Turbat al-Ḥusayn: Modern Presentation of an Early Shīʿī Practice

Abstract

This article explores the historical and contemporary evolution of turbat al-ḥusayn, the sacred soil of Karbala, as a central element in shaping Shīʿī identity and ritual practices. From the early Islamic centuries, turbat al-ḥusayn has served not only as a symbol of healing and blessing but also as a key component of Shīʿī collective memory. The paper examines the development of turbat rituals across three significant periods: pre-Safavid, post-Safavid, and post-revolutionary Iran. During the pre-Safavid period, including the medieval Islamic centuries, the sanctification of turbat evolved through the efforts of Shīʿī Imams such as al-Bāqir and al-Ṣādiq, who integrated it into the theological framework of wilāyah (guardianship) and Shīʿī ritual practices. This period also witnessed the gradual codification of its ritualistic and medicinal uses in foundational Shīʿī texts. During the Safavid era, turbat became institutionalized as a marker of Shīʿī identity, with its economic significance expanding through the production of prayer tablets and rosaries. Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran, turbat was reinterpreted as a symbol of martyrdom and resistance, aligning with revolutionary ideologies and narratives that paralleled the sacrifices of Karbala with contemporary struggles. The COVID-19 pandemic introduced new dimensions to turbat’s role, with its promotion as a medicinal remedy by religious figures, despite lacking historical precedent in traditional Shīʿī teachings. These developments illustrate how turbat al-ḥusayn continues to be dynamically recontextualized in response to modern challenges. The study concludes that turbat al-ḥusayn transcends its ritualistic and spiritual origins, serving as a flexible and enduring symbol of Shīʿī identity. Its evolving interpretations underscore the interplay between tradition and modernity, highlighting its ongoing relevance in both devotional life and socio-political discourse.

1. Introduction

The martyrdom of al-Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī, the third Imam of Shīʿa, in Karbala, is one of the most significant incidents of the early period of Shīʿīsm (see Sachedina 1995, par. 2–3; Kohlberg 1975, p. 396; Hodgson 1955, p. 1). This tragic event not only shaped the trajectory of Shīʿī thought but also fostered the development of distinct rituals and symbols that continue to define Shīʿī identity to this day. Among these, turbat al-ḥusayn, the sacred soil of Karbala, holds a unique place. Revered as a medium of spiritual blessings and healing, turbat has become an enduring element of Shīʿī devotional practices, associated with both historical memory and contemporary Shīʿī spirituality. Pilgrims often take the soil back to their homelands, using it as a symbol of connection to Karbala and a tangible representation of their faith (Meri 1999, pp. 51–52).

Numerous scholars have explored the spiritual and medicinal qualities attributed to turbat al-ḥusayn, as well as its incorporation into Shīʿī rituals. Mehreen Jiwan (2019) argues that the scent of the soil itself has contributed to constructing a collective memory centered on the martyrdom of al-Ḥusayn, immortalizing his loss and amplifying the emotional and spiritual connection among the faithful (Jiwan 2019, p. 95).1 Historical accounts indicate that the sacredness of turbat began to emerge in the second Islamic century, gaining systematic importance as part of Shīʿī identity during the Buyid era. These accounts also emphasize the therapeutic features of turbat, as documented in supplications, visitations, and amulets, particularly in works from the Islamic Middle Ages (fifth to tenth Islamic centuries).2

Beyond its ritualistic and spiritual roles, turbat al-ḥusayn also serves as a lens through which one can study the broader evolution of Shīʿī identity (see Gerami and Syed 2024, pp. 275–78). The gradual integration of turbat into communal life reflects the Shīʿī struggle to establish distinct religious practices during periods of political and social marginalization. This historical process, marked by the efforts of Imams such as al-Bāqir and al-Ṣādiq to connect the sanctity of turbat with Shīʿī theology, ultimately helped shape Shīʿīsm into a cohesive religious tradition.

