Faith’s Frontiers: An Exploration of Religious Syncretism and Cultural Adaptation in the “Guanyin/Madonna and Child” Painting

Abstract

The Guanyin/Madonna and Child painting, housed in the British Museum, exemplifies a distinct amalgamation of Catholic and Buddhist elements. This academic study explores the religious syncretism within this artwork, set against the backdrop of Sino-Western cultural dynamics. By integrating socio-religious analysis with iconographic methods, this research highlighted the interplay between the two religious traditions and the broader trends of cultural adaptation and religious amalgamation. It was proposed that the painting, on display at the British Museum, reflects not only the European depiction of the Madonna of Humility but also the Jesuit missionary influence and the clandestine religious practices of Chinese Christians during periods of persecution. This investigation provided new perspectives on the nuances of religious syncretism and the evolution of religious imagery within the contexts of cultural exchanges and missionary initiatives, augmenting scholarly discussions on the dynamics between religious beliefs and societal frameworks.

1. Introduction

During the late Ming and Qing dynasties (mid-17th to 18th centuries), Sino-Western cultural exchange flourished, facilitated by Jesuit missionaries who gained access to China following Portugal’s acquisition of Macao. Among the religious artworks introduced was the Madonna and Child, which bore intriguing visual parallels to the Buddhist Song Zi Guanyin 送子觀音 (Child-Giving Guanyin), venerated in Chinese folk religion. This visual similarity often led to their conflation, exemplified by the Guanyin/Madonna and Child in the British Museum. In this artwork, Christian elements such as the figure’s attire and gestures merge seamlessly with Buddhist iconography, aligning her with Guanyin. This blending reflects both the adaptability of Catholicism within Chinese society and the integration of the Virgin Mary into local cultural and artistic traditions.

Currently, both Western and Chinese scholars conducted extensive research on the development of Marian imagery in China. P. Gianni Criveller analyzed Christian Chinese texts by figures such as Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci and examined depictions of the Virgin Mary in woodblock prints (Criveller 1997). J. D. Spence explored the Western roots of Marian devotion and its impact on Matteo Ricci’s work in China (Spence 1985). Jeremy Clarke offered a broad survey of Marian imagery’s evolution from the Yuan dynasty to the Opium Wars, highlighting its indigenization within Chinese culture (Clarke 2013). Li Sher-shiueh used comparative literature to investigate how Alfonso Vagnoni adapted Marian miracle narratives to align with Chinese cultural values (S.-s. Li 2009, pp. 53–110). Dong Lihui investigated the emergence of the Madonna and Child imagery within the Chinese context, examining the process of the indigenization and adaptation of Western artistic representations, as well as assessing their cultural implications (Dong 2013, pp. 132–42). Song Gang examined the parallels between Guanyin and the Virgin Mary in the late Ming, noting how shared themes of compassion and purity led to their conflation, a phenomenon Jesuit missionaries used to promote Marian veneration (Song 2008, pp. 101–120; 2018, pp. 303–56). Building on Song’s work, Chen Hui-hung analyzed this fusion from an iconographic perspective, suggesting it was driven more by local cultural dynamics than missionary strategy and might represent a form of “desacralization” through cross-cultural adaptation (H.-h. Chen 2018, pp. 61–75; 2020, pp. 132–42). Dai Guoqing further explored how Vagnoni reinterpreted Mary as a “virtuous lady”, drawing comparisons with local religious figures and even deviating from New Testament teachings (Dai 2010, pp. 57–63).

While the existing corpus of literature thoroughly examined the evolution and development of Marian imagery in China and acknowledged the conflation between Guanyin and the Virgin Mary, a comprehensive analysis of the Guanyin/Madonna and Child painting in the British Museum remains lacking. By focusing on its role in cultural fusion and religious dissemination strategies, this research provided a fresh perspective on the significance of religious art in intercultural exchanges. It not only enhanced our understanding of how religious imagery spreads and adapts across cultures but also introduced a new case study to the field of cross-cultural religious art. Through an in-depth examination of this painting, this study enriched historical and artistic discourse, shedding light on the dynamic interplay between art, religion, and culture.

