The Role of the Church in Postcolonial African Burial Rituals in Collins Chabane Municipality: A Pastoral Perspective

Abstract

Death is a painful reality that strikes and affects all human beings. Death knows no boundaries, race, age, gender, belief system or status. It affects the family; the social, political and economic networks of the deceased and the community at large. Death comes with different challenges that require coping mechanisms. While Africans from all walks of life use different approaches to help the bereaved deal with death and loss, the church has become the biggest role player in attending to this crisis. Although the church is a latecomer in the lives of African people in general, for the people of Collins Chabane Municipality in particular, it is given priority when death strikes. This article seeks to articulate how the church has become central to the death and burial rituals in that municipality. To that end, the researcher conducted a review of data collected through individual and focus group interviews carried out with traditional community leaders (local chiefs) in the municipality on the theme: The erosion of postcolonial African funeral traditions in rural South Africa (Limpopo).

1. Introduction

Death, grieving and mourning assume different forms. In particular, the time when the latter two aspects are performed is determined by the rituals involved. Burial and mourning rites are meant to bring healing to, and offer coping mechanisms for, the affected individuals, families, and communities. Before church1 missionaries came to Africa, African2 people had traditional coping mechanisms that provided support, comfort and healing to the bereaved. The family and communal systems catered for the conveyance of the messages of death, and the accompaniment of the bereaved during and after the burial of the deceased. This was easy since relatives lived in the same community or locality, and thus did not require long-distance travel. When death occurred, those affected would gather, perform all the necessary rituals, and lay their loved ones to rest. Burial rituals were meant to celebrate the life of the bereaved and send him/her to join the spiritual world. Such rituals connected both the dead and the living, pointing towards a harmonious future. Some of these systems have, however, been undermined, relegated and eroded, due to colonisation and Christianisation. Baloyi (2024, p. 3) bemoans the erosion of African cultures and traditions due to the presence of the church in African societies. This article seeks to assess how the church participates in the process of burying people in Africa, as revealed by research conducted in Collins Chabane Municipality from March 2023 to May 2024. To achieve this objective, the researcher utilised data collected through interviews and a follow-up focus group session with the participants. Secondary sources such as published journal articles, books and dissertations were also consulted. To situate the church and its role, it is imperative to discuss the significance of African burial rituals. This provides the space to reflect on what the church is doing to contribute to burial rituals and offer pastoral propositions.

2. Methodology

The researcher conducted a qualitative empirical study, making use of interviews, questionnaires and a focus group discussion (FGD). The focus group brought together all the participants to respond to follow-up queries in relation to the completed questionnaires. The participants in this research were traditional community leaders in Collins Chabane Municipality. During the first phase, 24 participants responded to interviews and questionnaires. These were selected through purposive sampling whereby the participants were chosen because of their role as leaders and those who officiate and participate in funeral rituals. The major interview question, seeking to gauge the presence and contribution of the church, was to briefly explain the importance of religion in conducting funerals. The individual interviews and FGD made use of semi-structured questions, which allowed for open and free discourse throughout the process of data collection. The researcher’s follow-up questions, which were based on the interviewees’ responses, remained in line with the main research question and topic. Only one focus group (FG) was used for convenience and because the leaders were available at one place. Since the questions were meant for clarity, there was no need to separate them, and they were brought together at the same place and discussed the questions together. As community leaders, all participants were involved in the burial rituals and customs of their people and sought to preserve African culture in their villages. They were deemed to have first-hand information, as they participated in almost every funeral in their locality. Furthermore, they had also lost loved ones, whether through the death of a parent, sibling, partner or relative. The primary data were integrated with the findings reported in books, published journal articles and dissertations. The participants were numbered chronologically for the sake of anonymity. In seeking to articulate the church’s participation in burial rituals and the challenges this causes in Collins Chabane Municipality communities, the researcher exposed African Christians’ views on navigating their cultural and church burial rites.

3. Context and Significance of African Burial Rites

Africans’ understandings of death inform their response to it in every given circumstance. For Africans, including the Collins Chabane Municipality community, death does not mark the end of life, but rather signifies a transition to another level of living and being (Shoko 2008, p. 2). By dying, a person transcends this temporal existence into the world of the living dead or spirithood (Aschwanden 1987). In Africa, and South Africa in particular, there has been a cultural shift, with the church taking centre stage in almost every aspect of life, including burial rites. Research done in Collins Chabane Municipality with local traditional leaders confirmed this contestation. As Martin et al. (2013, p. 46) note, there are “[c]competing pressures of traditional culturally influenced mourning rituals and religio-Christian burial ceremonies”. While Africans wish to maintain their traditional culture by observing burial rituals, they must painfully navigate between cultural rituals and Christian burial rites. This is a challenge, as many Africans feel they are slowly but surely losing their culture and identity in the process. Phili (2020, p. v) posits that burial rituals are “done to reclaim a sense of identity and belonging”. As Phili (2020, p. 73) argues, a proper burial is done in someone’s place of burial or home, which “reaffirms membership of the community”. A proper burial is accompanied by prescribed rites conducted in accordance with the wishes of the family and community. This affords them an opportunity to come into contact, view and interact with the body of the departed loved one, while paying their last respects brings closure as they mourn. The church that leads the funeral should find ways of navigating through some of the contradictions between cultural and Christian rites in order to bring harmony to funeral rituals.