Despite this extensive history, the role of turbat al-ḥusayn in contemporary contexts remains underexplored. Previous research has predominantly focused on its theological and ritualistic dimensions, often neglecting how turbat intersects with modern concerns, including health, politics, and identity in post-revolutionary Iran. For instance, while the post-Safavid period witnessed the commodification of turbat in the form of rosaries and clay tablets, the post-revolutionary era saw its reconfiguration as a symbol of political and ideological discourse. These shifts are further compounded by recent developments, such as the use of turbat as a purported medicinal capsule during the COVID-19 pandemic.3

The significance of turbat al-ḥusayn is not merely confined to its historical or ritualistic aspects; it also reveals the dynamic interplay between tradition and modernity in Shīʿī practices. The politicization of turbat in Iran, particularly after the 1979 revolution, illustrates how sacred objects can be appropriated to serve ideological agendas. Furthermore, the global circulation of turbat, facilitated by modern transportation and media, highlights its evolving role as a marker of transnational Shīʿī identity.

This study seeks to address these gaps by combining historical analysis with an investigation of modern adaptations of turbat al-ḥusayn. By examining the origin and development of turbat rituals, with a particular focus on the post-Safavid and post-revolutionary eras, this research aims to elucidate how turbat has been recontextualized to meet contemporary challenges. It explores the role of turbat in fostering Shīʿī communal identity, its therapeutic and spiritual dimensions, and its integration into broader socio-political narratives.

2. A Brief History of Turbat Discourse Before the Safavids

Previous studies on turbat al-ḥusayn have described it as an object of veneration by the Twelver Shīʿa; the lack of clarity on its initial introduction to the Shīʿī community may have led readers to believe that this practice was developed at the same time with the battle of Karbala. The lack of attention in prior works to the historical role of the fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth Imams—al-Bāqir (d. 114/732), al-Ṣādiq (d. 148/765), al-Kāẓim (d. 183/799), and al-Riḍā (d. 202/818)—in situating the concept of turbat within Shīʿī identity may lead to a misperception. Specifically, it might suggest that the communal significance of turbat emerged much earlier, immediately following the martyrdom of Imam Ḥusayn, rather than being shaped and articulated during the periods of these Imams.

A holistic analysis of the reports concerning the soil of al-Ḥusayn, through a historical lens, shows that this discourse contributed to the formation of Shīʿī collective identity as a religious minority, particularly during the presence of the Shīʿī imams, and due to their efforts to link the veneration of turbat to the essence of Shīʿīsm. The study of the existing reports shows the formation and development of turbat rituals between the second and third centuries, and the chronological interpretation of the reports indicate that the soil was not understood as the prevailing feature of Shīʿīsm in the early second century; instead, any reference to its sanctity should be interpreted as a by-product of a historical process (see Gerami and Syed 2024, pp. 279–81).

The debate regarding turbat developed during the second Islamic century as a major Shīʿī ritual of tabarruk (blessing). The soil was initially introduced by al-Bāqir as an object of oral consumption and tabarruk, to cure ailments. By the mid-second Islamic century, contemporaneous to al-Ṣādiq, the soil had become part of Shīʿī rituals performed during birth and funerary ceremonies. In addition to the expansion of related discourse, there were also attempts to address skepticism regarding the soil’s effects and delineate the limits of ḥāʾir (sanctuary) from where the soil could be taken. In the second half of the second century, this discourse grew and further solidified. The Shīʿī spiritual authorities, the Imams, began introducing the belief as one of the conditions to be Shīʿī, and the effects of consuming the soil were predicated on accepting the doctrine of wilāyah (see Gerami and Syed 2024, pp. 282–84).

