The Introducing, Adapting and Practicing of Catholic Notion of Works of Mercy in China in the Early 17th Century

Abstract

In the initial phase of their mission in late Ming China, Jesuits particularly emphasized the ethical and charitable facets of Catholicism, aligning them with Confucian ethics to garner acceptance and support from the scholar-official class. This strategic adaptation is evident in their introduction of works of mercy to China and their translation of “works of mercy” into the Confucian term aijin (哀矜, compassion or mercy), highlighting parallels between Catholic notion of works of mercy and the Confucian concept of ren (仁, benevolence). Chinese Catholic literati embraced this introduction, perceiving works of mercy as complementary to and enhancing Confucian charitable traditions. To implement this notion, some Catholic literati established charitable societies named renhui (仁會, humanitarian society) with distinct Catholic influences, engaging in social-assistance activities guided by the principles of works of mercy. This integration of the Catholic notion of works of mercy within Chinese moral frameworks exemplifies Jesuits’ efforts to bridge Catholicism with Confucianism in late Ming China.

“Fourteen works of mercy, generally bestowed,

Seeking to redeem countless souls, to enter the Kingdom of Heaven.”1

(Wu 1965, p. 681)

1. Introduction

Throughout the history of Christianity, the pursuit of mercy has consistently held a central position within the Church’s activities. In the Bible, mercy is depicted as a fundamental element of God’s nature, as well as a virtue that believers are encouraged to embody. Irrespective of whether it is the Parable of Good Samaritan (Luke 10:25–37), the Parable of the Unforgiving Servant (Matthew 18:21–35), or the Parable of the Sheep and the Goats (Matthew 25:31–46), each of them underscores the duty of followers to extend kindness and compassion to all regardless of social or religious distinctions, to forgive others as they have been forgiven by God, and to interact with others through a lens of empathy that reflects the divine mercy bestowed upon mankind. Furthermore, Jesus Christ frequently manifests mercy in his engagements with the sinners, the marginalized, the poor, the sick, and the suffering, serving as a paradigm of the divine compassion that believers are encouraged to imitate. Essentially, the Christian doctrine enjoins followers to cultivate mercy as a fundamental tenet, reflecting the gracious and forgiving nature of God in their relationships with others.

In general, the concept of mercy in Christianity is primarily manifested in two aspects. Firstly, it is a divine command. In Matthew 25, a parable was told that on the day of the Judgement, Jesus likened himself to the hungry, thirsty, cold, sick, and impoverished individuals and asserted that, for anyone, performing works of mercy to these people is equivalent to performing works of mercy to him, leading to eternal blessedness; conversely, for anyone, disregarding these people is synonymous with disregarding him, resulting in facing severe judgement (Matthew 25:35–46). Secondly, performing mercy is imbued with an additional layer of morality in Christianity,2 just as stated by Rodney Stark in his book The Rise of Christianity: “this was the moral climate in which Christianity taught that mercy is one of the primary virtues—that a merciful God requires humans to be merciful… the corollary that because God loves humanity, Christians may not please God unless they love one another was entirely new” (Stark 1996, p. 212).

Such doctrine was further elaborated upon during the Middle Ages by scholastics, especially Thomas Aquinas. In the Summa Theologica, by quoting Augustine, Aquinas deemed mercy as “heartfelt sympathy for another’s distress, impelling us to succor him if we can” (Aquinas 1917, p. 390). He further explained that mercy can be seen either as a mere emotional response (passion) or as a rational response stemming from the intellect. He believed that when mercy is guided by reason, ensuring justice is maintained, it becomes a virtue, or even the greatest virtue, as virtues require emotions to be regulated by reason. It is well presented in his statement that “of all the virtues which relate to our neighbor, mercy is the greatest, as its act surpasses all others” (Aquinas 1917, p. 391).

As to the definition of works of mercy, taking the opportunity of defining almsgiving as “a deed whereby something is given to the needy, out of compassion and for God’s sake, which motive belongs to mercy… hence it is clear that almsgiving is, properly speaking, an act of mercy” (Aquinas 1917, p. 408), Aquinas made it clear that external acts driven by a motivation rooted in mercy can be considered as works of mercy. In other words, works of mercy serve not only as a method to enact mercy but, more importantly, as a pathway to manifest love for God through love for others. Subsequently, for the very first time, he presented the fourteen works of mercy in their entirety, including seven spiritual works of mercy and seven corporal works of mercy in the Summa Theologica. This compilation subsequently evolved into the official version of the fourteen works of mercy in Catholicism. The definition and enumeration of works of mercy given in the modern Catechism of the Catholic Church, aligning closely with those given in the Summa Theologica (United States Catholic Conference 1997, p. 588), serve as the most compelling evidence in this regard. Inspired by the notion of fourteen works of mercy, missionaries and their followers are dedicated to various charitable endeavors, such as providing relief to the weak and needy, assisting in disaster relief efforts, adopting abandoned infants and orphans, comforting the sick and afflicted, and so forth. Jesuits who conducted missionary work in China from the 16th to the 18th century were exemplary in this regard.