3.1. Preservation of Life and Harmony

Burial rituals are meant to avert death. In African societies, death is regarded as a misfortune stemming from multiple sources. Contrary to natural death (being called by God), especially at an advanced age, the death of a young person is seemed a big misfortune that needs to be prevented at all costs. Africans believe that when the elderly have finished their earthly business, they are taken by God through death (Baloyi 2014). When death strikes those in their prime, who have young families or are unmarried, it is seen as tragic (Shoko 2008). The causes of such a tragic loss of life are sought through divination (Shoko 2008). Shoko (2008, p. 10) explains that “[t]he diviner usually identifies a spiritual cause, either an ancestor seeking honour, a ngozi (avenging spirit) or uroyi (witchcraft)”. Failure to appease the ancestors is believed to be disastrous and invites curses and misfortune. The ancestors are believed to instil discipline through misfortunes such as job losses, illnesses or death (Shoko 2008; Baloyi 2014). The only way to avert such misfortune is by properly and timeously performing burial rituals, which include attending the interment of a loved one. The belief that ancestors punish and that the spirits of the dead victimise those who fail to honour them when they depart, serves as a pull factor for African people to attend funerals and burials. Thus, the dead are not only respected, but also feared, as they are deemed to have the power to inflict vengeance or punishment on the living who fail to adhere to their ritualistic obligations (Moyo 2013). Baloyi (2014, p. 6) avers that “[e]ven if, under normal circumstances, people do not go to their ancestral home [such as immigrant labour], they will be forced to go home when there is a funeral” (insert by the author). For that reason, an African would rarely miss the burial of a loved one. If prevented from attending, they would arrive after the funeral to pay tribute, share their condolences and console the bereaved. This is imperative, for fear of being suspected of having caused the death or of being associated with witchcraft. According to Mwandayi (2011, p. 202), “[f]ailure to show grief and sympathy earns one the suspicion of being a witch that bewitched the deceased”. This may create divisions and marginalisation within the family. No one wants to be alienated from his/her family, for fear of being cursed and suffering misfortune. To avoid such a fate, burial rituals are performed to prevent death and ensure that harmony prevails between the living and the dead.

African funerals are deemed one of the uniting events of life. According to Hove (2020, p. 4), rituals not only bring people together, but also have the power to unite the family and community at large, as they have implications for the future of the living and the dead. Family members, the community, the church, government institutions and social clubs and groups converge in unity to bury the dead, depending on the position and affiliations of the deceased. Baloyi (2014, p. 1) notes that, even though in some instances death causes division among family members, it is a unifying factor, bringing together family and relatives from near and far to pay their last respects, and offer each other emotional support. The community at large converges at funerals, uniting with the family in mourning the loss of a loved one. “Many residents feel that it is their duty to go to the home of the deceased to give the bereaved family moral support, particularly when the body is about to arrive” (Maboea 2002, p. 120). Baloyi (2014, p. 3) observes that the African idiom, ‘I am because we are’, cuts across all aspects of African life, emphasising solidarity in times of joy and suffering, death and mourning. The role of unity and support during funerals cannot be overemphasised. Nowadays, accompaniment and support also come from the church, as an important institution in local communities in postcolonial South Africa. The church, as part of the community, journeys with the family in such difficult times.

3.2. Family Roles during Funerals

In the process of burial, within African culture, everything is done ritualistically, hence the duties of various family members should be respected and distributed accordingly. Among the Shona in Zimbabwe, when burial takes place, parents, children, the vakarabwa (in-laws), vakwasha (sons-in-law) and varoora (daughters-in-law), siblings and grandchildren have specific roles. In fact, each knows what to do and when to do it, informed by the culture and guided by the programme of the day. The vazukuru (grandchildren) of the family are usually the directors of ceremonies, while the vakwasha and vazukuru carry and lower the body into the grave, with the varoora singing and dancing during the burial (Mwandayi 2011). These duties are carried out voluntarily, with gratitude, to avoid disappointing and provoking the spirit of the dead to anger (Shoko 2008). Participating in death and burial rituals also accords the bereaved some space to undergo a therapeutic healing process (Mwandayi 2011). All members of the family attend to participate in the burial, thereby appeasing the departed loved one. Consequently, all members of the family should be given space to perform their designated duties, so that they are satisfied they have done their part, as required by their culture.

3.3. Ritual Crying

As much as all members of the community attend funerals, in the African context, women have special cultural roles to play during burial rituals. One such role is ritual crying. Also known as symbolic wailing or isililo in isiZulu, it is characterised by loud vocalised crying done by female mourners (Makhaba et al. 2009). Scholars such as Mwandayi (2011), Bekker et al. (2004) and Khosa-Nkatini (2023) agree that crying and wailing are expected of women during funerals. As Martin et al. (2013, p. 58) note, “certain acts of bereavement rituals are constructed and perceived as grief work peculiar to women, such as wailing and crying”. Martin et al. (2013) note that when men cry during a burial, it violates the gendered roles assigned in cultural lore for bereavement rituals and may lead to ostracism from the community. Although men may participate in mourning, they should not violate cultural roles and funeral rites by crying or wailing. Khosa-Nkatini (2023, p. 3) states that,

[i]n essence, when a loved one dies, men are not expected to be seen crying as this is viewed as being feminine. The women on the other hand are expected to be seen crying loudly whilst being comforted by older women.

Ritual crying begins at the time of death, continuing throughout the mourning period until the burial, as part of the process of mourning and paying condolences. Among the Shona, the first shrill of a woman sends out a signal of death in the village (Moyo 2013). Women also wail from the time the men of the family take the corpse out through the doorway, until it reaches the gravesite (Bekker et al. 2004, p. 212). Among the Kumbuo in Nigeria, women perform ritual crying, narrating and recounting the elaborate good things they will miss with the demise of the deceased (Ademiluka 2009). Throughout the mourning period, crying alternates with drumming, singing and dancing (Ademiluka 2009). Among the Shona, mourning a loved one is respected but continuous crying is discouraged, as it is believed to disturb the peaceful journey and rest of the departed (Mwandayi 2011). Although it is culturally accepted that crying is for women, it robs men of the therapeutic healing process, as they equally suffer the painful loss of a loved one, which warrants their open expression through crying.