Starting from the third Islamic century, discussions surrounding the sanctity of the soil continued to grow steadily, as evidenced by numerous Twelver Shīʿī texts. The fourth century was particularly significant due to the compilation of the earliest comprehensive collections of narrations on this topic. Ibn Qūlawayh al-Qumī (d. 367/977) authored Kāmil al-Ziyārāt, a foundational Imāmī work focused on the pilgrimage to the graves of Shīʿī Imams, with a substantial portion devoted to the visitation of al-Ḥusayn and the soil from his grave. Similarly, during this period, the renowned hadith compiler Muḥammad b. Yaʿqūb al-Kulaynī (d. 329/941) completed his monumental work al-Kāfī, which includes several narrations about the soil of al-Ḥusayn (al-Kulaynī 1407, vol. 4, p. 588), predating Ibn Qūlawayh’s compilation.

Throughout this era, such references were predominantly found in works devoted to supplications, pilgrimage rituals, and amulets. In the fifth Islamic century, Abū Jaʿfar Muḥammad b. Ḥasan al-Ṭūsī (d. 460/1067) dedicated an entire chapter in Miṣbāḥ al-Mutahajjid wa Silāḥ al-Mutaʿabbid to the ḥāʾir and its sacred soil (al-Ṭūsī 1411, vol. 2, p. 731). He also discussed related traditions in al-Amālī (al-Ṭūsī 1414, pp. 319–20). Thus, from the fifth to the tenth Islamic centuries, references to the soil consistently appeared in Twelver Shīʿī literature, demonstrating the enduring significance of this discourse (see Gerami and Syed 2024, pp. 284–85).

If we consider the primary role of turbat in the early and Islamic middle centuries to be healing and blessing, it appears that what separates the Islamic Middle Ages from the earlier ones is the rise of sectarian and disputed dimensions about these rites. Although sectarianism appears to be primarily concerned with ideas, sectarianism between the Shīʿītes and non-Shīʿītes in that era, particularly in the early Islamic Middle Ages, increased to the point where it spread to the sphere of rituals. Turbat’s medicinal reputation among the Shīʿītes extended beyond their community, as illustrated in a narrative recorded by al-Ṭūsī. According to this account, a Shīʿī elderly woman offered turbat to a young Sunni man as a remedy for his illness. After experiencing recovery, the Sunni man was informed that the treatment involved consuming turbat. However, upon learning this, he strongly criticized the practice, reflecting sectarian sensitivities surrounding such rituals (see al-Ṭūsī 1414, pp. 319–21).

A significant development during this period was the emergence of jurisprudential debate and issuing of turbat-related Fatwas. During this period, the development of jurisprudential discourse should be viewed as a reaction to the significance of turbat ritual practices in the Shīʿī communities. Jurisprudential debates on turbat in this period were not just related to healing issues, but also to the other advantages of turbat. Turbat’s jurisprudential discourse has been enriched by significant Shīʿī scholars such as al-ʿAllama al-Ḥillī (d. 726/1325), al-Muhaqqiq al-Ḥillī (d. 676/1277), and al-Shahīd al-Awwal (d. 786/1385). Their discussions span multiple dimensions, including the permissibility of consuming a small amount of turbat for healing, the sanctity of its origin, and its ritualistic applications.

For instance, al-Shahīd al-Awwal highlights that consuming turbat from Imam Ḥusayn’s grave is permissible strictly for therapeutic purposes, provided the quantity does not exceed the size of a chickpea (ḥimṣa) (al-ʿĀmilī 1410, p. 237). This principle is echoed by other scholars, such as al-Muhaqqiq al-Ḥillī, who emphasize the therapeutic exclusivity of this practice (al-Muḥaqqiq al-Ḥillī 1418, vol. 2, p. 253).

Moreover, jurisprudential discussions also address the preparation and respectful handling of turbat. Al-Shahīd al-Awwal mentions that cooking turbat to prevent it from crumbling is permissible, though it is preferable to leave it in its natural state (al-ʿĀmilī 1417, vol. 2, pp. 25–26). Al-ʿAllama al-Ḥillī addresses its use in burial practices, recommending its placement under the deceased’s cheek or within the grave to invoke blessings and ensure divine protection (al-Ḥillī 1413, vol. 8, p. 352).

