The Digital Sufi Gaze: Between Love, Longing and Locality in COVID Britain

Abstract

This article examines British Sufi responses to the COVID-19 pandemic within the broader context of Muslim experiences of and reactions to the pandemic. Set within a discussion pertaining to classical and contemporary expressions of Sufism, this article explores Sufi phenomena, including the murshid–murid (Sufi master–novice) dynamic, collective gathering and Sufi gaze (nazar) and whether these phenomena were possible within the inevitable digital environments Sufis were forced into as a result of the COVID pandemic and subsequent lockdowns, experienced in Britain. The author explores Sufi social and intellectual phenomena within classical and contemporary literature in relation to Sufi experiences in the West. She concludes that varied lived experiences and differing views on Sufism and both its classical and contemporary expressions were brought into question as a consequence of the COVID pandemic, the exploration of which are necessary in juxtaposition to one another to add nuance and depth and create holistic research of Sufi communities and Sufism more broadly, within contemporary Britain and further afield.

1. Introduction

Bulleh Shah (1680–1757), the famed Sufi of the Punjab, is well-known for his line of devotional poetry that reads,

Tere ishq nachaya

Your love has caused me to dance.

This prose was born from a specific exchange of Bulleh Shah, in his spiritual ecstasy and devotion, with his Sufi guide and Master, Shah Inayat. As the legend describes, Bulleh Shah had caused the displeasure of his spiritual master, and in order to reconcile with the latter, the former joined the circles of dancing female troops that would travel to entertain the masses. He donned female clothing and began to dance in the cultural style—far removed from the behavior of the religious mainstream. Upon seeing this, it is said Shah Inayat cast his gaze (nazar) upon his disciple, began to laugh, and finally accepted Bulleh Shah, after his former transgression. The legend stands the test of time and is recalled in stories of the devotion, self-annihilation, and ecstasy that is evident in the supposed genuine spiritual discipline towards his/her master.

With these sentiments in mind, in relation to Sufi phenomena, this article will offer theoretical reflections on the efficacy of Sufi activity and whether or not cyber environments are able to maintain the relationship between murshid (spiritual master) and murid (disciple) as espoused in classical and contemporary Sufi literature. I will also explore the concept of locality and if, when the physical presence of Sufis was compromised, their traditions were maintained. This takes into consideration and discussion the Sufi’s long history of gathering, collective and personal piety, and brotherhood (ukhuwwa), which have been hallmarks of their history in Islamic social and intellectual development.

This will then lead to discussions on what this has meant, practically, for contemporary Sufis during the COVID-19 pandemic and its subsequent effects on these phenomena. Questions posed at the commencement of this article are simple. Firstly, to what extent can digital spaces maintain Sufi phenomena such as nazar (spiritual gaze) and the dynamics between the murshid and murid? Secondly, are the online Sufi activities that were exaggerated during the COVID pandemic conducive to the classical Sufi experience? This article will entangle notions of spiritual experience and what that means for the contemporary spiritual seeker. Furthermore, the article offers discussion and insight into how classical Sufi thought and practice is experienced, contextualised and has evolved within the contemporary context in Britain. Moreover, how the COVID pandemic has extended the online activities of Sufis and meant that these spiritual phenomena (e.g., nazar and the murshid–murid dynamic) had been forcibly brought into the digital environments, resulting in digital Sufi practice, unlike that which has preceded it, and to far greater extents. This article serves as a timely discussion on Muslim responses to the COVID pandemic broadly. Furthermore, it will add to the literature pertaining to contemporary Sufi thought and practice and situate the discussion within wider discussions on contextualisation of religion in contemporary society, the notions of classical and non-classical interpretation of Sufism and the lasting effects of COVID on religious communities and individuals.

The main body of the article will be preceded by a section on the methodological framing of the research; thereafter, the article will be divided into the following three sections. The first section will discuss broadly the concepts of brotherhood, company, and spiritual gaze from within classical and contemporary literature. The next section will discuss the COVID-19 pandemic specifically and how it affected the Sufi phenomena in discussion. The penultimate section will then bring together the sections before it to discuss Sufism, its nature and its ability to contextualise in contemporary settings. The author will bring into discussion examples of Sufism in contemporary contexts and what its modern expression highlights about its nature. The article will end with a concluding section, with final reflections on how this area of research may be further developed in the future.

