral chaplaincy whose role was to serve the royal pantheon and intercede on behalf of the deceased monarch (Nogales Rincón 2010, p. 146).

To situate the monastery in the context of Pedro I’s reign, it is essential to consider the role of Abbot Lope Ruiz (1350–1381). Zaragoza provides insight into the abbot’s tenure, noting the following: “He was a native of Oña and son of the nobleman Juan Ruiz de Oña. [He was chaplain to Alfonso XI and Pedro El Justiciero. During his abbacy, he saw how the monastery of Oña was sacked by the Prince of Wales, who had come to the aid of Pedro I the Cruel, after fighting with him. He died in 1381”. (Zaragoza 1994, p. 565)

The continued preference of Pedro I of Castile for Islamic culture—known as maurophilia—was not an isolated episode in medieval peninsular history, but it was the result of the cultural context of artistic and political circles in the Castile of the 13th and 14th centuries.

These centuries produced a series of profound changes in the territory that had a notable influence on its cultural and architectural development. Episodes such as the wars against Aragon and the relationship with the Nasrid kingdom of Granada increased the adoption of Islamic cultural elements. On the other hand, it is evident that the less predominant European influence in architectural and artistic matters gave way to the creation of a distinctive peninsular style with a strong Andalusian imprint (Ruiz Souza 2013, p. 309). This phenomenon of assimilation of Islamic culture in the Iberian Peninsula has been noted by scholars such as Juan Carlos Ruiz Souza, who highlighted how this process significantly influenced the Castilian artistic promoters of the 14th century (Ruiz Souza 2004). During this period, the Crown of Castile experienced a significant reflection both in architectural terms—extensively studied by specialists such as Lampérez, Romea, Torres Balbás, Navarro García, and Almagro Gorbea (2013)—and in stylistic aspects.

The distinctive context in which these architectural and iconographic elements were situated meant that they were not merely the result of a random decision on the part of Peter I. Rather, they were the consequence of a strategic and considered choice, reflecting his political and cultural aspirations.

From a political perspective, it is clear that Peter I had to navigate a complex landscape. He had to contend with the nobility, seek legitimacy for his reign, and assert royal authority over the Church. To achieve these goals, he needed tools that reflected his authority and legitimacy. In order to achieve this, he employed two main strategies: firstly, the use of architecture, and secondly, the utilization of symbols, particularly epigraphy. Both of these reflected the centralized power and majesty of the sovereign, which was typical of Islamic society. However, on a cultural level, the 14th century was characterized by a flourishing of commercial and artistic exchange between the Nasrid and Castilian kingdoms, resulting in a significant enrichment of both societies in a range of domains, including architecture, literature, artistic techniques, and the arts.

While it is accurate to conclude that rivalry and military conflicts were a prevalent aspect of the reign of Alfonso XI, it is also evident that economic cooperation and peace agreements were integral to the period. This is exemplified by the favorable relations and treaties maintained between the monarchs Pedro I and Muhammad V. As a consequence of these relations, a courtly culture reflecting the diversity of the peninsular was promoted at the Castilian court with the participation of figures such as Ibn al-Jaṭīb (Marquer 2011) and Ibn Khaldun (Gumiel Campos 2016, p. 33).

However, this Nasrid influence was not merely embraced in the Castilian court in a cultural sense; forms, symbols, and legitimizing structures were also incorporated from the adoption of an enclave such as Seville. This city, with a strong Islamic substratum, was from an early age the official residence of King Pedro, as it offered him a plethora of palatial structures and established artistic resources that he was able to utilize for his legitimizing purposes. The Islamic palaces of the centralized court and great opulence not only placed the monarch at the center of the created cosmos, but also elaborated an extensive iconographic program of laudations and praises through decorative elements such as calligraphy, plasterwork, tiles, and muqarnas cupolas. These intricate messages were designed with a single purpose: to reflect the greatness and supremacy of the king. In order to achieve this objective, artisans from the Nasrid palaces in Granada were deployed, as well as alarifes from Granada, artisans specialized in plaster work and other decorative arts from Toledo and Seville (Gumiel Campos 2016, p. 35).6