In addition to therapeutic applications, the ritualistic use of turbat is deeply embedded in Shīʿī practices. It is recommended to use turbat mixed with Euphrates water for the taḥnīk of newborns (ritual of placing a sweet substance in the mouth) and to perform prostration (sujūd) on it, as these acts are seen as highly meritorious (al-ʿĀmilī 1410, p. 188). Al-Muhaqqiq al-Ḥillī further elaborates on the sanctity of turbat, stating that soil taken from areas closer to Imam Ḥusayn’s grave holds greater spiritual significance (al-Muḥaqqiq al-Ḥillī 1418, vol. 2, p. 253).

The debate regarding the use and sanctity of turbat also extends to its broader theological implications. Scholars discuss its role as a medium for invoking divine mercy and as a means of connecting the Shīʿī community with the sacrifices of Karbala. For example, al-Shahīd al-Awwal narrates an incident where soil from Imam Ḥusayn’s grave was placed in the coffin of a sinful woman to shield her from divine punishment (al-ʿĀmilī 1419, vol. 2, pp. 21–22).

3. Development of Turbat Rituals in the Post-Safavid Era

A relatively different trend emerged in the later centuries, beginning with the Safavid period and ending with the present era. Turbat rites have become more common and adapted with the new concerns and issues of the Shīʿī community.

Turbat discourse has been more significant in the Shīʿīte jurisprudential literature and debates in recent centuries, particularly from the 13th century. During this time, the jurists re-examined and commented on everything written in earlier works on turbat. For example, issues like whether the soil of Karbala is exactly turbat al-ḥusayn, which is primarily for healing, were raised once more. It was also questioned about the shrine’s dust, whether it affects as turbat or not. Also, fatwas regarding eating the grave soils of other Imams for healing were issued.4

Along with jurisprudential debates, the ritualistic aspects have progressed toward maximal evolution. Ordinary people and Imāmī scholars have publicly or privately transmitted the news of their healing by turbat. According to a report by al-Sayyid Niʿmatullāh al-Jazāyʾirī (d. 1112/1700), he consumed turbat for his eye pain during his journey to ʿAtabāt (the holy Shīʿī shrines in Iraq), and the discomfort was healed (Rāh-Tūsh-e ʿAtabāt-ʿĀliyāt 1388, p. 313).

A report, quoted by Ayatullah al-Arākī’s (d. 1415/1994) son, indicates that his neighbor was suffering from a severe illness and had lost his memory; on his father’s advice, an amount of turbat was mixed with some boiling water and given to the patient, after which the patient recovered (Ṣadrāʾī Khūʾī 1382, vol. 1, p. 14).

A separate report indicates that al-Shaykh Aḥmad al-Shāhrūdī (d. 1350/1931), a fourteenth-century Shīʿī scholar, was treated for disability by consuming a mixture of turbat and rainwater of the month of Nīsān (Jawāhir Kalām 1382, vol. 1, p. 358). An additional account of Mīrzā Ḥasan al-Iṣfahānī (d. 1316/1899) indicates a medicinal usage of turbat. Mīrzā Rizā, one of his traveling companions and friends, has a high fever and has been recovered by turbat (Mūsawī Isfahānī 1392, p. 185).

Also, according to ʿAbbās Qumi’s (d. 1359/1941) report on the well attributed to Imam al-Mahdī, the twelfth hidden, at Samarra, the Shīʿītes, in addition to sanctifying it, mixed it with turbat and sought healing from it (Shenākht Nāma-ye Muḥaddith Qummī 1389, p. 135). There are additional instances, such as those told by Mīrzā Ḥusayn al-Nūrī (d. 1320/1902) about his brother, in which the respect and holiness of turbat have risen to the level of respect for the Qurʾan.5

In addition, turbat was one of the themes associated with the stories of the encounters with the twelfth/hidden Imam in the occultation period. Shahāb al-Din al-Marʿashī al-Najafī (d. 1411/1990), a well-known contemporary Shīʿī religious scholar, for example, alluded to the twelfth Imam’s comments on turbat in his encounter with him (Rāh-Tūsh-e ʿAtabāt-ʿĀliyāt 1388, p. 313). In addition, the famous stories that turbat turns bloody on Ashura started to be circulated among the Shīʿītes from this time onward (Dastgheib 1389, vol. 1, p. 100).