2. Methodology

This article will primarily be a literary survey of both classical and contemporary work pertaining to understandings of Sufi thought and practice. The literature used will focus on classical concepts of the master–discipline relationship, spiritual gaze, and brotherhood and how these concepts have been understood traditionally within Sufi literary history. This will be juxtaposed with contemporary works and understandings of Sufi thought and practice. This will culminate in a discussion and offer theoretical reflections on how the Sufi experience evolved within COVID Britain and what its future may look like in contemporary contexts like that of post-COVID Britain. This is ultimately to explore whether Sufism can be experienced and/or practised within the digital environment based on Sufism’s literary history and intellectual development. This article does not map specific Sufi cyber activity on any platform or of any particular Sufi group (Rozenhal 2023). Instead, it provides the reader with theoretical reflections on the efficacy of Sufi experience and phenomena, generally, given the changing physical and cyber spaces that may be considered ‘sacred’ because of the presence of Sufi activity therein.

The classical Sufi writings that were selected for this article are significant and generally accepted as preserved texts that explain Sufi concepts and metaphysics. They were written by Sufis of the formative period. The texts used to form the basis of the arguments in this article are Al-Risala al-Qushayriyya, written by Al-Qushayri (986–1072) and widely considered the first complete manual of Sufism, which is still taught in Sufi circles, globally. This work has been selected due to its acceptance across Sufi communities and throughout the centuries as the first written work of its kind. The second text is Al-Kitaab al Futuwwa, written by Al-Sulami (936–1021), another Sufi whose work is widely considered within Sufi circles as being a significant manual of Sufi thought and practice. This text has been chosen again because of its significance to Sufi learning and because it concentrates on collective physical gathering and companionship, which is the focus of this current work. The final text chosen specifically is Ayuha al-walad by Al-Ghazali (1056–1111). This text also focuses on the student–teacher relationship, and although it discusses this more broadly than just within the Sufi tradition, the significance of al-Ghazali himself is well-documented, particularly within Western contexts, like that of Britain. Moreover, these texts have also been selected due to their accessibility, having been translated into English and therefore more widely accessible by audiences that this article seeks to reach. The contemporary works which will be discussed in this literary exploration and which will form the basis of the theoretical reflections on the Sufi themes within the article have similarly been selected because they offer contemporary explanations of Sufi theory and practise, which echo the classical writings, but for contemporary audiences. The selection of these writings is to give a broad and general overview of how the Sufi phenomena have been conceptualised in classical Sufi literature and similarly in contemporary writings. Some of the most-used contemporary works within this article are Isa’s Realities of Sufism (Isa 2013) and Baldick’s Mystical Islam: An Introduction to Sufism (Baldick 2012). These texts have been selected with further use of other contemporary texts because both authors were significant scholars of Sufism within the twentieth century, and subsequently, their texts continue to be used as primers and manuals of Sufism for contemporary audiences. The texts used specifically for this article were also chosen because they represent significant and widely accepted understandings of Sufism and are used within British Sufi circles and academia, as well as globally. Their usage is to represent the continuity of these phenomena throughout the development of Sufism, as to then lead into a discussion regarding the impact upon Sufi phenomena (i.e., gaze, murshid–murid dynamics, and brotherhood) that digital forums being used for Sufi activity may have. Moreover, although this article is based on a literary analysis of broad Sufi phenomena as discussed within classical and contemporary Sufi writings, it could be used as the foundation for the collection and thematic analysis of empirical data in the form of interviews with British Sufi practitioners; however, this is not within the scope of this current article.

3. Love and Locality

The Sufi concepts of nazar (spiritual gaze) will be a theme throughout this article and, specifically, how it relates to and affects the murshid–murid dynamic. Therefore, at its commencement, I will explain this term and concept from within the Sufi tradition. Nazar in this context is being used in its Indo-Persian linguistic usage, connoting the gaze which is cast by the eye of one being (usually the spiritual guide or master (murshid)) onto another (usually the spiritual student or novice (murid)) through the latter’s receiving eye. Although the metaphysics of this are vast and often connote the giving and receiving of spiritual energies, secrets, and openings for the recipient, their purpose in this article is to aid the discussion on what this means for the contemporary context. Namely, when communities of contemporary Sufis are forced out of the physical presence of their spiritual guides, away from the spiritual cocoons of fraternities (turuq) and the gatherings therein, can the energies be exchanged? Can secrets be shared? Or openings, realised?