2. Mary or Guanyin? An Inquiry into the Phenomenon of Conflation in the Painting

The Guanyin/Madonna and Child painting (Figure 1) represents a paradigmatic example of Chinese hanging scroll art. It measures 186 cm in height and 73 cm in width. While the exact dating and provenance of this piece remain to be ascertained, it was donated to the British Museum by Mrs. W. Bateson in 1926. The artwork depicts a woman dressed in white, seated beside a stone table with a young boy on her lap. A white dove and a vase with willow branches rest upon the table, and the boy is portrayed holding a lotus flower; both his hairstyle and attire exhibit distinct Chinese characteristics. In the lower left corner, an inscription reads “Su Tai Tang Yin1 Jing Hui” 蘇台唐寅敬繪 (Respectfully painted by Tan Yin of Su Tai), with a signature seal attributed to Tang Yin affixed below. Bernward H. Willeke posits that the painting was created by Tang Yin (Willeke 1988, p. 68). However, the British Museum suggests that the painting dates from the 18th to 19th century2, clearly postdating the lifetime of Tang Yin, which casts doubt on his authorship.

The figures in the painting are rendered using the baimiao 白描 (plain drawing technique), characterized by simple yet expressive brushstrokes that align with the Chinese aesthetic standards of the period. The boy’s attire and the details of the lotus flower evidence the artist’s proficiency in fine Chinese painting techniques. In contrast, the woman’s drapery and the rock on which she is seated are depicted with shading to create depth, albeit with a somewhat rudimentary handling of shadows, suggesting that dark tones were merely superimposed on the drawn lines. This lack of sophistication in chiaroscuro indicates that the artist may have been experimenting with European realist techniques. Scholars generally agree that Western painting techniques had influenced Chinese portraiture by the late Ming period (F. Li 2017, pp. 116–17; Dong 2013, p. 137). In terms of composition, European religious paintings typically position the Virgin Mary and the Christ Child at the center of the canvas to emphasize their divinity. In contrast, the Guanyin/Madonna and Child positions the figures to the right, balancing the composition with a stone table and vase in the background. This arrangement, common in Chinese traditional paintings, also incorporates the stable triangular structure characteristic of European Renaissance art. From the perspective of color, the female figure’s attire features a richer gradient, likely influenced by the color techniques of European Renaissance oil paintings. However, the predominantly flat application of colors remains consistent with traditional Chinese fine-brushwork techniques, likely due to the limitations of Chinese painting materials in replicating the tonal depth of European oil paintings. The perspective reveals inconsistencies: while the dove, vase, and figures suggest a level, eye-height viewpoint, the stone beneath the woman is depicted from an overhead angle. This discrepancy indicates the artist’s partial understanding or selective application of Western linear perspective principles (Chu and Ding 2015). The style of this painting supports the hypothesis that the work may have been crafted by an unknown Chinese artist.

At first glance, the white-robed woman depicted in the painting might be mistaken for the Baiyi Guanyin 白衣觀音 (White-robed Guanyin), a prevalent iconographic representation of Guanyin in Buddhist art. However, closer examination reveals key differences in her attire that set her apart from traditional Guanyin imagery. The “Da Ri Jing Shu” 《大日經疏》3, translated in the Tang dynasty, specifies the White-robed Guanyin as wearing a distinctive Fa ji guan 髮髻冠 (hair bun crown), a defining feature of her iconography (Zhou 2014, pp. 214–15). The female figure in the painting is distinctly attired in a mantle and garment, a costume that is quintessential to Marian art from the Middle Ages and Renaissance. This particular style is prevalent in representations of the Virgin Mary, enabling viewers to discern her identity through her distinctive clothing. Customarily, when depicting Mary as a young mother with a newborn, artists portray her in a mantle superimposed upon a garment, often with the mantle extending over her head (Figure 2).