One of the most significant inquiries regarding the ornamentation employed by Pedro I pertains to the epigraphies or inscriptions in Arabic, which served to exalt the majesty of the monarch through laudatory expressions. In her numerous scientific contributions, Julie Marquer addresses the subject of Arabic inscriptions in the propaganda project of Pedro I of Castile (1350–1369) in works such as “Epigraphy and power: the use of Arabic inscriptions in the propaganda project of Pedro I of Castile (1350–1369)” (2012) and “The written power: problematic and significance of the Arabic inscriptions”. The inscriptions of the palaces of Pedro I of Castile (1350–1369) (2013) address matters pertaining to the decoration, its function in the legitimizing image as a vehicle for political propaganda, and the controversies surrounding language assimilation.

It is common to find in the decorations of the palaces of the Castilian king inscriptions with phrases such as these: “al-sa‛d al-dā‛im li-llāh, al-‛izz al-qā‛im li-llāh” (perpetual fortune comes from God, eternal glory to God); “al-ḥamd li-llāh al-‛izza li-llāh al-mulk li-llāh al-šukr li-llāh” (Praise be to God, glory to God, God is sovereign, praise be to God); the Nasrid political motto, “wa-lā gāliba illá-llāh” (“there is no victor but God”) and “‛izz li-mawlānā al-sulṭān don bidru ayyadahu Allah” (Glory to our lord the sultan Don Pedro help him God) (Marquer 2012, p. 33, 35) (Figure 12, Seville inscription). And as some specialists indicate, the reference to God in them only implies the aulic sense with a clear recognition of the divine supremacy to which the king is subordinated (Marquer 2012, p. 30; Cano Ávila and Mohamed Essawi 2004, p. 61).

It can be posited that the relationship between the abbot Lope and the Castilian king, along with the presence of material remains of clear Islamic influence, allow us to hypothesize that the Oña center represented another epicenter where the legitimizing image of Peter I was promoted in his struggle for the throne with his bastard brother, Henry II.

The material remains from the 14th century, which can be found in the refectory and other rooms of the museum, can be grouped into three artistic typologies: Kufic epigraphy from the refectory, 14th-century chests, and geometric tiles made with the “cuerda seca” technique from the main chapel. Nevertheless, as Marquer proposed, the most significant evidence for the legitimizing role of the monarch in his iconographic program, which was disseminated throughout the peninsula, is the presence of Kufic epigraphy.

Nevertheless, the content of these calligraphies from Oña is challenging to decipher due to their advanced state of deterioration, which hinders the ability to comprehend the text as a whole. Instead, it is possible to discern individual words, but not a complete and coherent understanding. This is exemplified by piece P34 (Figure 7b), which, following an analysis by Arabists, has only a limited portion of its content translated. This resulted in the word “Allah” being preceded by a cut word ending in the sound “d”.7 This detail does not permit confirmation of concordance with the aulic phrases typical of the context deployed by Pedro I in other centers of the peninsula. However, in conjunction with the material remains of the fourteenth century and the decoration of this same piece in its second decorative phase,8 it is possible to propose that these remains belong to its iconographic program.

Nevertheless, further material and calligraphic research is anticipated, with the objective of developing a more precise chronology that corroborates this hypothesis and enables the attribution of this center to the extensive program of legitimation initiated by the monarch across the peninsula.

4.2. The Subsequent Adoption of a Dual Iconography: The Last Supper

A significant aspect of Henry II’s political outlook, in contrast to that of his brother Peter I, was his overt hostility towards social sectors of other religions, including Jews and Muslims. During the period of conflict with his brother, Henry II employed the rhetoric of anti-Judaism to garner support and to discredit his brother’s legitimacy by highlighting his own brother’s pro-Jewish sentiments and affinity for Jews. In these instances of affinity, Henry II was able to garner the support of Pope Urban V in a crusade against the Nasrid Kingdom of Granada, and by extension, against his brother. The monarch Muhammad V also provided unconditional backing. This hostile policy was evidenced by the encouragement of attacks that were launched against Jewish quarters such as Toledo, Aguilar de Campoo, and towns like Briviesca, where the vast majority of the Hebrew community was annihilated (Valdeón Baruque 2002, p. 273).