A major shift in the post-Safavid period was the adaptation of turbat functions to modern and pre-modern developments. Before this era, these new adaptations were generally unheard of. That is, they are shaped under the conditions of pre-modern/modern concerns and issues in the Islamic world.

For example, it is said that if ʿAbbās Qumi’s watch fell asleep, he would wake it up by rubbing the turbat on it (Dihqān 1393, vol. 1, p. 194). There are also claims that certain Imāmī scholars stopped the flood and changed the river’s direction by burying turbat surrounding it (Jawāhir Kalām 1382, vol. 2, pp. 1206–7).6 In other accounts from this period, it is reported that someone dropped an amount of turbat into the sea to quiet it down, and to keep the ship from a storm.7 It is also reported in other accounts that Muḥḥammad Bāqir al-Majlisī (d. 1111/1699), for example, used turbat as ink to write on his shroud.8 Some other Imāmī scholars have taken the soil from the shrine as their final provision and nourishment before departing from this world.9

An important aspect associated with turbat in the post-Safavid age was the appearance of economic dimensions for this sacred material. The use of turbat as a clay tablet and rosary was not the main advantage of it in the pre-Safavid era. However, in the post-Safavid period, the spiritual functions of turbat became broader, and its use as a clay tablet and rosary became the most prevalent application of turbat. So, it seems that the growth of dealing with turbat as a commercial product was due to the development of rosary and clay tablet cultures during this time. The production and selling of rosaries and clay tablets in Shīʿī pilgrimage sites have grown to a business level, which was previously unheard of. According to some scholars, the making of rosaries and clay tablets of prostration was one of the professions of respected and sādāt (the descendants of the Prophet) families. It is reported that in Baghdad, one of such families paid a sum of money to the governor of Baghdad to continue having this honor (Muḥaddithī 1376, p. 440).

The development of such industries during this period was driven by the expansion and dominance of ritual culture, particularly in the production of prayer tablets and rosaries. Prior to these later centuries, the therapeutic and worldly benefits of turbat held greater significance for Shīʿa communities, while its use as prayer tablets or rosaries was secondary. However, in the post-Safavid era, alongside the emergence of modern functions, the spiritual dimensions of turbat also expanded. Consequently, its primary function shifted to serving as prayer tablets and rosaries, becoming its most widespread application (see Ḥusaynī Ṭihrānī 1433, vol. 2, pp. 334–36).

Concurrent with the production and sale of turbat rosaries and clay tablets, an inclination formed in the Shīʿī community to consider the sinfulness of such a deal. For example, it was related that Imam al-Ḥusayn, in a dream forbid, one of the Shīʿī shopkeepers from selling turabt. According to this story, the Imam warned him, saying if turbat is not for me, why are you selling it in my name, and if it is for me, I want it to be freely available to the public (Riḍāʾī-Nasab 1396, pp. 203–5).

4. Turbat Rituals in the Post-Revolutionary Iran

After the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979, Shīʿī ideas were once again pushed to the arena of political power, and the Twelver Shīʿī rituals and beliefs became the heart of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s ideological theory. The rites associated with Karbala were not unlucky in this transition, as they underwent new developments and interpretations.

The propagation of blessings to turbat at religious meetings and public gatherings appears to be spiritually and ritualistically unusual in this age. In one report, Muḥammad ʿAlī Muwaḥidī Kirmānī revealed in an interview that he was treating his heart illness by consuming turbat; in this case, the news has shifted from an interpersonal to a public and media form (Ayāzī and Pūyā 1395, p. 386).