3.4. Singing and Dancing

It is part of African culture to sing and dance, both in celebration and mourning. No ceremony is conducted without singing. Childbirth, rainmaking, harvesting, wedding ceremonies and funerals are all characterised by song and dance (Musoni 2017). According to Rutsate (2010, p. 93), “[t]hese activities include singing, drumming, dancing, handclapping, and cues, such as shouting handei (“let’s go!”) and ululation (mhururu) as signals for heightening the performance (zviratidzo zvokuvirutsa mutambo)”. Singing during funerals is a common phenomenon among Africans as a form of mourning and comforting the bereaved. Among the Karanga, singing and dancing are done by the varoora and young people (Hove 2020). Similarly, the Herero and Tswana women of Botswana spend the night vigil singing and dancing before the burial (Durham and Klaits 2002). The singing, drumming and dancing usually take place when the body arrives from the mortuary, to lie in state at home. Different kinds of music are played, accompanied by drumming and dancing throughout the night, as the corpse lies in state (Durham and Klaits 2002; Shoko 2008). Funeral and bereavement songs are usually tailor-made to meet their purpose. These “songs and laments epitomise in different ways forms of mutuality, cooperation, reciprocation, the merging of sentiment and memory” (Durham and Klaits 2002, p. 790). Singing during funerals unites the mourners and demonstrates their cooperation with the bereaved family. Amongst others, the songs express “the merits of the deceased and the grief of the community” (Bourdillon 1987, p. 200). This is ritualistic singing with the meaning and purpose befitting the occasion of mourning. Traditional funeral songs speak about the life of the deceased and his/her contribution to the lives of those who have been left behind. Grief and bereavement songs form part of the African culture of narrating the deceased’s life journey. The songs, drumming and dancing not only entertain the mourners, but also send a message of comfort and encouragement, sorrow and condolences. The singing, dancing and drumming are mixed with crying as people celebrate the life and mourn the loss of the deceased. This reflects the mixed emotions associated with bereavement.

3.5. Handling the Corpse

In African culture, a human being is respected, whether dead or alive. Since the dead are respected and feared, the corpse is handled with care. Mishandling or undignified treatment of the body is equal to disrespect, which will invite curses and misfortune caused by the angry spirit of the departed (Shoko 2008). The elder men or women wash the body with clean water and herbs (Jali 2000). Old women who are beyond childbearing age are assigned such duties, as they are deemed to be strong and unafraid of the corpse (Khosa-Nkatini 2023). In most cases, the body is washed, shaved and dressed in clean or even beautiful new clothing. Only close members of the family or next of kin are allowed to handle the corpse, wash it and prepare it for burial. According to Bekker et al. (2004, p. 210),

[t]he family members place the corpse in the coffin, after which the coffin is put against the back wall of the hut or room. Children are not allowed in the hut or room of the deceased. The family of the deceased carries him to his grave with the deceased’s eldest son carrying him at the head of the coffin.

There are strict dos and don’ts when it comes to handling the corpse. Not everyone is allowed to come close to the body. This is usually done to avoid misfortune and prevent witches from contaminating the body and further perpetuating death in the family. Aschwanden (1987, p. 229) argues that washing the corpse is symbolic, as it involves cleansing it and removing everything unpleasant that is of this world. Washing is part of the ritualistic handling of the body and should be done carefully. During the burial, only male members of the family are expected to carry the body to the grave.

3.6. Ritual Washing

The family and the community come together to share their loss and pain. In the process, they encounter the body by touching or viewing it. Some family members and men from the neighbourhood carry the corpse to the gravesite for burial. For Africans, death is associated with defilement, and the corpse is regarded as a source of pollution (Bekker et al. 2004). Therefore, all who participate in the burial are supposed to wash their hands, to be cleansed of isinyama (condition of darkness), which is associated with coming into contact with the corpse (Jali 2000). In some places, all those who participated in the burial wash their hands, some wash their hands and feet, and some go to a river to wash the whole body. Elsewhere, according to Bekker et al. (2004, p. 212), the family and close relatives wash the whole body, while the rest of the community members wash their faces, hands and feet. The act of washing is ritual cleansing from contamination by the dead body. Mhaka (2014, p. 381) posits that, among the Karanga, washing is done on the grave to leave behind all the soil and dust from the grave, assumed to be carrying the spirit of death.

For African communities washing is obligatory, whether it is a Christian or a non-Christian burial. According to Werbner (2018, p. 322),

[f]ree of a bit of themselves, they make themselves free of death itself. In accord with that, also, is a rite for mourners as they leave by the cemetery gate; if they are church-goers they wash their shoes, around their eyes, and on their faces with ash and salt; if not church-goers, they may use the traditional mixture of herbs, known as mosimana, evergreen. The concern is to wash off the darkness, sefifi, that at death a person enters, tsenya, into other people.

Washing is purifying oneself from the “bad shadow” (isithunzi) (Brindley 1985). For Bekker et al. (2004), during the time of death and grief, the family and relatives are rendered weak and susceptible to witchcraft, and they can only be strengthened and protected through ritual cleansing. Purification by washing is accompanied by the slaughtering of an ox, which contributes to further cleansing the mourners (particularly those who handled the corpse) (Bekker et al. 2004). This is ritual cleansing of the meat for those who helped to bury a loved one.