An analysis of the female figure’s hand gestures in the painting reveals a strong resemblance to the canonical depiction of the Virgin Mary in Catholic art (Figure 3). Both the Madonna and Child face the viewer, with the Madonna’s head slightly inclined and her hand positioned near her chest, directing attention to the Christ Child. This gesture, originating from the Byzantine Hodegetria icon type (Réau 1921, p. 381), became a key element in Marian art, maintaining its presence across various artistic interpretations, including those by Cimabue and Giotto in the 13th and 14th centuries (Drandaki 2014, pp. 39–45). The congruence between this figure’s gestures and typical Madonna and Child iconography is unlikely to be coincidental (Figure 4). However, the lower half of the figure reveals a hybrid posture: the left leg hangs naturally, while the right leg is bent and placed on a rock, resembling the lalitasana pose often seen in Buddhist depictions of Guanyin (Figure 5). Lalitasana, originating from Indian art, became a standard seated position in Chinese Guanyin imagery by the mid-10th century (Huang 2022, pp. 7–8). Thus, the figure’s posture blends the Virgin Mary’s gesture with Guanyin’s seated position, creating a significant point of conflation between the two figures.

The boy in this painting holds a lotus flower, a symbol in Buddhist art associated with Guanyin Bodhisattva, representing purity and compassion, as seen in the Lotus Sutra 《妙法蓮華經》 (Zhou 2014, p. 214). The vase and willow on the right are also significant Buddhist elements linked to Guanyin iconography. The kalaśa vase (Sanskrit: kalaśa; Chinese: 淨瓶 Jing Ping), originating from India, was traditionally used to hold water and later evolved to symbolize spiritual cleansing. The willow, used by Indian ascetics for oral hygiene, came to represent purification in Chinese Guanyin worship (Z. Chen 2015, pp. 215–17). The vase in the painting closely resembles the kalaśa vases used by Buddhist monks in Ancient China (Figure 6). However, the dove to the left of the vase adds a Catholic layer. While rare in Buddhist art, the dove in Catholicism symbolizes the Holy Spirit, particularly in the Annunciation, Baptism of Christ, and the Trinity (Elowsky 2009, p. 14). Its inclusion here, especially in a Madonna and Child context, emphasizes the Catholic nature of the piece, linking the boy to the Christ Child. This contrast further complicates the identities of the Virgin Mary and Guanyin.

In the Guanyin/Madonna and Child, a complex conflation of religious iconography challenges conventional understandings of traditional symbols while offering new perspectives on cultural identity and faith expression. The question of whether the artist intended to depict the Virgin Mary or Guanyin warrants further analysis. Given the established tradition of portraying Guanyin in Chinese art, a Chinese artist focused solely on Guanyin would likely have adhered to conventional depictions without incorporating Catholic elements. Thus, it seems clear that the primary intent was to depict the Virgin Mary, the creator’s purpose may have been motivated by an exploration of Western artistic techniques or by religious intent. The Madonna’s attire and gestures suggest that the artist likely drew upon European depictions of the Madonna and Child in their composition.

3. Tracing the Roots: Identifying the Prototype of the Guanyin/Madonna and Child

The Madonna and Child is one of the oldest and most enduring motifs in Christian art, playing a central role in Christian iconography and inspiring numerous variations. Five specific styles—Salus Populi Romani, Virgen de la Antigua, Hodegetria, Maestà, and Madonna of Humility—are particularly similar to the Guanyin/Madonna and Child, suggesting that one of these may serve as its prototype. Before exploring which of these styles is the most likely prototype, it is important to first examine the distinguishing features of each Virgin and Child depiction. This understanding will illuminate the potential influence of these styles on the interpretation of the painting in question and aid in identifying its origins.