Kamel discusses the murshid–murid (Sufi master–novice) dynamic through the work of Farid al-Din Attar’s famed poem, “Conference of the Birds”. She writes,

The pledging of bay’a has historically been a part of initiation into Sufi brotherhoods and marks the beginning of a murid’s discipleship to the murshid (Green 2012, p. 9). As Ernst describes, the master–disciple relationship was paramount to the spiritual path. The disciples were to be “like a corpse in the hands of a corpse-washer” (Ernst 1997, p. 124) in relationship to their murshid. As part of the etiquette of the murid and the condition of the pledge, they agree to follow him to the ends of the earth and obey his every command.

(Kamel 2023, p. 6)

What Kamel explains here is exemplified by the experience of Bulleh Shah in Sufi literary history. Similarly, this is discussed in classical Sufi literature (Al-Sulami 1999; Al-Qushayri 2007; Al-Nawawi 2001) and contemporary Sufi literature alike (Isa 2013; Baldick 2012; Hinnells and Malik 2006).

Twentieth-century scholar Isa (2013) writes the following in speaking of the shaykh (teacher) and fellow spiritual seekers of tariqa,

Always attending his gatherings. If he lives in a faraway land, he should repeatedly visit the shaykh as much as he is able. For this reason, it is said: “Visiting the spiritual trainer elevates and trains”. The noble Sufis built their path upon three fundaments: gathering, listening, and following—all of which result in benefiting.

(Isa 2013, p. 75)

Isa points to the necessity for spiritual aspirants to sit with their shaykh physically. And if the shaykh is not local for the student, then the latter should exert effort to overcome the physical distance. In this same sentiment, one can see how these challenges, which have arguably always been present for muridin (pl.) in different ways throughout Sufi history, are also a factor during the pandemic. Baldick (2012) discusses physicality and Sufi masters and students being physically distant and the difficulties of that dynamic. Baldick writes, regarding the formation and organisation of the Sufi brotherhoods,

…brotherhood sometimes does and sometimes does not have an organization. An international administrative structure has usually proved impossible to achieve, but there is organized activity at a local level.

(Baldick 1989, p. 74)

Baldick very interestingly discusses locality here and the significance of Sufism, specifically the formation of turuq, but more broadly points to the importance of locality. Particularly for the murshid–murid dynamic, Baldick argues that this is non-classical in itself. Echoing the writings of Isa (2013), these thinkers indicate the importance of locality and how physical closeness to the murshid is a fundamental necessity within classical Sufi practice. Perhaps this is because of that which is gained by the aspirant from his/her master- phenomena such as the nazar (gaze), suhba (companionship), and tarbiyya (spiritual refinement) that occur through physical proximity. Furthermore, Baldick demonstrates that the discussion about sharing physical presence amongst the gatherings of Sufis is by no means a new discussion and that the lack of an ‘international administrative structure’ is telling of the significance of physical togetherness and the exchanges therein. The discussions posed by Baldick are significant even in 2024, where, in a post-pandemic world, we analyse how Sufism expresses itself in the contemporary, ever-changing context. When their physical gatherings are replaced with digital spaces and brotherhood is expressed via online exchanges—does Sufism flourish, hybridise, or even remain?

Similarly, if one is to examine more broadly the development of Sufism in Islamic history, we find an interesting phenomenon within the present discussion of the concept of tariqa (Sufi brotherhood, pl. turuq), which formed in the 12th century. Namely, the significance of the gathering and the collective or communal gathering within the Islamic ritual and ceremonial tradition. Whether it be the Friday congregational prayer, the ta’waf around the Ka’bah during the Hajj pilgrimage or the theoretical concept of fard kifayah (communal obligation) in the science of jurisprudence, Islam is a tradition steeped in the importance of the collective and the sanctity of the gathering of individuals. Sufism also echoes this importance. This can be no more succinctly witnessed and evidenced than in the concept of tariqa, which represents those collectives drawn together in brother/sisterhood under the guidance of a shared spiritual master (murshid). The very premise of these brotherhoods was not only the following of a spiritual guide but the blessing of following with others- to make up a collective and reap the benefits therein. Imam Sulami (947–1034), in his seminal work, Kitab al-Futuwwah (The Book of Chivalry), discusses the bands of brotherhood that formed in the 7th Islamic century and how the collective nature of spirituality and the coming together of fellow spiritual aspirants were a large part of the classical Sufi experience. Therefore, when one engages in the same Sufi activities that would have once been done only in the company of others but in the isolation of one’s home—in front of a screen—is this not in contradiction with the works of Sulami and even contemporary scholars of Sufism, such as Isa and Baldick?