Despite these violent actions and following his ascension to the throne, Henry II reversed these policies, integrating the Jewish community more closely into the upper echelons of his court. However, this integration did not extend to the broader population, where anti-Semitic sentiment continued to grow and gain traction (Valdeón Baruque 2024b).

Concurrently, the political situation with the peninsular kingdoms resulted in the formation of coalitions between 1369 and 1371 against the Kingdom of Castile by Portugal, Navarre, Granada, and Aragon, with the objective of avenging the death of Peter I. These coalitions ultimately dissolved through the establishment of pacts and truces, as well as the evident supremacy of Castile.

This period of stabilization and change in historical parameters situates us in a context that is wholly distinct from that of Pedro I. It may be posited that the transformation, which occurred on a political, economic, religious, and social level, constituted the genesis of the “modern state”, and with it, the selection of appropriate models, specific iconographic representations, and new artistic preferences, as many historians have suggested.

This is exemplified by the final decorative phase of the refectory at the Monastery of San Salvador de Oña. This piece, created in three distinct decorative phases, underwent a final stage of intervention that involved repolychroming the entire surface area, including all arches. Additionally, the use of gold leaf was employed in specific areas of the arches and rosettes, while a new iconographic display was introduced in the mural painting on the lunettes of the arches, depicting the Last Supper.

The Oña scene has been identified by art historians due to the presence of a consistent number of apostles and the presence of ornaments typical of the Eucharistic scene. These include the cup present in the lunette of arch 1 (Figure 5a) (Gutiérrez Baños 2005, pp. 118–24; Senra Gabriel y Galán 2012, p. 402). This scene, which is narrated in the four Gospels,9 exhibits discrepancies between them with regard to certain narrative and iconographic details. For instance, there is a lack of precision regarding the persons present at this event (Grabar 2008, p. 95). Despite the evident state of degradation that can be observed in the five arches, the Oña scene contains the presence of nine figures, which would allow for the location of four other characters that have since disappeared. The composition features Christ and Saint John in the center, with two additional figures positioned within the arch that remains integrated into the wall.

It is crucial to commence this proposed iconographic analysis of Oña by establishing a pivotal point: the advanced state of degradation of the scene, coupled with the partial loss of numerous constituent elements, precludes the possibility of conducting a comprehensive interpretation and identification of the scene. Consequently, only at this juncture can interpretations of actions, characters, and gestures be formulated. By comparing these with those of other contemporary works of a similar nature, it is possible to discern the style and structure of this work by Oña.

It is, thus, imperative to commence by delineating the specific type of scene under consideration. In order to achieve this identification, it is necessary to turn to Gertrud Schiller, who, in her work that has been translated into English, Iconography of Christian Art, indicates that there are different typologies of the Last Supper images that can be observed in the earliest images of Christian art. The iconography of the Last Supper comprises three principal types: Christ washing the feet of his disciples; Christ blessing or distributing the food, which would imply the establishment of the Eucharist; and Christ seated with his guests pointing to the traitor (Schiller 1972, p. 28).