The Salus Populi Romani (Figure 7a), also known as the Protectress and Health of the Roman People, is dated from the fifth to the thirteenth century (De Jong and Theuws 2001, p. 64). In this depiction, the Virgin Mary cradles the Christ Child, who is shown in a prayer posture, with Mary’s right hand lifted in supplication to match Jesus’ gesture. Her left hand holds an embroidered veil, symbolizing her exalted status. Replicas of the Salus Populi Romani were widely distributed to Latin America, India, China, and Africa, making it possibly the most widely distributed and influential Virgin image in the world (O’Malley et al. 2005, p. 25; D’Elia 1954, pp. 301–11). The Zhongguofeng Shengmuzi Tu4 中國風聖母子圖 “Chinese-style Madonna and child” in the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago (Figure 7b), is believed to be one of these replicas (D’Elia 1950, pp. 30–32). However, a comparative analysis of the Guanyin/Madonna and Child in the British Museum and the Salus Populi Romani reveals significant differences, particularly in the positioning of Mary’s right hand. In the former, Mary’s right hand is not raised in prayer but appears to gesture toward or cradle Jesus, a posture more commonly associated with the Hodegetria style, also seen in certain versions of the Maestà and Madonna of Humility.

The Virgen de la Antigua (Figure 8a), a mural situated within the Seville Cathedral in Andalusia, Spain, has been widely revered, leading to the proliferation of numerous replicas across Spain, Latin America, and Asia. The precise original and the form of the replica that reached Japan remain obscure; however, a surviving copperplate (Figure 8b) engraving, attributed to the Jesuit College in Japan and dated to 1597, is well-documented (Jennes 1943, pp. 97–98). Later, woodblock prints that circulated in China (Figure 8c) were directly copied from this Japanese print by the artist Ding Yunpeng 丁雲鵬, transitioning the technique from copperplate to woodblock. These prints are notably included in the compilation known as the “Chengshi Moyuan” 《程氏墨苑》5 (H.-h. Chen 2019, p. 329). In both the original mural and its replicas, the depiction of the Virgin Mary in the Virgen de la Antigua is consistently portrayed as standing, centrally placed within the composition to underscore her importance, while she holds a rose and is encircled by three angels above (Hernández 2008, p. 43). Consequently, when evaluating the composition, figure posture, gestures, and background, it becomes evident that the Virgen de la Antigua could not have served as the prototype for the Guanyin/Madonna and Child.

The Hodegetria (Figure 9), often known as the “Madonna of Luke”, is traditionally believed to have been revealed to Saint Luke, who is credited with its initial rendering (Hall 1983, p. 95). It is one of the oldest and most widely diffused representations of the Virgin, following strict iconographic conventions: the faces of the Virgin and Child remain apart, their halos intersect to indicate unity, and Mary’s gesture points to Jesus as the “way of truth and salvation”. This gesture also gives rise to its alternative title, “Our Lady of the Way” (Réau 1921, p. 151). In the Guanyin/Madonna and Child, while Mary’s pointing gesture resembles that of the Hodegetria, Jesus’s depiction diverges from the traditional form, which portrays him holding a scroll in his left hand and praying with his right. Furthermore, Hodegetria iconography typically emphasizes Jesus as the central figure, with Mary’s hand guiding viewers to him, symbolizing her role in directing souls to her divine Son (Belán 2018, p. 48). This composition underscores Jesus as “Christ Pantocrator”, rooted in Eastern Orthodox and Eastern Catholic theology. Thus, it seems unlikely that the Hodegetria served as the prototype for this piece, suggesting a need to explore other potential prototypes.

The Maestà (Figure 10), also known as the Enthroned Madonna with Child, refers to the portrayal of the Virgin Mary in regal attire, often titled “Maria Regina” (Lawrence 1925, pp. 150–61). Commonly presented as wall paintings or wooden altarpieces, the Maestà became a dominant style for depicting the Virgin during the late Middle Ages. Its influence spread widely across Europe, reaching its peak in the late 13th century and continuing through the 14th century (Osborne 1981, pp. 299–310). The Italian term “Maestà”, meaning “majesty”, underscores Mary’s central role in these compositions, where she is enthroned with the infant Jesus and often surrounded by angels or saints. This arrangement symbolizes Mary’s status as Jesus’ mother, sharing in his divine majesty as she sits upon a celestial throne. Essential elements in Maestà depictions are the Virgin’s throne and the surrounding figures of angels or saints, collectively signifying her royal dominion on Earth. The throne thus represents not only her role as spiritual mother but also as the “Mother Church” of the people, affirming her as an object of veneration in both heavenly and earthly spheres (Boss 2007, pp. 284–90; Belán 2018, p. 48). In contrast, the Guanyin/Madonna and Child depicts the Virgin seated alone on a rock, holding Jesus, a detail that lacks the associations of “royalty and sovereignty”, “intercessory power”, and “maternal authority” typically conveyed by the throne in Maestà representations across Eastern and Western traditions. This distinction suggests that the Maestà was unlikely to have served as the prototype for this artwork, indicating that the painting’s origins may lie elsewhere and merit further scholarly investigation.