This points to questions of classic and contemporary expressions of Sufism and whether the dichotomy of the analogue world versus the digital is in continuity with or contradiction to Sufism itself (Sharify-Funk et al. 2018). In a world of increasing globalisation, technological advancement in terms of social interaction and exchange, empowerment, and individualism, can the level of self-deprecation, humility and shedding of spiritual agency espoused in classical Sufi thought be achieved?

If one is to recount and analyse the case of Bulleh Shah and the way in which this relationship is described in classical literature and oral history, it seems unfitting with contemporary experience and spiritual autonomy encouraged therein. This is further complicated by the idea of the relationship between murshid and murid existing in cyberspace and not in physical proximity. If one is to analyse the concept of nazar and the transformative effect it can have upon the spiritual aspirant as to cause this type of humility, devotion and certainty in the murshid, as exemplified by Bulleh Shah, this certainly does not seem possible unless there is a distinct physical proximity between the master and the aspirant; allowing the spiritual energies to be exchanged and the tarbiyya (spiritual refinement) to take place.

Contrary to this, though, the extension of Sufi practice into the digital world is explored by Rozenhal (2023), who maps the existing activities of Sufi communities online. He sees the digital spaces for Sufi activity as a natural progression of Sufism in Western contexts, which are defined by technological advancement and the use of technology as an important segment of life in the West. Although Rozenhal does not offer much reflection on the spiritual efficacy of the Sufi phenomena, such as the murshid–murid dynamic, as this article does, his writings indicate his perception of the legitimacy of Sufi cyber activity and even allude to the need for Sufi activity to utilise digital spaces and technologies to greater extents in the future.

However, for many contemporary spiritual aspirants, Sufi literature, such as that describing Bulleh Shah, merely romanticises the history of Sufism, which, unhelpfully, leaves a bitter sense of nostalgia for contemporary seekers. Moreover, this nostalgia may be construed as negative and unhelpful for two major reasons. Firstly, it ignores the fact that Sufism in the past was not a perfect social movement and had its own set of criticisms levelled at it throughout history and its development (Baldick 2012). Secondly, it leaves sincere contemporary seekers and their lived experiences of Sufism at a loss to the validity and credibility of these experiences and dismisses the sanctity and sacred nature of their human experiences, which has always been considered sacred in the intellectual and social history of Islam. This is evidenced in the science of usool (Jurisprudential principle) and the sub-science of maqa’sid al-shari’ah (Higher ethical objectives of sacred law), wherein the first and most primary of all functions of law and jurisprudential ruling is ‘hifz ul hayat’—the preservation of human life (Auda 2008). This explicitly places emphasis on the sacred nature of the human being and their individual human experience as inherently sacred. This is also echoed in the social sciences pertaining to research on religious communities, particularly within theories of lived religion (Dessing et al. 2016).

However, this article could not possibly delve in detail into an understanding of the profound metaphysical dynamic between the Sufi novice and Sufi master with any unequivocal conclusions. Rather, it is to discuss how Sufi individuals and communities have variably reacted to the COVID pandemic and shown the ability to contextualise and diversify their practices and traditions for the ever-changing and often turbulent global changes that have been faced due to the pandemic. The following section will, therefore, discuss how the pandemic specifically has changed Sufi practice. Subsequently, what this change means and highlights in terms of Sufi thought and contemporary development within Britain and beyond.