Turbat, in particular, as a ritualistic and spiritual subject, engaged with the political Shīʿī debates. Murtaḍā Muṭahharī (d. 1399/1979), a contemporary thinker and intellectual during the Iranian Islamic revolution, attempted to present a new explanation of the soil of the martyr and its relationship with turbat al-ḥusayn. With this intelligent and detailed explanation, he elevated the holiness of the Iranian revolution’s martyrs to the level of the sanctity of Imam al-Ḥusayn and his battle in Karbala. He says:

“The soil of a martyr is sacred, and the grave of a martyr is revered. To count one’s invocations and supplications, a person needs a rosary—what difference does it make whether the beads are made of stone, wood, or soil? While one may use soil from anywhere, we use soil from the martyr’s burial site as a form of respect for the martyr and martyrdom—a recognition of the sanctity of martyrdom. After the martyrdom of Imam Ḥusayn (peace be upon him), if anyone seeks to be blessed by the soil of a martyr, they take it from the soil of Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī.

When we perform prayer, we do not deem prostration on carpets or any edible or wearable materials permissible, so we carry soil or a stone with us. However, our leaders have taught us that if one must prostrate on soil, it is better for that soil to come from the burial site of martyrs. Worshiping God is valid with prostration on any soil, but if you place your head on soil that has even a slight connection, proximity, or association with a martyr—soil that carries the scent of martyrdom—your reward and merit will be multiplied a hundredfold”.

(Muṭahharī 1376, pp. 474–75)

Several well-known speakers published books and created theories on the link between Imam al-Ḥusayn’s revolution and Ruhollah Khomeini’s (d. 1409/1989) revolution. Ismaʿīl Manṣūrī Lārījānī, for example, directly illustrated such a link between the aspects of the myth of Imam al-Ḥusayn and what happened during the Iranian revolution. He says:

“Salutations to the great Prophet of Islam, peace be upon him and his family, who taught us how to live, and salutations to his courageous son Ḥusayn, peace be upon him, who taught us how to die. A person can only claim to embody the spirit of Ḥusayn when they destroy the tyrant of their time or when their body is crushed under the wheels of tanks …

When my body rests on your shoulders, if you look with the eyes of your heart, you will see that my gaze is fixed on Karbala.

Mother! The soil you placed in your son’s mouth—what sacred land was it from? Was it not the pure soil of Ḥusayn, peace be upon him? And with your silent tongue, did you not say, ‘Here I am, O Ḥusayn! Here I am, O Ḥusayn!’? I raised my son for you, so he could continue the path of noble Islam. And now, the Ḥusayn of our time has called upon the legacy of his noble ancestor. Let us cry out together, ‘Here I am, O Rūḥullāh!’”.

(Manṣūrī Lārījānī 1389, pp. 134–35)

Also, again, turbat was located at the core of debates between the “Shīʿīte self” and the “non-Shīʿīte other”, one which also can be linked to the Shīʿī essence of the Iranian revolution. That is, when Shīʿī ideas expanded in post-revolutionary Iran, the conflict, confrontation, and dialogue with non-Shīʿī notions rose, and this dialogue was extended to the realm of rituals and even turbat. During this period, several stories about the encounter of non-Shīʿītes with Shīʿī scholars to confront the prostration of turbat are told. There are other stories of European tourists visiting Karbala who are surprised to find turbat for sale. Although these stories challenge the Shīʿītes in the first step, they attempt to portray a believable and acceptable picture of Shīʿīsm (Kilīdār 1389, p. 174).

5. Turbat and COVID-19: A Significant Modernization

Although it was said that turbat rites were quite popular in the post-Safavid period, particularly after the Iranian revolution, these rites changed more with the emergence of a new sickness known as COVID-19. In the aftermath of the Corona crisis, new forms of application and promotion of the turbat rites among the Shīʿītes have evolved, which have never been seen before.