This paper posited that the primary prototype for the artwork in question is indeed the Madonna of Humility (Figure 11). This portrayal of the Virgin Mary with the infant Jesus depicts her seated on the ground or upon a modest cushion. The earliest recorded instance is attributed to Simone Martini during his time in Avignon (Williamson 2009, p. 115). The Madonna of Humility includes variations such as Mary with clasped hands in prayer, Mary holding Jesus in her arms or on her lap, and Mary nursing Jesus while seated on the ground, all of which emphasize her nurturing role. Following the Black Death in 1348, humanized portrayals of the Virgin increased, gradually eclipsing the more formal Maestà style (Meiss 1951, pp. 122–23). Thus, from the late Middle Ages into the early Renaissance, the Madonna of Humility became a dominant motif in European art, contrasting with the grandeur of other Virgin depictions like the Maestà. This style highlights Mary’s approachable qualities over her divine or regal attributes, making her more relatable to viewers. The following sections contrasted the defining features of the Madonna of Humility with those of the Guanyin/Madonna and Child painting, particularly focusing on their shared motifs:

• Posture of Humility: The Madonna of Humility typically portrays Mary seated on the unpretentious ground, eschewing the opulence of a throne or pedestal, thereby evoking an aura of modesty and simplicity. As Panofsky elucidated, the term “humility” is etymologically rooted in the Latin “humus”, denoting land, soil, or a humble abode (Panofsky 1953, p. 248). In the painting in question, Mary’s posture on a rock, an earthly element, similarly encapsulates the essence of humility.
• Intimate Relationship with the Infant: Within the Madonna of Humility, the infant Jesus is often portrayed in Mary’s lap or cradled in her arms, underscoring her nurturing maternal role and the intimate nexus between mother and child.
• Simplicity of Background: These artistic renditions frequently feature minimalist or entirely absent backgrounds, harmonizing with the overarching theme of Madonna of Humility. Such spartan backdrops serve to intensify the visual prominence of Mary and the infant.
• Symbolic Elements: Common symbols in the Madonna of Humility include the Bible, Sacred Heart, roses, and other religious emblems, accentuating Mary’s spiritual significance. The prominent dove in this artwork further underscores this dimension.
• Viewer’s Perspective: Mary’s gaze in the Madonna of Humility often meets the viewer’s directly, inviting reflection and spiritual engagement.
• Size and Scale: Unlike larger Virgin depictions, the Madonna of Humility is often created on a smaller scale, making it suitable for personal or familial prayer.
• Emotional Expression: Mary’s expression in the Madonna of Humility is generally restrained and serene, radiating tranquility and humility.

The 1342 Katerina Vilioni6 tombstone, discovered in Yangzhou, supports the early diffusion of the Madonna of Humility in China, featuring the Yangzhou shengmu 揚州聖母 (Yangzhou Madonna) (Figure 12) as the earliest known depiction of the Virgin Mary in the country. Scholars Lauren Arnold and Jeremy Clarke agreed that this image is derived from the Madonna of Humility, introduced to China during the Yuan Dynasty through Franciscan missionary efforts (Arnold 1999, pp. 134, 140; Clarke 2013, p. 25). Krisztina Ilko, in her analysis of the tombstone, highlighted the striking similarities between the Virgin Mary and the Child-Giving Guanyin. The Chinese-style stool beneath the Virgin and the attire of the figures in the scene of St. Catherine’s martyrdom reflect typical Chinese cultural elements, illustrating the cross-cultural interactions between East and West (Ilko 2024, p. 24). However, this study argued that, unlike the Guanyin/Madonna and Child, the tombstone does not exhibit clear Buddhist elements and, therefore, cannot be seen as an earlier instance of the fusion of Christian and Buddhist iconography. The conflation of the Virgin Mary and Guanyin in iconography did not emerge until the late Ming Dynasty, closely associated with Jesuit missionary activities in East Asia.