4. COVID Responses

The responses to the COVID pandemic from the British Muslim community, at scholarly, community, and personal levels, were vast and complex (Al-Astewani 2021). They highlighted the extent to which the pandemic, generally, and the subsequent lockdowns that were experienced by Britons, affected human experience on so many different levels, be it physical, mental, emotional, or indeed, spiritual. Regarding ritual practice, the Muslim community, in general, became increasingly comfortable with digital exchanges and the reality of a more isolated domestic and religious life. These included mosques conducting the Friday prayer via online platforms, fatawa (pl. jurisprudential verdicts), promoting the necessity of staying indoors for worship and the digital platforms being used for children’s Qur’an lessons. However, in the case of Sufism, with its history of metaphysical phenomena, unseen realities, and celestial rhetoric, can online spaces really host such lofty spiritual activities? This question is not going to be answered in this short article. However, the discussion here points to the very definition of understanding that practitioners and academics alike have regarding Sufism. Arguably, Sufism is a tradition within a tradition. Much like Islam itself, it too can evolve and contextualise based on its circumstances and those of its practitioners. This point will be discussed in more detail in the following paragraph. However, for some, Sufism may well have the ability to exist in a superficial ritual-centric way online and through digital exchanges, but the profound spiritual elevation that Sufis seek through these rituals will be left restricted or, perhaps, incomplete. Sufi shaykh and contemporary scholar Muhammad al-Ninowy describes the relationship between the Sufi master and his/her disciple and says,

Your shaykh is not just the teacher you actually only heard knowledge from but is the one you imbibed from. Your shaykh is not the one whose words are in your ears and on your tongue, but the one who lives deep in you, with his vision, thoughts, and breath. Your shaykh is not the one who invited you to join him, but the one who removed all veils, distances, and protocols between you and him. Your shaykh is not the one whose speech affects you, but whose himma (perseverance, persistence, vision and motivations) raises you. Your shaykh is the one who continuously keeps cleansing and cleaning the mirror of your heart, until your vision of the truth becomes clearer and clearer, and until the Rabbani illuminations shine all over your heart and overwhelms it. Your shaykh is the one who taught you about Allah Ta’ala and His People, so you followed their way, and walked with you until you become close to Allah Ta’ala…very close…then threw you in the oceans of the lights and illuminations of the Magnificent Presence of Allah Ta’ala, telling you: here you are and your Lord.

(Al-Ninowy 2016)

What al-Ninowy describes, being a Sufi master of the Rifa’i-Qadiri tariqa himself is a level of devotion which echoes the longing, love, and self-sacrifice of Bulleh Shah at the start of this article. However, the ‘walking with the shaykh’ and ‘imbibing’ seems a difficult task when one is not in the physical presence of the master. After all, if one is not sitting directly in front of their murshid, how can the nazar, so heavily emphasised in Sufi literature and history, be experienced? Furthermore, if the metaphysical aspects of Sufis, like nazar (amongst others), are not part of the contemporary Sufi seekers’ experience, it may well remain incomplete, particularly when considering the discussions within the previous section and the understandings of Sufism put forward by Isa and Baldick.

Moreover, Xavier (2023) discusses how the Sufi experience has changed between different contexts, particularly in relation to the murshid–murid dynamic. He writes,

…cultural, racial, and ethnic composition of disciples has also impacted the murshid–murid relationship and its function. Those from particular cultural Muslim backgrounds (as well as varied generational locations) tend to cultivate relationships that are fostered on deference, distance, and respect, while Sufi communities composed predominantly of white American and European (non-Muslim) followers may not embrace such cultural markers in their relationship with their Sufi teacher.

(Xavier 2023, p. 118)

Although Xavier discusses the disparities between students and their Sufi teachers between Western and Eastern contexts, the way in which Sufi experiences can exist in contemporary contexts juxtaposed with classical understandings is an interesting aspect of Xavier’s work. He highlights an ability to evolve that I, too, would note about Sufi communities and their practices between the analogue and digital worlds. Both these cases point to the way in which Sufism has evolved and rooted itself within the differing contexts, and for audiences, it finds itself within and before. However, I would complicate this by stating that although the Sufi experience may well lend itself to differing contexts (with arguably differing levels of legitimacy), it does not mean that the Sufi phenomena in question are truly experienced. Seemingly, though, the expansion into digital spaces for Sufi activity is something that continues to occur (Rozenhal 2023) and so must—to some extent at least—be accepted as a permanent part of contemporary Sufism.