It seems that the application and promotion of the therapeutic rituals involving turbat in Iran have followed three approaches:

• Recommendation to Consume turbat for Healing Diseases.
  Specifically for treating illnesses such as COVID-19, the initial prescription of turbat as a medicinal substance was promoted by preachers of religious gatherings. For example, a speaker not only introduced turbat as a remedy for all ailments but also described it as an antibiotic for treating diseases. He stated that for it to be effective, it should be placed in pharmaceutical capsules and consumed like chemical medicine, following a specific dose and schedule. The speaker mentioned that turbat should be consumed every six to eight hours in quantities equivalent to one-fifth of a lentil, for a duration of three to four days; consuming it just once would be ineffective. According to the speaker, this method is a guaranteed treatment. He claimed that this approach was based on the experience of a physician specializing in leukemia, who filled antibiotic capsules with turbat and prescribed them to patients without informing them about the capsule’s content. Ultimately, the patients were reportedly healed.10
• In this approach, in addition to recommending the consumption of turbat, personal experiences of using it for treating COVID-19 and subsequent recovery are shared.
  Here, speakers use their own medicinal experiences with turbat to treat COVID-19 as evidence, presenting it to others as a guaranteed cure. One such instance is a speech by Ayatullāh Baṭḥāʾī (d. 1441/2020), Tehran’s representative in Khibrigān council (the Assembly of Experts for Leadership), delivered in March 2020 in Tehran. Referring to observing COVID-19 symptoms in himself and then consuming turbat with the intention of healing, he recommended it as a definitive remedy for the disease. However, he emphasized that healing depends on one’s faith. During the session, he mentioned consuming turbat after experiencing lung pain, which reportedly alleviated his pain, attributing his recovery to the consumption of turbat.11 A few days after this speech, Ayatullāh Baṭḥāʾī passed away due to COVID-19, which provoked significant reactions.12 One such example is a religious speaker, known as Ḥāmid-Riḍā Muʿāwiniān, who recounted the recovery of a friend hospitalized in the ICU for COVID-19 after using turbat.13
• Distributing turbat packets among COVID-19 patients in hospitals.
  A different method of promoting turbat rituals during the pandemic involved its distribution as a treatment for COVID-19. In this approach, turbat was provided to infected individuals as a medicinal substance, accompanied by instructions for its use.14

When the developments of turbat rituals in the Corona period are compared to the historical roots of these rituals, it is clear that the Corona rituals of turbat are divided into three categories. First, there are rituals or beliefs whose historical roots can be clearly traced. The second category includes rituals that have been modernized and can be seen as contemporary forms of their historical counterparts. The third category consists of rituals that have no historical precedent or roots.

The theme of healing and tabarruk is the most significant and the only one with historical roots. Historical accounts suggest that the consumption of turbat has some conditions derived from the Imams’ statements. Accounts indicate the way of taking, storage conditions, gathering area, the necessity of believing in healing, and how to utilize it; these are usually considered conditions of the turbat’s effect.

Aside from the notion of healing as the core historical theme of these narratives, it appears that the prescribed quantity of turbat consumption has also been thoroughly modernized. Al-Ṭūsī’s report, quoting Imam al-Ṣādiq, emphasizes the importance of consuming only a small, minimal amount of turbat, roughly equivalent to the size of a lentil. This condition is considered one of the essential guidelines for using turbat with the intention of healing. If the specified amount is exceeded, it loses its efficacy and is equated with consuming the flesh and blood of the Imams (al-Ṭūsī 1411, vol. 2, p. 374). Another report, attributed to Imam al-Ṣādiq, states that turbat should be consumed in an amount no larger than the size of a fingertip (Ibn Qūlawayh 1356, p. 279). However, the way religious preachers have advised the use of turbat for the Corona situation is quite different; the prescription of repeated eating of turbat in a few days has no root in Shīʿī historical reports.