Accordingly, the images of the Last Supper can be subdivided into discrete scenes, with a particular focus on the episode of the washing of the feet, as narrated in the Gospel of John (13:1–15). This account describes how Jesus washed the feet of the apostles, who were gathered together in the upper room, prior to returning to the table. This scene frequently depicts Jesus in the foreground with Simon Peter, as they are the primary figures in the Gospel narrative, while the remaining apostles are positioned in the background. Subsequently, the scene of the Communion of the Apostles is introduced, depicted with the apostles arranged around a table of variable shape, with a tablecloth, with a variable number of foodstuffs, whether bread, meat, or fish, and bowls or chalices to hold the wine. Ultimately, in accordance with the Gospel narratives, the announcement of the betrayal represents one of the most profound forms of suffering endured by Christ (Schiller 1972, p. 28). The scene typically depicts all the apostles and Christ gathered at the table. In this moment, Christ reveals to his disciples that he will be betrayed and handed over to die for one of their own. His disciples express surprise and fear through gestures as they question who the betrayer is. In response, Christ indicates that he will reveal the betrayer through formulas that have been reflected in medieval iconography, such as bread or plates.

Since its inception, the prototype has undergone significant alterations in terms of the configuration of its constituent elements and the actions carried out. The earliest images provide insight into a Communion of Apostles with a centralized arrangement centered on Christ, positioned behind an altar in a manner reminiscent of a priest. Two groups of apostles approached simultaneously, receiving the bread and wine from the central figure. Over time, not only did the altars and tables where the Eucharistic action took place change, but also the nature of the gatherings depicted shifted from a ritual image to that of a religious feast (Schiller 1972, pp. 28, 31).

In order to gain insight into the scene depicted in the Oña monastery mural painting, it is essential to consider an element that, although not present in the painting, plays a pivotal role in shaping its structural composition and, consequently, the distribution of figures and elements observed in the painting. This element is the table, as illustrated in Figure 8. In the context of historical and material culture, the representation of the Holy Supper, which would have been set in a nocturnal setting, demonstrates a tendency to present a variety of table types, contingent on the cultural origin of the representation. This enables us to identify sigma-shaped tables in the earliest manifestations of Paleochristian art, round tables—which are typical of Carolingian art—and the most prevalent, rectangular tables. The latter are of particular significance in this study, given the distribution of Oña’s work and the fact that they began to be present in medieval iconography from the 11th century onwards, as Réau (2008, p. 427) notes.

The rectangular configuration of the table allows for the positioning of Christ at the center, with the apostles situated at right angles to the sides, all situated behind this movable element. It is important to exercise caution when approaching this particularity, as the table from which this pictorial group originates has not survived to the present day. Furthermore, there are four figures missing from the group, three of whom are crucial to the scene as a whole. However, it can be posited that, as in other examples of medieval European art, this structure is ideal for the representation of horizontal scenes in doorways, facades, or monastic refectories. A concise illustration of scenes from the Last Supper featuring this type of rectangular table can be observed in European examples of paintings, including the frescoes in the church of Santa María de Arcos de Tricio, La Rioja, Spain (12th century), and the frescoes in the Chapel of Santa Catalina in the Cathedral of La Seu d’Urgell, Spain (13th century) (Figure 13). Furthermore, stone traces can be observed in the church of Saint-Basile d’Étampes in Essone, France (1140–1155), as well as in manuscripts such as folio 56 of the Karlsruhe 3378 manuscript of the Badische Landesbibliothek, dated to the 14th century.10

One of the key unknowns regarding this mural painting from Oña is the lack of identification of the figures involved in the scene. While studies of these paintings have provided a description of the scene as the Last Supper, they have not offered any insights into the identities of the figures or the specific objects present in the painting. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to focus on three key figures in this process: the figures of Saint John, Saint Peter, and Judas. The first is typically situated in close proximity to Christ, as he has traditionally been depicted in a position lying on Jesus’ chest, as described in the Gospel of John. The opening of the new access door to the room in the 16th century resulted in the loss of the central arch and the iconography it once housed within the Oña refectory. It may be surmised that the largest of the seven arches would have depicted both Christ and, presumably, Saint John, his favored disciple. However, this conjecture regarding the positioning of the figures does not permit further investigation into the postures or gestures of either Christ or the apostle.