Moreover, the online presence of Sufis is no new phenomenon. Sufis have had a strong presence within digital arenas for many years now. Arguably, the way in which Sufis reacted to the pandemic was perhaps a mere continuation of practice for some of the Sufi communities in Britain. This is particularly true in the contemporary West, with the transnational Sufi movements remaining in the twenty-first century an incredibly prevalent phenomenon amongst Sufi practitioners (Nielsen et al. 2006). The Sufis have had a recent history with the use of online spaces and digital activities (Cheruvallil-Contractor 2014). This is discussed in depth by Piraino (2016), who uses the Naqshbandi-Haqqani Sufi tariqa to highlight the online presence of Sufis in the contemporary West and the tariqa’s avid use of online spaces for tariqa activities and by Rozenhal (2023), who maps Sufi communities and their activities in digital spheres.

Arguably, COVID has highlighted a significant reality about Sufism and the murshid–murid dynamic—namely that although ideally, a spiritual discipline would sit in the physical presence of his/her master, the transformative abilities, spiritual energies and other metaphysical realities supposedly present within these interactions must be understood as Divinely bestowed, and therefore continually possible. Therefore, they are not conducive to restricting binary understanding, such as being physically close or distant. The very essence of these metaphysical phenomena is that they transcend the mundane and enter the realm of the profane, ultimately making them possible in whichever environment, be it digital or physical, that God wills them to occur within. Rozenhal (2023) discusses the potential of cyber-Sufism; he writes,

…digital media have yet to duplicate the intimacy, face-to-face interactions, and hands-on instruction at the heart of the Sufi master–disciple relationship. They have not yet replaced the interpersonal networks that cement living Sufi community. And, as presently constituted, they are no substitute for the intensity, affective power and sensorial experience of embodied ritual performance. I doubt they ever will be. Not entirely. Even so, there are ample reasons to anticipate a bright future for Cyber Sufism in the global West.

(Rozenhal 2023, p. 158)

I would be inclined to agree with Rozenhal, to a certain extent, about the potential of cyber-Sufism, with the caveat that if online spaces are accepted as legitimate for Sufi rituals like gatherings of dhikr, mawlid, or even ba’yah, perhaps these are only for the introductory experience and not for long-term or sustained Sufi practice. They should perhaps be understood as temporary replacements used circumstantially and in unison with physical experiences. This would be most fitting with tradition whilst also taking advantage of the digital sphere for the benefit of more digitally literate contemporary Sufis.

5. Spirituality in Transition

The present discussion points to the very flowing essence of Sufism. Yet, this discussion is no new phenomenon. The reality is that Sufism, just within the tradition of Islam and the differing Muslim interpretations, is not a monolith (Geaves 2014). It exists as simultaneously fluid and formalised, both textual and experiential and, indeed, classical and thoroughly contemporary. What the COVID pandemic simply highlighted for Sufi communities, and those who observe and study the, it is that Sufism and its online expression is a seemingly permanent reality of the contemporary world. Because it is a lived reality and experience for many, it must be considered and understood as significant, both socially, intellectually, and spiritually (Gilliat-Ray 2010).

Furthermore, this discussion also sits within a wider understanding of spirituality in the West. Arjana (2020) explores in depth the notion of spirituality in the West and how, through a shedding of religious framing and the supposed restrictions therein, spirituality in and of itself continues to thrive in the contemporary West. Arjana writes,

Hindu, Buddhist, and other Orientalist imagery mixed to sell yoga gear; the Rumi of Deepak Chopra is identified with New Age practices; and a Coldplay concert becomes a Sufi revival…mysticism emerges, subject to adoption.

(Arjana 2020, p. 117)

But with spirituality being, arguably, so deeply commodified in the contemporary West and technological advancement and methods being a major part of the consumption of spirituality, is the spiritual gnosis of the early Sufis attainable in the classical way? With this ‘mystical marketplace’ that Arjana discusses, can an unadulterated classical Sufism survive in this contemporary online space amongst such varying expressions available to the masses for consumption? Furthermore, with Sufism’s emphasis on the physical presence of spiritual masters with their students, the cyber-Sufism that growingly exists may well be another negative ramification of such a wide and far-reaching technological advancement of the contemporary world and context. Arguably, something has been lost if the physicality of the awliya (friends of God) is removed from the experience of Sufi seekers. Similar sentiments were shared by Salih al-Jaffari, a 20th-century Sufi scholar who stated,

Knowledge is taken from the chests of men, not from books.