4. Findings and Discussions

4.1. Church Interventions during Bereavement and Burial Rites

The church’s participation during burials is both voluntary and by invitation. From the participants’ point of view, local churches always converge at funerals to mourn with families, but sometimes it is the family or a community leader who invites the church and pastor to lead the burial proceedings. Baloyi (2024) argues that it is part of tradition in Collins Chabane Municipality to invite the pastor to lead a funeral, and every family is expected to do so. Notably, when the church voluntarily gathers to comfort the bereaved, it is fulfilling its mandate of rejoicing with those who rejoice and mourning with those who mourn (Romans 12:15). Consequently, it is rare for burial proceedings to unfold without church participation.

4.2. The Church as the Comforter

Arima and Baloyi (2023, p. 12) state that the church participates in funeral and burial procedures because South African communities tend to be extremely religious. People wish to be connected to both African traditional religion and Christianity, especially in times of crisis (like a death in the family). Consequently, it is unavoidable to have the church and pastors present during a burial. This was emphasised by Participant 12, who said: “The pastors go to that family where there is a funeral; they get there and make that prayer, read the Word of God, comfort the family and the relatives”. “Comforting the family of the deceased is critical”, according to Arima and Baloyi (2023, p. 12). The Word and prayers are meant to salve and heal the wounds caused by death (Baloyi 2024, p. 5). Therefore, it is arguably the role of the church and every Christian to love and serve his/her neighbours, especially in times of crisis. While two percent of participants argued that the presence of the church during burial did not matter, the majority felt it was vital to have the church (especially the pastor) present. Most participants expressed their satisfaction with the presence of the church and pastors, as they felt healing and were comforted in their loss. Therefore, the church plays a pivotal role during the funeral and burial proceedings.

The church provides pastoral care to the bereaved, as pastors attend funerals, preach the gospel and preside over the burial proceedings. Ninety-eight percent of the participants affirmed that the church’s first response, as soon as a death occurs, is to come and practise kuchavelela (comforting) of the family and community. Before undertaking any other tasks, the church avails itself as a comforter. The preaching of comforting words, especially during the funeral, is called nchavelelo (Baloyi 2024). As Participant 3 stated: “We need God, his word and prayers in [a] time of grieving”. Different pastors from various local denominations may take turns to preach words of comfort and pray with the family throughout the week, until the burial (Baloyi 2024). Usually, night vigils are dedicated to prayer, asking God to care for the bereaved, to hymn singing, to sharing and listening to orations about the deceased, and to sermonettes (Werbner 2018). Initially, the attendance and presence of the church during burials are helpful, with activities being done as a way of comforting and strengthening the mourners.

One of the most comforting things the church continues to use during bereavement and burial, is music. Although in most instances Christian hymns and songs predominate, these have been adapted to the African culture. According to Musasiwa (2022, p. 33),

[s]inging songs and performing dances for the deceased show that people are really mourning the person who died. If these dances are not performed, the belief is that the deceased will return with vengeance, saying: Zvandakafa makaregerei kunditambira nokundiridzira ngoma, ndakanga ndakaita seiko kuzorega kundiimbira nekutamba (When I died why did you not dance and drum for me, what prevented you from doing this normal thing for the deceased?).

Musasiwa (2022) emphasises that singing and dancing are part of the important African funeral rites performed to appease the deceased and avoid being punished. Most participants acknowledged that church music is meant to comfort during funerals. Among Africans, music plays a very important role during funerals. In the midst of women’s crying, music interrupts and consoles those who are mourning and wailing. Night vigils and burial processions are characterised by music and the sharing of the Word of God. It is through music that the church is present and seeks to bring healing to the bereaved family. Pastoral presence is a key means of comforting the bereaved family. Local pastors are known for bringing not only their congregational presence, but also words of comfort and encouragement. Hove (2020) argues that, while the congregants are known for singing, dancing and reading the word, pastors also contribute to the reading and preaching of the word, in addition to leading the procession and giving the benediction. Pastors play multiple roles in presiding over the burial rituals. They are regarded as messengers of peace in times of crisis, preaching hope and blessings amidst loss and suffering. Mukuka (2020, p. 11) points out that pastors’ gospel messages, preached during funerals, are not meant for the dead but for the living, who are experiencing the pain of losing a loved one. The word is for the living, to be comforted and transformed as they mourn. Prayer is an important aspect of funerals. Pastors also pray for God the Holy Spirit to accompany and comfort His people as they mourn a loved one.

4.3. The Church as Part of the Community

All participants expressed their disappointment when it came to the question of the challenges of burial, and the presence of the church during the time of COVID-19. Participant 12 said that families felt good and respected by seeing the crowds coming to them in their time of mourning. Most families were reportedly discouraged and disappointed during the lockdown, when only 50 attendees were permitted at a funeral. Churches members could not come in their numbers to join the burial of a local, because of the number of attendees being limited. Participant 8 echoed this, arguing that some families had more than 50 members who could not attend for fear of being arrested and punished by the authorities enforcing lockdown regulations. In his view, government seemed to support the wellbeing of the citizens, yet was fighting the people and their culture. According to Participant 8, lockdown rules did much harm to families who took longer to heal after funerals. Participant 12 also emphasised the ministry of presence of the church, as older members or selected elders are chosen to sit with the bereaved husband or wife, to console and comfort him/her. This particular duty of members of the church complements the role of the family in accompanying the bereaved. The church could not fulfil its mission mandate of comforting people with its ministry of presence in numbers. The presence of the church is not only reflected in numbers, but also signifies the presence of God and the light of Christ in moments of darkness and hopelessness. The church’s ministry of presence represents the presence of God amongst His servants, of Christ saving his people and of the Holy Spirit accompanying and comforting his people (Guild 1992). It brings together divine and human partnership in the context of suffering. The church’s ministry is to participate in human life through personal presence and words of comfort (Guild 1992, p. 1). While the church ought to fulfil the roles of presence and accompaniment, it is also viewed as part of the community that is expected to participate in the burial of locals. The absence of the church, or its minimal appearance, is deemed to hurt the bereaved family.