4. Faith’s Synthesis or Subterfuge? An Exploration of the Genesis of This Painting

The perceived conflation of Guanyin and the Virgin Mary is primarily attributed to their visual similarities. J.D. Spence suggested that the Virgin Mary, depicted with lifelike beauty and aesthetic appeal, was well received in China due to her alignment with local artistic preferences. For instance, Emperor Wanli’s reaction upon seeing an image of the Virgin Mary—describing her as a “living Bodhisattva”—underscores this affinity. This response likely stemmed from the notable visual parallels between the Virgin Mary and the Buddhist figure Guanyin, especially in depictions of Mary with the Christ Child, which closely resemble portrayals of the Child-Giving Guanyin. Historical accounts further indicated that early Jesuit missionaries, upon encountering Guanyin images, mistakenly identified them as representations of the Virgin Mary (Spence 1985, p. 250). Such visual resemblances laid the foundation for the eventual merging of Guanyin and the Virgin Mary in Chinese religious and cultural contexts.

4.1. Hypotheses on Jesuit Missionary Strategy

Throughout the Ming and Qing dynasties, Jesuit missionaries in China adopted a sophisticated strategy to promote the acceptance and dissemination of Christianity within Chinese culture and society. Under the leadership of figures such as Matteo Ricci, these missionaries emphasized cultural assimilation by mastering the Chinese language, engaging in traditional rituals, and aligning with Confucian philosophy and local customs (Bashir 2013, p 93; Sun 2008, pp. 77–78). This approach, designed to indigenize Catholicism, mitigated cultural discord and successfully garnered a broader following for Christianity (Fang 1962, p. 168). Thus, it is plausible that the amalgamation of the Virgin Mary and Guanyin in the Guanyin/Madonna and Child could be attributed to the Jesuits’ missionary tactics.

As recorded in “China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journals of Matteo Ricci”, an account details an incident involving Ricci’s successor, Giulio Aleni (龍華民 Long Huamin), during his mission in Shaozhou, Guangdong. Aleni was approached by a follower who, despite discarding household idols, expressed a desire to retain a Guanyin statue for his pregnant wife to pray to for a safe childbirth. Aleni seized this opportunity to inform the follower that the Virgin Mary, who gave birth to Jesus without suffering, was a more fitting object of veneration. He proposed substituting the Guanyin statue with an image of the Virgin Mary, a suggestion the follower accepted, and his wife subsequently experienced a painless delivery (Ricci 1942, chap. II). Interestingly, in the Catholic tradition, St. Margaret of Antioch, not the Virgin Mary, was the patron saint of childbirth and midwives during the European Middle Ages, known for her protection of pregnant women and her victory over a dragon (De Voragine et al. 2012, pp. 368–70). Considering Giulio Aleni, a European-born missionary, would have been well-acquainted with the distinction between the Virgin Mary and St. Margaret, it is plausible that Jesuit missionaries, including Aleni, strategically presented the Virgin Mary as a figure capable of addressing local needs, such as ensuring safe childbirth, to resonate with Chinese devotees, which overlap with the traditional role of the Child-Giving Guanyin.