(Jaffari, No Date)

Contrary to this sentiment, and with the increasing discussions pertaining to spiritual abuse and misconduct within Sufi spaces (Ullah 2022) is the movement towards online suhba (companionship) and tariqa (fraternity), a healthy mechanism within a controversial climate. For the sober, text-based scholars and Sufis, the move to a seemingly more controlled, disciplined expression of Sufism has always been the call of the day. This is discussed by Ghazali (1056–1111) in his later work, Ayuhal walad (Letters to a Disciple) who advises his student by stating,

…you must not be deceived by the ecstatic expressions and outbursts of the Sufis, since travel on this path should be by way of self-exertion, severing the ego’s appetite and killing its passions with the sword of discipline, and not by way of outbursts and useless statements.

(Al-Ghazali 1998, p. 24)

Therefore, arguably, the likes of the textually centred Sufism, which is conscious and considered in its outward expressions and activity, may well be thriving within the safety of digital expressions. What these differing perspectives highlight is just how different spirituality is for its vast practitioners in the contemporary context.

Sufism is certainly in transition. The COVID pandemic has highlighted the ability is has to thrive and its longevity within whichever context and climate it finds itself. The future of Sufism seems incredibly interesting, given its ability to move and evolve with the waves of change that the modern world continues to experience. There will not cease, in my estimation, to be those who are nostalgic and sceptical regarding the validity of Sufism in the contemporary world. But there also, it seems, will continue to be those spiritual seekers who find contentment, elevation and, indeed, home within contemporary Sufism. I would argue that both these perspectives are valid, important, and sacred- perspectives that, when researched and studied, at the very least, add nuance and depth to research within the field of Sufi studies and religious studies more broadly.

6. Conclusions

This article has offered reflections pertaining to how the British Sufi community responded to the COVID pandemic. Through the juxtaposition of the classical understandings within Sufi thought and practice with the contemporary expressions, which have been so acutely accelerated by the consequences of the COVID pandemic, this article aims to offer insight into contemporary Sufism. By doing so, it highlights the necessity of contextualisation into contemporary environments for religious and spiritual traditions. In a world wherein spirituality is growing (Arjana 2020) yet diversifying, can a textual or classical Sufism overwhelm experience-centred expressions? This question is difficult to answer in any one simple way. In this article, I argue it would be unnecessarily restrictive to assume contemporary Sufism is not still in, as has been its tendency throughout the intellectual and social development of Islam, some sort of evolution. This can be understood as contextualisation, hybridisation, or decline. I also maintain that the human experience of spirituality and faith itself, like that of Sufism, cannot be dismissed as insignificant or lesser than theoretical understanding. Sufism is a tradition concerned primarily with the purification of human beings and their ‘self’ and the subsequent intimacy with the Divine through humanity’s purified selves. Therefore, to dismiss the very object of this process- i.e., human beings and/or human experience- is a betrayal of the sanctity of humanity that is espoused in the very foundations of Sufism. It is this humanity, one may argue, that is exemplified in the interaction between Bulleh Shah and Shah Inayat at the start of this article. What the interaction highlights is not just Bulleh Shah’s unwavering and unconditional devotion to his murshid, but furthermore, his willingness to expose his transgression and humble (perhaps even humiliate) himself in order to further himself on his spiritual path by gaining the approval of his master and therefore, ultimately, purify himself for God. Moreover, Bulleh Shah exemplifies the assertion that one’s purification is not necessarily bound to that which is socially or theoretically acceptable to the religious mainstream.

Therefore, when answering the questions posed at the onset of this article, I would argue that online Sufi environments, which were exaggerated during the pandemic, are ultimately conducive to classical Sufi experience. However, I would emphasise the necessity of refocusing on the understanding of the classical Sufi experience and how it has been in the history of Sufism. Sufism has indeed always been an evolving and varied phenomenon. Furthermore, I would argue that its only constant, unchanging motive is that it brings people into an intimate experience with God. And God, within the Islamic creed, is as omnipresent and omniscient within the virtual as He is within the physical world. Ultimately, it is God who the Sufis aim for in their spiritual endeavours, not the means by which He is found. Keeping this in mind, it would be ironic to limit the relationships spiritual seekers can have with the limitless, omnipotent God of the Sufis.