4.4. The Church Presides over Funerals and Burials

In Collins Chabane Municipality, the church is highly regarded when it comes to funeral and burial proceedings. As Participant 2 succinctly stated: “It is compulsory for a pastor to bury the dead”. The church is given the privilege of presiding over funeral programmes and burial processions. “Many people believe that the burial ceremony is an important preparation for the body’s journey after death…” (Shoko 2008, p. 12). Most participants agreed that the church is given a platform to lead during a burial procession, as it leads believers to heaven. According to Baloyi (2024, p. 4),

[t]he families of the deceased will make a serious effort to beg a minister from any Christian church to conduct the funeral service if the deceased was not a church member; it will be an expectation of the family and community that if he/she was a member of a particular church that the church should conduct the funeral service. It is not expected that a family will fail to have a church minister, regardless of the kind of faith or church.

A funeral without the church and pastor would be lacking, in that there is nobody to connect the deceased with God at the burial. The church is deemed to marshal people to the next life (heaven); hence, it has a special role during burial proceedings. Pastors are important figures. as they preside over most burials in Collins Chabane Municipality and in most African communities. For that reason, every family would seek to invite the church and pastors to conduct services and burials for their loved ones. However, some participants contested that the church was now dominating funerals, taking over the duties of the family. As cited earlier, duties such as being the director of ceremonies are reserved for specific family members, such as vazukuru (sons-in-law) (Shoko 2008; Hove 2020). Therefore, the respective roles of the church and the family need to be discussed before the programme is drawn up, to avoid confusion and quell resentment.

4.5. The Church as a Unifying Factor during a Funeral

African communities understand the church to be a symbol of unity. Therefore, its presence and participation in burial rituals foster a spirit of unity in the family and community. Participant 1 noted that the presence of the church and pastors during funerals always prevents conflict and fighting. Death brings mixed emotions and elicits diverse reactions from family, relatives and neighbours. Death itself sometimes results in conflicts that threaten the cohesion and solidarity of the bereaved family (Jali 2000). The most common conflict among Africans is the cause of death. For Africans, death does not just occur; it must have been caused by something or someone. They rarely accept natural death, deeming the most common cause to be witchcraft or sorcery (Baloyi 2024). When a member of the family or community is suspected of, or blamed for, having caused a death, an intervention and mediation are needed to resolve the conflict, to prevent divisions and alienation. As Participant 1 said: “They (churches) can quieten the noise of witchcraft accusations”. In such situations the church plays the role of mediator and peacemaker, by preaching the word of peace and hope, and counselling members involved in disputes. The participants generally agreed that conflicts that arise during funerals tend to be resolved peacefully and amicably, as people respect the pastor and Christians who come to support the family and the community in their time of crisis. Church burial rituals allow people to be reoriented and reorganised after the tumult of death and permanent loss.

4.6. The Church as a Moral Compass

According to the participants, in Collins Chabane Municipality, the church promotes good morals and leadership, making things easier for traditional leaders, hence its presence matters even at funerals. Eighty percent of the participants agreed that the church shapes the morals of the attendees during funerals. For them, the church’s good works and gospel message influence good works in the community, as pastors rebuke sin and bad works. The good work of the church includes supporting and comforting the bereaved family, and its sermons address moral issues and call on people to repent from witchcraft, robbery and murder, which are commonly known in South African communities. The participants described the church as a crucial moral agent for social transformation and for shaping the morals of society. It shapes people’s behaviours and morals, as it preaches the Word of God during funerals. Some morals are expressed by love for, and solidarity with, the bereaved, as well as through songs and preaching that focus on good character. Sermons during funerals always capture the good works of the deceased as a heritage that the living should emulate for their own benefit and that of society at large. Therefore, through funerals, the church fosters and strengthens the moral fibre of the society.

4.7. Promotion of Church Unity

Funerals have proven to be a unifying factor that brings together family, community and church members. It unites not only the family, but also local churches. As one of the participants said: “Sometimes local churches are invited by the traditional leaders to work together during burial so that they comfort us”. Local leadership contributes to the unity of the church during funeral and burial proceedings. Baloyi (2024, p. 5) posits that preachers and members of the church visit the bereaved family daily, throughout the week, for evening prayers and church services until the day of the burial. The church also participates in night vigils, as they accompany and comfort the family. Normally, it is the church women who organise songs and hymns for the all-night proceedings (Durham and Klaits 2002, p. 790). Despite potential divisions arising due to differences in doctrines, songs and language, the convergence of churches in such moments promotes church unity (Durham and Klaits 2002, p. 790). As Werbner (2018, p. 318) observes, “the grassroots movement, fully cultivated in the shared religious diversity of funerals, is a distinctively post-colonial phenomenon. It develops against a colonial history marked by the suppression of new churches”.

Funerals have become important sites of local ecumenical engagement (Hove 2020). When denominations come together to support the bereaved family, it creates space for the growth of ecumenism that bridges denominational boundaries and barriers. This strengthens the spirit of unity and collaboration in the community.

4.8. Contestations on Handling the Corpse

A serious contestation pertains to the handling of the body for burial. While eighty percent of the participants were happy with whatever the church does during funerals, others felt the church was overstepping certain boundaries. This was especially marked when it came to the question of handling the corpse.