The practice of emulating Chinese literati signatures in religious art is not unique. In 1910, Berthold Laufer (1874–1934) obtained a folding album in Xi’an (Laufer 1910, pp. 100–18), which contained six religious paintings illustrating scenes from the life of Jesus (Figure 13). These pieces, exhibiting distinct European illustrative influences, were clearly crafted by a Chinese artist. In the bottom left corner of one painting, despite the blurred seal details, the inscription “Xuan Zai Bi Yi” (玄宰筆意) remained discernible—a signature frequently used by the eminent Ming Dynasty artist Dong Qichang.7 However, Xiao Jie contended that the actual artist was not Dong Qichang but likely a Christian missionary or a Chinese Christian artist. She proposed that by the seventeenth century, “Dong Qichang had become a symbol of literati aesthetics”, and that missionaries might have used his signature to resonate with the literati class (Xiao 2024, pp. 9–10). Similarly, in the Guanyin/Madonna and Child, the replication of Tang Yin’s signature likely served the same purpose: leveraging Tang Yin’s widespread reputation to facilitate the acceptance of the Virgin Mary’s image within Chinese society. Considering that Tang Yin was a devout Buddhist and Dong Qichang was renowned for his profound understanding of Buddhist Zen philosophy (Wang 1987, pp. 49–50), the Jesuits’ missionary tactics, while aimed at cultural accommodation, may have inadvertently exacerbated the conflation of the figures of the Virgin Mary and Guanyin in the minds of the populace.

It is undeniable that since its introduction to China, Catholicism has faced ongoing challenges from Buddhism, and the Jesuits adhered to the principle of “Yifo Buru” (易佛補儒), which implies replacing Buddhism and addressing the perceived shortcomings of Confucianism (J. Zhang 2021, pp. 57–58). The late Ming scholar and Catholic convert, Yang Tingyun (楊廷筠) (1557–1627), in his apologetic works ”Daiyi Pian”《代疑篇》8 “Tianshi Mingbian”《天釋明辨》9, also sought to clarify misconceptions about the Virgin Mary, making a clear distinction between her and Guanyin (H.-h. Chen 2018, pp. 65–66; B. Zhang 2016, pp. 59–61). However, in their efforts to appeal to China’s elite, the Jesuits’ missionary strategies unintentionally contributed to the conflation of Buddhist and Catholic elements. While the Jesuits recognized this confusion, their attempts to correct it were neither forceful nor consistent; as long as the conflation did not lead to “dangerous idolatry”, they tolerated this “amicable” misunderstanding (Song 2008, pp. 105–107). And these strategies also sparked contentious debates both within the Catholic Church and among external observers, ultimately leading to significant shifts in governmental policies regarding Catholicism.

4.2. The Impact of Government Policies on Catholicism

The depiction of the Virgin Mary in the guise of Guanyin was also present during Japan’s era of religious proscription. It is widely acknowledged that Christianity began spreading in Japan several years before the Jesuits arrived in China, with significant conversions occurring in regions such as Kyushu. However, in 1587, Toyotomi Hideyoshi issued the Bateren Edict (バテレン追放令), expelling missionaries and prohibiting religious activities. Under the rule of Hideyoshi and the subsequent Tokugawa shogunate, Catholicism faced severe repression, its followers endured persecution, and remaining Christians were forced to renounce their faith publicly. Despite this, many continued practicing Christianity in secret, forming a group now known as the “hidden Christians” (隠れキリシタン) (Oberg 2021, pp. 214–38). To avoid detection, these Christians blended their faith with local Buddhist practices, resulting in a unique cultural synthesis. For instance, they used statues resembling the Virgin Mary and Jesus, termed “Maria Kannon” (マリア観音) (Figure 14), as proxies for Marian images (Schumacher 2016). These sculptures often retained traditional Guanyin features while discreetly incorporating Christian symbols, such as concealed crosses.

An intriguing hypothesis is that, amidst the prohibition of Catholicism in China, certain covert Chinese Christians may have merged their veneration of Marian imagery with Buddhist Guanyin iconography, potentially influencing artworks like the Guanyin/Madonna and Child. The British Museum records the painting as dating from the 18th to 19th centuries, a period coinciding with the Chinese Rites controversy (禮儀之爭), a significant episode of religious suppression. During Emperor Kangxi’s reign, the newly arrived Dominicans and Franciscans opposed the traditional Chinese practices of ancestor worship, Confucius veneration, and other rites that Jesuit missionaries had permitted since the late Ming Dynasty, thus igniting the controversy (Launay and Moussay 2008, pp. 77–83). In response, the Qing court prohibited Catholicism in 1720, and by the start of Emperor Yongzheng’s reign, strict enforcement began. Yongzheng ordered the expulsion of all missionaries, except those in the capital, to Macau. Numerous churches were destroyed or repurposed, and edicts were issued forbidding the practice of Catholicism (Marinescu 2008, p. 265). Under Emperor Qianlong, the suppression of Catholicism intensified, nearly eliminating missionary activity. The ban was not lifted until the Opium War in 1842. This article speculated that the painting in question likely emerged during the period of the Rites Controversy.