The COVID pandemic has highlighted the innate nature of Islam and its followers in a microcosm. Highlighting the innate ability, it has to ebb and flow, root and uproot itself, and remain true to its core tenants and spirit wherever it may find itself (Murad 2020). However, whether brotherhood, companionship and spiritual gaze can be maintained within the digital spaces of the pandemic is a less simple question to answer. Namely, because these phenomena are inherently physical, one may argue that brotherhood and companionship can be experienced virtually, but this is not in continuation to how it is conceptualised in Sufi history, as discussed in Section 2. Therefore, I would argue that this is an example of religious hybridity caused by the COVID pandemic and a decline in classical Sufi practice. Unlike the broader question on classical Sufi experience, which I argued was present in COVID Britain, certain Sufi practices are certainly not possible within virtual environments. Ultimately, although the experience cannot be judged because of its validity being inherently relational to God, practice is where there are clear boundaries to be set in alignment with Sufi history. Ultimately, if one seeks to understand religious hybridity, it is first necessary to define and understand its origin. Furthermore, without any boundaries of evolution, evolution becomes meaningless. The literary history of Sufism explored at the onset of this article, therefore, seeks to set these boundaries and define these origins to solidify the arguments for religious hybridity and spiritual evolution, which I argue is true of Sufi practice in contemporary Britain.

Moreover, if one is to contend that all religious and/or spiritual rituals are conducive to cyberspaces and uncritically accept cyber environments as legitimate for ritual practice, then the same could be said for the Hajj pilgrimage, visits to the shrines of the awliya (friends of God) or the visiting of the prophetic mosque in Madina. These things would perhaps be far more contentious to suggest amongst Muslim communities. Similarly, the relationship between the murshid and murid might also be understood, for the Sufi practitioners at least, as having the same significance, so a digital exchange would simply not suffice. This can be no more succinctly exemplified than within the Sufi interpretations of the story of Musa and Khidr from within the Qur’anic narrative, wherein the current argument becomes much clearer. Sufis—throughout the centuries—have interpreted the encounter of Musa with Khidr as that of the ultimate teacher and student. The latter is committed to physical closeness (this is exemplified in Musa following Khidr wherever he travelled), devotion to the latter’s words and actions and utter obedience to the latter’s command. This is discussed by al-Qushayri in his seminal manual of Sufism, as well as within contemporary works. This example has been a fundamental point of learning and teaching within Sufi communities, and although there are examples throughout many turuq of students being distant from their Sufi masters, this is not the ultimate goal. Sufis and their respective brotherhoods espouse the advantage and superiority of physical closeness to the Shaykh over distance from him/her. Therefore, it is perhaps more appropriate to understand that these digital spaces and activities therein are only temporary replacements for the physical realm when it is circumstantially compromised, such as during the COVID pandemic. Furthermore, the ultimate aim should, for the Sufi aspirant, be the physical proximity to both his/her master and fellow seekers, as espoused in the literary history of Sufism wherein the human experience is an inherently physical, visceral one, and this should also be represented in practice.

This article provides some theoretical reflections on classical phenomena within Sufism based on the literary exploration of Sufi texts. However, going forward, there are several directions in which this work could form the basis. As mentioned in the introduction, this article could form the basis of a more long-term empirical data collection project with Sufi practitioners and their experience and perspective on the usage of digital environments for their activities. This could be conducted through ethnographic methods (interviews may well be the most conducive method to the research aims of this article if conducted in continuity with this present work) and thematic analysis of the empirical data collected. Furthermore, this article would also lend itself to a further study of gendered Sufi thought discussed by many academics in recent literature pertaining to spirituality (Sharify-Funk et al. 2018) and could also add to this present discussion and could be expanded on for later works. Further research could be conducted to elucidate this in contemporary settings, like that of Britain, where feminism and its relationship and exchange with spirituality and spiritual agency is becoming ever-prevalent and more pronounced, yet nuanced—it allows for spaces wherein new and innovative expressions are able to flourish. However, this research arguably confirms simply what has always been espoused by Sufis, namely that experience with God transcends the male/female dichotomy and is an action of the soul rather than the limited physicality of human beings. Further discussion pertaining to the catalysts of new and innovative expressions of spirituality within the framework of Sufism can and should be further explored to add nuance and depth to existing literature. Nuance and depth would certainly benefit the field of Sufi studies and Islamic studies more broadly.