When asked who is supposed to lead the way to go into the house and take the deceased to the cemetery after s/he was brought home the previous night, Participant 10 said: “Long ago, it was all about the family only, they were the ones when the deceased was supposed to be taken out of the house and put in the hearse. When they arrive there, the family members were still the ones to take the deceased out”.

The question revealed the open and honest feelings of the participants regarding their desire to handle the body of their loved one, as part of their traditional approach to burials. Those who hold on to traditional practices still feel that only the family and relatives of the deceased should carry the body from the house for burial. This becomes a challenge if the deceased is a member of the church because the family wishes to adhere to their roles in a ritualistic manner, while the church also wants to be involved in the process.

Participant 4 argued: “It’s the family members just like me… If I die, they might take my niece or nephew to walk in the front, saying ‘You will lead your aunt and lift the casket in the front, the rest will be able to lift’. Or my first-born, it’s not just anyone who lifts up the casket. They should know who will hold the coffin, who will hold at the head…”.

Participant 7 emphasised that “[w]eddings and funerals are family affairs”. Some participants did not even want the pastor or a church member to lift the coffin or lead the procession. Others suggested it was up to the family and the church to decide on the lifting of the coffin. One participant noted that family members are supposed to carry the coffin from the house to the hearse, allowing church members to take over at the graveyard. Participant 12 said: “But then, at the graveyard, other times the family agrees with a certain church for them to be the ones to take the deceased into their grave”. These are some of the issues on which culture and the church clash. Matters need to be ironed out as a community with traditional leaders, religious leaders and the church engaging in dialogue that can resolve this once and for all. Failure to have such open engagement and dialogue will cause society to remain at loggerheads.

Family must be given their space during the burial, bereavement and mourning process. The church should not interfere, but rather respect the wishes of the family, allowing them to grieve as normal and to perform traditional rituals where necessary.

Participant 14 said: “I do not know the old ways; things have changed, we do things the church way”. Thus, in some instances, the church decides everything related to the burial. For that reason, young people no longer know the boundaries of these procedures. As Participant 1 argued, however, “[it] depends on the family that has the funeral. The family makes the decision that the deceased from here on will be taken by the grandchildren or will be taken by the church members or who will take them. It is the family that arranges to say, ‘Those we would like to take our deceased from the house to the hearse, [are] these ones’, and also who will take them from the hearse to the grave; that depends on how the family wants it done”.

This order means that the church and family have specific duties and rituals to perform at given times. Pastors and the church must be disciplined and respect the family. The church should allow the family to play their part in order to find closure. Among Africans, burial rituals are obligatory to please the deceased and prevent disharmony between the living and the dead (Shoko 2008). Some family members will not reach closure if the church takes over without the family performing the necessary rituals before the burial.

5. Findings and Discussions from the Follow-Up Focus Group Meeting

These are the people who participated in individual interviews and completed questionnaires for the project “Erosion of post-colonial African funeral traditions in rural South Africa (Limpopo)”, from which this text was drawn. The group participants agreed on the fact that the church has become part of their life. Some traditional leaders are pastors who lead local churches. Therefore, they play the dual role of leading both the community and the church in the process of mourning and burying loved ones. The difference comes in when there is a burial of chiefs, when the church is sidelined or works from the periphery.

The community leaders regarded the church as the greatest comforter, through singing, prayers and words from the Bible. To give a dignified sendoff to the deceased, a night vigil forms part of the burial liturgy (Chipere 2022, p. 233). Prayers are done for the Holy Spirit to comfort the bereaved and broken-hearted. “The vigil is an occasion primarily for prayer, to ask for God’s care, for hymn singing and for reciting biblical texts and verses in fairly short sermons with appropriate commentary linked, in brief remarks, to the deceased” (Werbner 2018). The different denominations come together during funerals and take turns singing, but, in most cases, they sing songs associated with the denomination of the deceased. While some denominations allow preachers from other churches, many only call on preachers from their own denomination. Death, however, becomes an ecumenical event when different denominations share not only the pulpit, but also songs and prayers. Singing and dancing are part of African mourning, as mourners celebrate their departed loved one (Ademiluka 2009). Local churches become united, walking and working together. Pastors are aligned from the day when a death is announced until the day of the burial, as prayers are held every evening. These pastors bring messages of comfort and encouragement to the family and the community and invite others to turn to Christ and follow the Christian faith.

Most participants agreed that the church is guided by the family and community that give it space to participate in funerals and perform burial rites. Great care is always taken to ensure peace and harmony with our ancestors. A proper burial, following the traditions of the ancestors, is necessary to avoid trouble in the family and community; therefore, funeral rituals must be performed in the proscribed way to appease the spirits (Mukuka 2020, p. 50). For the community leaders, the church could not be seen as interfering with their culture and family procedures, if given the space to do so. A family has its own cultural rituals to perform before and after handing over to the church to lead the burial procedures. They believe the deceased belongs to both the family and the church. The rituals of committing the deceased into the hands of ancestors are mandatory. But the church is tasked with leading someone to heaven, hence the desire to allow the church to perform burial rituals. By the graveside, there is also a standard rite performed by a leading preacher. According to Werbner (2018, p. 317), the pastor presiding over the burial “recites, ‘soil to soil, ashes to ashes, dust to dust’, while he casts soil three times into the grave, and in turn, other preachers do the same to witness, in their common faith, an eternal return”. Since they believe the church to be a channel to eternal life, the Collins Chabane Municipality community invites the pastors to lead the bereaved to the grave, and conduct all the burial rituals, thereby submitting the deceased into the hands of God in heaven.