One figure that could be posited as a presence in the Oña scene is that of Saint Peter. Simon Peter is one of the twelve most significant apostles, renowned for his zeal and unwavering devotion to Christ. He is one of the most prominent figures in the four Gospels. He is a highly relevant figure in Christian theology, whose high prestige led to the appearance of several anonymous writings bearing his name, including the Gospel of Peter, the Apocalypse of Peter, the Acts of Peter, the Acts of Peter and Paul, and the Preaching of Peter (Cipriani 2000, p. 1863).

The Catholic Church has identified him as the first father of its institution due to the words that Christ addressed to him, as recorded in the Gospel of Saint Matthew (6: 18–19):

“I say to you that you are Peter, and on this rock I will build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. I will give you the keys of the Kingdom of God; and whatever you bind on earth shall be bound in heaven, and whatever you loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven”.

The figure of Jesus has been depicted throughout history by numerous artists in a multitude of ways, with inspiration drawn not only from the canonical texts but also from the apocrypha. This has resulted in the typical depiction of the figure in question with the attributes associated with this Gospel passage, including a bunch of keys that identify him as the guardian of the Kingdom of Heaven, a cockerel in reference to his triple denial of Christ, or the inverted cross, symbol of his martyrdom. However, there is a paucity of information regarding his physical appearance. Nevertheless, the Christian iconographic tradition typically depicts him as an elderly man with a white beard, which may be a representation of the wisdom and stability that is assumed to be a fundamental aspect of the Church. This figure, as Christ’s successor, is typically depicted accompanying and standing close to him. This iconography and arrangement can be traced in numerous examples of the material culture of the Middle Ages, including the manuscript M.283 fol. 15r (1228–1247) and the Vita Christi (1315–1325), both of which are housed in the Morgan Library.11

This arrangement is exemplified in Oña, where a figure is visible in arch 3, the one situated to the left of the missing central arch, which would traditionally be occupied by Christ (Figure 5c). This figure, seen in a mirror image, would be to the right of Christ, alone under one of the arches, which would emphasize the importance of this figure. However, due to the gradation of the pictorial surface, it is not possible to identify his features with certainty.

With regard to the final character in the scene, Judas Iscariot, it can be stated that his construction is based on a combination of sources, including the canonical Gospels, the exegesis of the Fathers of the Church, and medieval legends. Collectively, these sources have shaped the portrayal of Judas as a character linked to sin since his childhood (Monzón and López 2021, p. 6).

The betrayal of the apostle, who will ultimately betray Jesus due to his greed and envy, which were promoted by the devil, is revealed in the scene of the Last Supper. This betrayal will be reflected in multiple works of art12 (Monzón and López 2021, pp. 7–8). In terms of iconography, the figure in question has been identified by certain key aspects, particularly in the context of medieval art. The use of yellow as a color symbolizing betrayal is one of the main identifying features, although the figure is also recognizable due to the bag he carries, which contains 30 silver coins as payment for the betrayal of Christ. In the scene of the Last Supper, he can be identified by his act of eating bread from Christ’s plate or stealing fish. This is exemplified in the Lectionary of Sankt Peter, Salzburg (1050), in the Morgan Library, and in one of the enamel panels of The Verdun Altar (1181) is another example of this iconography (Figure 14), as is the Gospel Book of Ivan Alexander (1356) in the British Library.13

Additionally, the subject is depicted in a separate scene, kneeling in front of a table in an attitude of supplication while receiving a piece of wet bread from Jesus, as described in the Gospel of Saint John (López Martínez and Bernal Navarro 2020, p. 133). This attitude has been widely represented in art, with references in sculpture, manuscripts, and paintings. For example, it can be seen in the aforementioned tympanum of the church of Saint-Julien-de-Brioude in Saint-Julien-de-Jonzy, France (Figure 15), in the fresco paintings of the church of St. Georg in Rhäzüns (Switzerland, ca. 1350), and in the church of St. John of God (Switzerland, ca. 1350–1350). In addition, the fresco paintings of the church of St. Georg in Rhäzüns (ca. 1350–1350) and the church of St. John of God (ca. 1350–1350), both located in Switzerland, depict Jesus in a similar posture of supplication, kneeling before a table. In the manuscript Speculum Humanae Salvationis, he is also depicted wearing the distinctive yellow tunic.14