One of the strangest developments of turbat rites after the Corona situation was the introduction of turbat capsules and matching them with antibiotics in contemporary medicine, a prescription for which no historical evidence exists. The production of turbat capsules contradicts the account given by Imam al-Ṣādiq. In this account, the mixing of turbat with everything else leads to turbat’s corruption and ineffectiveness (Ibn Qūlawayh 1356, p. 280). Some accounts indicate that turbat itself is enough to treat disease.15 In some other reports, just a mixture of rainwater, honey, saffron, and turbat is advised (al-Barqī 1416, vol. 2, p. 301). As a result, if a hybrid drug is permitted to be produced, only a specific combination is advised (Ibn Qūlawayh 1356, p. 276), and maybe other components, as previously said, will corrupt turbat. In reality, historical reports are extremely sensitive to how to utilize and preserve turbat.

Furthermore, what turbat healers said regarding how and where turbat should be obtained contradicts Shīʿī historical reports. These healers say that using ordinary soil of Karbala, which is frequently imported from Karbala, has therapeutic effects. However, in all of the accounts about the turbat area, the maximum closeness of the soil to the tomb is a condition for healing. It can be suggested that the soil within 30 km of al-Ḥusayn’s tomb has just the effect of tabarruk, but what is prescribed for eating with a definite cure is not that one.

Before Corona, ritualistic interaction with turbat was primarily confined to friendly, personal, and private relationships, but turbat was promoted in the media or even publicly distributed after the spread of the sickness. Some supporters of healing by turbat attempted to mediate its use and even distribute turbat packages for consumption. They attempted to distribute turbat among Corona patients.

This contradicts Shīʿī historical accounts in this respect. As Imam al-Sādiq mentions, there are three causes for the corruption of turbat, according to which turbat must be concealed to be safeguarded from the attacks of demons and jinns (Ibn Qūlawayh 1356, p. 280). This statement suggests the necessity of a hidden form of contact and transfer from person to person.

6. Conclusions

The martyrdom of Imam al-Ḥusayn and the subsequent veneration of turbat al-ḥusayn have played a central role in the development of Shīʿī identity and rituals. From the early Islamic centuries, the sanctification of this sacred soil evolved through various stages, influenced by the efforts of Shīʿī Imams, jurisprudential debates, and socio-political dynamics. Historical sources reveal that the use of turbat as a medium for healing and spiritual blessings became prominent during the lifetimes of Imams al-Bāqir and al-Ṣādiq, shaping it into a significant element of Shīʿī devotional life.

As the centuries progressed, turbat practices were further institutionalized, particularly during the Safavid era, when Shīʿī identity was consolidated and rituals surrounding turbat gained new dimensions. The post-Safavid period witnessed the commodification of turbat, with its integration into economic activities such as the production of rosaries and clay tablets. These transformations underscored the interplay between religious devotion and socio-economic factors in shaping Shīʿī ritual life.

In the modern era, particularly after the Iranian Revolution of 1979, turbat assumed a new ideological significance. It became a symbol of martyrdom and resistance, aligning with the revolutionary narratives that drew parallels between the sacrifices of Karbala and those of contemporary martyrs. This period also saw an increase in the public and political use of turbat, as exemplified by the discourse linking it to national identity and resistance against oppression.

The COVID-19 pandemic introduced yet another layer to the evolving significance of turbat, as it was promoted as a remedy for the disease in religious circles. This contemporary adaptation, however, diverged from traditional Shīʿī teachings, as the methods of consumption and the claims of its efficacy lacked historical precedent. The transformation of turbat into a modern therapeutic agent illustrates the dynamic ways in which sacred objects can be recontextualized in response to contemporary challenges.

Overall, the study of turbat al-ḥusayn demonstrates the fluidity of Shīʿī rituals and the ways in which they adapt to historical, political, and health-related contexts. While the core themes of healing and blessing remain intact, the modern reinterpretations of turbat highlight the continuous negotiation between tradition and modernity in Shīʿī devotional practices. This ongoing evolution underscores the enduring relevance of turbat as both a spiritual symbol and a marker of communal identity.