In Collins Chabane Municipality, churches and pastors are known for playing a significant role in drawing up funeral programmes. The participants commended the church for being orderly and running well-organised programmes. This is desirable for those who have lost loved ones: “Mourners treasure the programmes for a loved one, keep it safe for many years, and show it to significant others who may have been unable to attend, as I know from my own experience: I have my own collection before me as I write” (Werbner 2018, p. 317). Most churches have educated professionals in their ranks who are leaders in the private and public sectors (workplaces). Families request the church to assist in drawing up and running the funeral programme, thus the church is a great resource for the community in the sense of providing pastoral care and handling the funeral administration by helping with the programmes.

For community leaders, the other significance of the church during funerals is to bring unity to the community. Unity among churches and sermons of comfort are meant to bring harmony, as people suffer and mourn together. Thus, the church becomes a symbol of a united community that teaches and inspires others. Arima and Baloyi (2023, p. 5) posit: “In a mutual process community promotes good church and other leadership and leadership in turn promotes a healthy and good community”. Through its pastoral care activities, the church connects and unites with the family and community in solidarity. It is common for pastoral counsellors to demonstrate their unwavering support, by telling the counselee “[w]e are together in this” (Baloyi 2024, p. 5). When Africans come together for a funeral, they express their unity and solidarity with the bereaved. It is a form of pastoral counselling when churches journey with the bereaved family during the difficult time of a permanent loss.

The chiefs unanimously agreed that South African roads have become death traps, because African rituals are not performed when people perish in accidents. Some also observed that even when people collapse at work, rituals need to be performed to cleanse such areas. Among Africans, burial rituals must be strictly adhered to, to prevent misfortune and even death (Shoko 2008). As Shoko (2008, p. 6) notes, ritual burial practices must be religiously observed, “otherwise the deceased would be disappointed and inflict the family concerned with illnesses, diseases, misfortunes and deaths”. The participants emphasised that places where signs appear along southern African roads, indicating high accident zones, are a result of the spirits of the dead not having been collected according to their African rituals. In their view, these areas can be safeguarded by performing African rituals that follow proper procedures, from the point of death to burial and post-burial. Participant 12 observed: “As soon as one dies from an accident, the family is supposed to perform rituals at the scene of the accident. If they fail to be there, then soon after collecting the body from the mortuary for burial, they should go via the accident spot and talk to the spirit of the dead to leave the area to the place of burial”.

These traditional rituals are meant to preserve lives. Performing rituals may heal the land, improve safety on the roads and protect lives. Since this protects all road users, the church should promote such rituals to be done by the family. Allowing (or even encouraging) the family to perform such rituals helps the bereaved to find closure, in addition to protecting other road users. Ademiluka (2009, p. 19) argues that some African rituals can be incorporated into burial programmes, as they neither harm nor diminish the essence of Christianity.

One of the challenges facing the community of Collins Chabane Municipality is when a community leader (king/chief) dies: the participants were adamant that, regardless of the latter’s denomination, the church is not allowed anywhere near the burial—traditional leaders have to lead and officiate throughout the related procedures. According to Arima and Baloyi (2023, p. 2):

[t]raditional leaders’ funerals typically begin around 7 p.m. Typically, men—oftenmembers of the royal family—perform burials. A calabash, some water, beer, or grain of seeds are poured into the grave to symbolize an endlessly continuous life.

This contradicts the notion that the church is important during death, bereavement and burial in all African contexts. If the church can be replaced by traditional leaders when it comes to the burial of chiefs, it means the role of the church is not that important. The church becomes an important institution when common people, rather than leadership, are affected. The participants seemed eager to maintain their traditions as they pertain to leaders, but allowed the church to take over funerals for the community at large. No specific reason was given, but it may be due to an understanding of the chiefs’ culture having an impact on the future leadership and community at large. It may be related to the role of the ancestors as guardians of the community through traditional leadership. In Africa, traditional burial rituals should be carefully observed to avoid vengeance from the spirit of the deceased and to promote harmony with the ancestral world (Shoko 2008). Mukuka (2020, p. 5) explains:

A proper burial, following the traditions of the ancestors, is necessary in order to avoid trouble in the family and community; therefore, funeral rituals are required to be performed in the proscribed way to appease the spirits.

When it comes to chiefs, the community of Collins Chabane Municipality has jealously guarded their traditional burial rituals, showing their respect for their ancestral leadership.

Most of the participants further bemoaned the problem of pastors who require payment for burial services rendered. They understood the church as extending a helping hand in comforting the bereaved. “A pastor journeying with the bereaved family builds a relationship of trust and can give the family advice” (Baloyi 2014, p. 7). Offering help in moments of suffering is part of the church’s pastoral care role and is rendered freely to the church and the community. It helps people to experience the love of God in their loss. The participants were disappointed with the practice and condemned some of the local pastors for requiring compensation for their burial services. For them, the church is part of the community and must provide a community service, rather than seeking personal gain. This might be an indication that the participants were against prosperity pastors who take advantage of the bereaved: instead of comforting and giving them hope, they charge fees over and above what funeral parlours and cemeteries in South Africa charge.

Another challenge was that the pastors took more time than they were allocated. Participant 6 explained: “Time does not reach half past nine (9:30) while people are still at the graveyard or ten o’clock (10:00), they are supposed to be back already. If they want to extend the time, they must approach the chiefdom and ask them and the committee of the area and they agree. And also go back to say that ‘we have request for a time extension, and these are the reasons”.