While the absence or presence of a golden or black nimbus is undoubtedly a definitive means of identification (Schiller 1972, p. 37; Réau 2008, p. 430),15 the utilization of dark materials, such as ochre, charcoal, or bone black, which are starkly divergent from the gold that is characteristic of the nimbus, serves to illustrate the profound significance of the symbolism of color and materials in the Middle Ages. The use of gold in artistic works during this period was not merely a matter of economic value; it was also due to the brilliant and lasting qualities of the metal,16 which were assimilated with divine light. Consequently, the utilization of materials and colors that eschew the radiance and warm tonality inherent to this golden material effectively situates the representation at a remove from the divine essence, as evidenced by the portrayal of Judas (Portal and Gutiérrez 1996; Pastoureau and Simonnet 2006). In the case of Oña, the subject displays a nimbus of a darker hue. However, given the advanced state of deterioration of the paintings and their prolonged exposure to the elements for a period exceeding 20 years, it is not possible to ascertain with certainty that this is not a consequence of an intrinsic reaction of the pigments and binders, together with the mortars of which they are composed.

It can be observed that there is a distinctive architectural feature in Oña that is integrated into the overall architectural relief and serves as a framing element for the paintings. This feature is the arcades, which are a prominent element in the town’s landscape. This distinctive and theatrical element of medieval works of art effectively resolves the distribution of space for the placement of the apostles and Christ at the Last Supper, with an even distribution along the horizontal table. Such structures are found in a considerable number of medieval works, both Romanesque and Gothic, throughout Europe. Examples include the frescoes and paintings like of the cresting of the baldachin of Tost (mid-13th century), Catalonia, Spain; the wall paintings of the Church of St. Georg in Rhäzüns, Switzerland (c. 1350–1350); and the San Gaggio Altarpiece paintings (1390–1399) from Florence, which are now located in Berlin. Such architectural elements can also be observed in works of a stony or ligneous nature. For instance, the door of the Cathedral of Saint Domnius in Split, Croatia (1214), and tympanums, such as the one in the church of Saint-Martin de Bellenaves (1100–1149), France, exhibit this characteristic.17

It would be remiss not to mention manuscripts such as the Huntingfield Psalter (1210–1220) and the Yolande of Soissons Psalter-Hours (1275–1299), both of which are housed in the Morgan Library; The Livre d’images de Madame Marie (ca. 1285–1285) from the Bibliothèque Nationale de France and the Nuremberg Hours (1290–1300) from the Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg18 are two notable examples. Additionally, there are examples of sumptuous artworks, such as the ivory diptych (1320–1340) from the Musée du Louvre, the ivory diptych with scenes from the Passion of Christ (1330–1360) from the National Museum of Denmark, and the diptych with scenes from the Passion of Christ (1350–1374) from the Ashmolean Museum. Additionally, the ivory diptych with scenes from the Passion of Christ (1350–1399) from the Staatliches Museum Schwerin, or those in the Thorvaldsens Museum in Copenhagen (1350–1450), and the Musée du Petit Palais (ca. 1370–1399).19

In the case of Oña, it is evident that the semicircular arches diverge significantly from the interwoven Gothic arcades characterized by lobed arches and intricate tracery designs, as observed in some of the earlier contemporary works. Nevertheless, the presence of capitals at the extremities of these arches may be regarded as a coinciding element. In some instances, the capitals exhibit more intricate designs, whereas in others, they are simply carved into the stone to create a simple yet functional volume.