A pertinent case in point is the Zhongguofeng Shengmuzi Tu in the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago (Figure 7b). The artwork garnered significant scholarly attention due to its portrayal of the Virgin Mary, who bears a striking resemblance to the white-robed Guanyin. It also incorporates indigenous Chinese elements and applies traditional Chinese painting techniques (D’Elia 1954, pp. 301–11; De Caro 2021, pp. 148–165). Moreover, the signature, attributed to Tang Yin, is believed to be a forgery (Laufer 1912, pp. 1–6). Zhang Beibei conducted an in-depth analysis of the various archetypes of the Salus Populi Romani, positing that the artwork in question was most likely crafted between 1596 and 1644 (B. Zhang 2016, pp. 51–59). This timeframe is intriguingly coincident with the Nanjing Church Incident (南京教案).10 In contrast, Chen Hui-Hung posits that the painting may have been created during the Yongzheng era, a period marked by the prohibition of Catholicism amidst the Rites Controversy (H.-h. Chen 2017, p. 58). Although the precise dating of the painting awaits further scholarly scrutiny, both Zhang and Chen concur in their speculation that the forgery of Tang Yin’s signature within the artwork may have been a strategic maneuver to safeguard both the piece and its actual artist, particularly considering Tang Yin’s known affiliations with Buddhism.

It is plausible that, during the Chinese Rites controversy, some Chinese Christians outwardly renounced their faith while secretly adhering to Catholic beliefs. The Guanyin/Madonna and Child painting may have been created during this period by a covert Christian, using the ambiguity between Madonna and Guanyin as a means of worship under prohibition. To protect the painting, the artist may have intentionally forged a signature resembling that of Tang Yin. Additionally, executed as a portable paper scroll, the artwork allowed its creator or owner to secretly preserve and transmit it during the period of religious suppression. It was only after the lifting of the ban on Catholicism in the late 19th or early 20th century that the painting reappeared.

5. Conclusions

Gauvin Alexander Bailey observed that the Renaissance and Baroque art and architecture introduced by Jesuit missionaries in Asia and Latin America frequently conflicted with local cultures, leading to intricate transformations that fostered both accommodation and assimilation (Bailey 2000, pp. 38–89). This phenomenon is illustrated in the Guanyin/Madonna and Child painting in the British Museum, which likely drew on the Madonna of Humility as its prototype while incorporating elements of the Buddhist deity Guanyin. Such integration reveals the artist’s intention, as a Chinese Catholic, to connect the symbolic dimensions of these two religious figures. This painting exemplifies two primary facets of the localization of the Madonna and Child imagery in China: first, Jesuit missionaries, aiming to enhance the acceptance of Catholicism in China, sought to integrate the Virgin Mary with local culture but inadvertently led to the conflation of Buddhism and Catholicism; second, in response to governmental restrictions on Christianity, some covert Christians may have deliberately combined Christian and Buddhist elements in their art as a protective measure. This conflation reflects not only a manifestation of visual similarity but also the complex interaction between religion and culture in a specific historical context.

As analyzed, the Guanyin/Madonna and Child painting is a significant reflection of Sino-Western artistic exchange, exemplifying the reciprocal influences and borrowing that occurs between different cultures in artistic creation. The fusion of Guanyin and the Virgin Mary, in turn, specifically reflects missionary strategies and survival tactics under religious persecution of Catholicism amidst the Rites Controversy in 18th and 19th century China. Future research may delve deeper into the background of the artwork, the trajectory of Chinese Christians’ acquisition of Western artistic techniques, Sino-Western artistic exchanges in the post-Qing era, and the interplay between religious art and local social culture.