Although some gave different times, all the participants agreed that there are stipulated times for the burial that must be strictly observed. Failure to adhere to the set time, leads to a fine. Families thus end up paying additional burial fees. The participants complained about the issue of time if pastors lead processions to the graveyard. Some churches put the family in a compromised position with local leadership, with higher funeral expenses and fines having to be paid for more time spent at the graveyard. Being disciplined and professional, pastors need to adhere to time constraints, as they are trusted to follow well-organised funeral programmes. Members of the church cannot be specialists at compiling programmes, yet fail to manage their time. It is a matter of discipline and consideration. It is part of pastoral care to reduce the pressure on the bereaved family at the time of a funeral.

6. Pastoral Recommendations and Way Forward

From the findings, recommendations can be made regarding church ministry and community engagement during burials. These are aimed at promoting good working relations between the church and the community.

Firstly, the church should respect the space of the family. The church must provide comfort and spiritual healing for the bereaved by allowing the family to grieve in ways that meet their needs. This is done by allowing the family to perform cultural rituals, which include handling the body and burial. Respect for African burial rituals brings closure and healing to the bereaved, rather than seeking to adhere solely to church rituals and procedures.

Secondly, when funeral programmes are drawn up, there should be open and clear dialogue between the church and the family, to avoid friction and delays during burial procedures. This can only be done if the family and the church work together. Both parties are stakeholders, especially if the deceased was a member of the church.

Thirdly, there is a need for time management and observation during burial rituals and procedures. Ninety percent of the participants agreed that sometimes the church fails to manage time, causing the family to incur additional costs. Order is important, as it helps mourners to operate within time limits. There is no need to exceed deadlines and incur costs. Time management calls for discipline on the part of the church and the family. To create harmony between the church and the bereaved families, the church needs to improve its time management and strictly observe time constraints during burial rituals.

Fourthly, the church should continue to cultivate a spirit of local ecumenical engagement, promoting collaboration between local denominations and their pastors during burial rituals. Such religious tolerance is important in the context of the growth of denominations, religious pluralism and freedom. Church unity will also promote unity in the community as people peacefully work together during funerals.

Fifthly, there should be open discussions between pastors and chiefs on the rituals observed during burials. This will allow the church and traditional leaders to come to terms and avoid conflicts and resentment during burials.

Sixthly, funerals should be given the respect and dignity they deserve to preserve African culture. This is done by following the proper procedures and rituals, from the instant of death to the burial. Although some African rituals seem unjust and/or meaningless from an outsider’s perspective or among some Christians, they have the best interests of the deceased and the bereaved at heart. One example is that of African rituals being performed in offices and at road accident scenes where people have perished. They are performed to prevent threats to the life and health of the living, and help Africans come to terms with their culture of establishing harmony between the living and the dead. Since these rituals have nothing evil in them, they can be incorporated and integrated into the church liturgies of burial.

Seventhly, the church and its pastors should not use funerals as profit-making enterprises. It is a moment of suffering, in which the bereaved need support. As one participant stated: “As the chieftaincy, we want the churches to attend funerals to comfort instead of doing it to get paid”. No participant was comfortable with paying pastors to bury people: for them, it was part of the duty of the church. If pastors charge the family for their services, their assistance may not be available to the poor, leading to the marginalisation of some sectors of society and defeating the loving and inclusive nature of the services of the church of Christ.

Eighthly, the church should play a diaconal role during funerals. To avoid providing partial solutions and doing half a job offering the “camaraderie and comfort that humans crave”, it should find ways to contribute to the welfare of mourners during funerals (Arima and Baloyi 2023, p. 12). Baloyi (2014, p. 6) warns that gatherings should not end up depleting the resources of the bereaved, causing further suffering after a burial. The church needs to find ways of helping financially and materially, since funerals almost always come as emergencies that are costly and push the budget of the bereaved family.

Finally, while it is generally accepted that the church plays a key role during funerals and burial rituals, it needs to humbly serve the family and community, without dominating events. The church should not be at the forefront of every programme during funeral ceremonies. It should remain pastoral by fulfilling its mandate of journeying with the bereaved and suffering. It should always toe the line so that it does not hurt anyone in the process of delivering its ministry and service.

Pastoral recommendations are given notwithstanding positionalities and non-negotiables related to Christian and church beliefs, and African culture. The church has its own position on certain burial ritual practices that may not align with the Christian faith, while Africans hold on to their culture and traditional religion. Baloyi (2024, p. 9) argues that it is possible to “accommodate some of the African funeral rites, which are inseparable from African traditional religion, at least without damaging the essence of religion”. For instance, all the participants agreed that the church cannot bury a chief even if he was a member of a certain church—that is the prerogative of traditional leaders. This remains problematic, as pastors believe it is their role to bury members of the church. This may need to be a negotiation process, as religious leaders come together to find one another on those sticking points, rather than perpetuating divisiveness. Above all, African bereavement and burial rites cannot be undermined, ignored or sidelined, due to their sensitivity and implications for daily life. If the church carelessly rejects or ignores such rituals, it may have failed to fulfil its pastoral care mandate in the context of bereavement counselling.

7. Conclusions

This article aimed to unpack and evaluate the role of the church in burial rites in Africa. Burial rites, as part of African traditional heritage, are believed to play a significant role in the lives of the bereaved. They are carefully performed to appease the deceased’s spirit, to allow it to rest and join the other living dead. While the church is recognised as an important role player in funeral, bereavement and burial rites, there are areas of concern in African society—concerns that require the church, community leaders and members of the community in general to engage and find lasting solutions to ensure amicable collaboration. Where some feel that the church is infringing on the rights of the bereaved, this should be carefully navigated and negotiated, since the church’s presence is regarded as the light, a sign of unity and a comforter that works for peace. This article contributes to the body of knowledge and discourse on African funerals and church participation, with its contribution on burial rites in the African context and in South Africa in particular.