In this architectural relief from Oña, two issues emerge with regard to the arches and their interaction in the distribution of the figures. It is important to note that, although the paintings are of an advanced stage of the Late Middle Ages, their delimiting structures are not. The arches and capitals are of an earlier 12th-century date, and, thus, their aesthetic characteristics are incongruous with those of the paintings. In this ensemble, we can discern the intertwining of Romanesque and Gothic features. This discrepancy prompts the question of whether other European ensembles, whether they be stone, ornamentation, or manuscripts, exhibit a similar lack of aesthetic concordance. In the case of Oña, the figures have a clear Gothic appearance, while their framing in the scene is clearly Romanesque with semicircular arches.

Nevertheless, it is evident that the Gothic artists of Oña were able to achieve an effective distribution of figures in accordance with the exemplars observed in diptychs and manuscripts of the period. This is despite the fact that they were working within the constraints of a pre-existing architectural framework. An equal distribution is observed in groups of two individuals, with the exception of the figure in arch 3, which depicts Saint Peter, who is positioned separately. This discrepancy is likely attributable to the positioning of Christ with Saint John in the central arch, which results in an uneven number of apostles (11) in an even number of arches (6).

A comparative analysis of other European examples where these cantilevered architectural structures are present as decoration suggests that this may have been a reality in the architectural ensemble of Oña. However, the absence of material remains of columns or bases precludes the possibility of confirming this hypothesis. Consequently, it can be postulated that the refectory may have been constructed without supporting columns, relying instead on a cantilevered structure comprising solely the arches and capitals, as evidenced by the surviving remains.20

5. Conclusions

This article demonstrates that the Monastery of San Salvador de Oña has been a significant institution since its establishment, initially associated with county authority and subsequently with royal power. The refectory, despite being a room of regular use, has housed a very important piece that has undergone significant periods of reform and aesthetic, and structural remodeling associated with this power since its initial execution. Over time and in response to the various political and cultural contexts in which the monastery has been immersed, this room has adapted the aesthetics of this piece, as well as its iconography and decoration, subordinating its meaning to political movements and the legitimization of royal power.

Firstly, since its carving in 1179 (1141 AD), with the addition of an inscription dating it with the reference to “OPUS REGNANTE MPERATORE DOMNO ALDEPHONSO TOLETO”, which translates as “work done during the reign of Alfonso VII of León”. Secondly, with the accession to power of Pedro I and the addition of Nasrid epigraphy, techniques and materials, which include a comprehensive display of praise for the figure of the king and mention of Allah as the sole entity subject to royal power. It is also noteworthy that Henry II and the Trastámara dynasty exhibited a shift in iconography in contrast to the maurophilia of his brother. This was an attempt to initiate a new political, economic, social, and religious trend in which Christianity would become the dominant force, as opposed to the previous period of alliances with the Nasrid kingdoms, which were regarded as infidels.21

The material evidence from Oña demonstrates a clear aesthetic change from this point onwards, with an emphasis on Christian iconography and the use of symbolic themes specific to the space in which the piece was located. While the precise date of the paintings on the lunettes of this work cannot be ascertained, they can be situated within a chronological framework spanning the reign of Henry II and the year 1495. In this year, one of the most significant architectural and decorative intervention projects for the remodeling of the monastery in the Middle Ages was concluded (Martín Martínez De Simón 2012). The paintings, which are challenging to interpret individually due to conservation issues, do not present thematic ambiguity due to the number of figures and their aesthetic characteristics, attributes, and attitudes. Nevertheless, it would be beneficial in the future to conduct an archaeological examination of the walls where the remaining figures are believed to survive. This would enable verification of both their arrangement and the original structure of the arcades. This would facilitate the connection of the remains with their European and Islamic artistic references across the different stages of construction. It would also allow for a deeper understanding of the political, religious, commercial, and cultural interactions in which this monastery was immersed.

This approach would facilitate the expansion of our current understanding of this religious center by pursuing further investigation into this distinctive work, which has been shaped by the directives of its architects, exhibiting variations in its aesthetic and iconographic elements, its chromatic palette, and its overall appearance, with the objective of modifying its message to the world, and in this case, its message to the Benedictine community that inhabited it.