Fourteen works of mercy listed in the Summa Theologica (Aquinas 1917, p. 409)
Spiritual works of mercy	Corporal works of mercy
To instruct the ignorant	To feed the hungry
To counsel the doubtful	To give drink to the thirsty
To comfort the sorrowful	To clothe the naked
To reprove the sinner	To harbor the harborless
To forgive injuries	To visit the sick
To bear with those who trouble and annoy us	To ransom the captive
To pray for all	To bury the dead

As is commonly acknowledged, in the year of 1583, Jesuit Matteo Ricci (利瑪竇, 1552–1610) and Michele Ruggieri (羅明堅, 1543–1607) were granted permission to establish their residence in Zhaoqing (肇慶), Guangdong Province, marking the beginning of the third wave of Christian mission in China.3 After residing in China, Jesuits, on the one hand, disseminated Catholic doctrines primarily by way of Ricci’s accommodation approaches;4 and, on the other hand, they introduced the ethical and moral concepts of Catholicism, as well as its tradition of charity, through their writings. The most representative and influential instances in this term include Tianzhu shiyi (天主實義, The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven) by Matteo Ricci; Qike (七克, Seven Victories) by Diego de Pantoja (龐迪我, 1571–1618); Xiushen xixue (修身西學, Western Study of Personal Cultivation) and Shengui zhengji (神鬼正紀, Correct Description of Angels and Demons) by Alfonso Vagnone (高一志, 1566–1640); Tianzhu jiangsheng yanxing jilue (天主降生言行紀略, Summary of the Words and Deeds during the Lord of Heaven’s Incarnation) and Kouduo richao (口鐸日抄, Diary of Oral Admonitions) by Giulio Aleni (艾儒略, 1582–1649); and particularly Aijin xingquan (哀矜行詮, Explanation of the Works of Mercy) by Giacomo Rho (羅雅谷, 1593–1638). These writings aim to propagate and reinforce the Catholic faith by expounding upon ethical and moral concepts, including the notion of works of mercy, within the context of Catholicism. Under the influence of the aforementioned literary works, a group of Chinese literati5 who were either friends of Jesuits or Catholic converts not only embraced the Catholic notion of works of mercy but also integrated the works of mercy with Confucian ethical values and further effectively translated them into practical application. Renhui, the civil charitable society with distinct Christian characters in late Ming China was precisely established against this backdrop.

This paper aims to explore, through a systematic analysis of relevant historical documents, how the Catholic notion of works of mercy was introduced, (re)interpreted, and accepted in China, as well as to what extent the notion of works of mercy impacted the establishment of renhui and to what extent renhui embodied the indigenization of the Catholic concept of mercy in late Ming China.6

2. The Introduction of Catholic Notion of Works of Mercy to China

One crucial point that needs to be stated upfront is that the Jesuits’ introduction of the Catholic notion of works of mercy to late Ming China aligned perfectly with their “cultural accommodation” preaching strategy. It is primarily manifested in two aspects. Firstly, during the initial stage of missionary work, Jesuits represented by Matteo Ricci were deeply concerned about the potential challenges and troubles arising from an excessive focus on revealed theology in his missionary work,7 so his writings predominantly refrained from delving into the realm of core Christian doctrines, such as Trinity, Incarnation, or Resurrection. Instead, he attempted to introduce Catholicism in the realms of natural philosophy and ethical principles, aspects that bear similarities to certain teachings of Confucianism. Secondly, after residing in China, Matteo Ricci and his companions promptly and astutely recognized that the Confucian literati class, established through the imperial examination system, held the most esteemed social status and wielded significant influence over the shaping and implementing of governmental policies. In order to cultivate relationships with this influential group, or at least to avoid potential hostility from them towards Catholicism, Jesuits not only externally emulated the literati by adopting Confucian attire, reading Confucian Classics, and performing Confucian ritual but, more importantly, also endeavored to reinterpret Catholic doctrine through Confucian discourse. In this scenario, they advocated the preaching strategies of heru (合儒, accommodating Confucianism) and buru (補儒, complementing Confucianism), attempting to justify Catholicism through Confucian principles and to complement the deficiencies of Confucianism with Catholicism.

Therefore, the Catholic concept of works of mercy naturally became one significant component of the Jesuits’ propagation of Catholicism in Ming China. On the one hand, by emphasizing the notion of works of mercy, Jesuits could sidestep delving excessively into the revealed theology, which would be easily misunderstood as superstition; and, on the other hand, the Catholic notion of works of mercy exhibits numerous parallels with the Confucian notion of ren (仁, benevolence), particularly in terms of compassion towards others.

On the whole, Jesuits made significant and effective efforts in introducing the Catholic notion of works of mercy to Ming China, particularly in terms of indigenizing the concept to ensure their presentation of works of mercy remain consistent with the orthodox teaching of the Church on the one hand, and to facilitate a more favorable reception of works of mercy among the Chinese literati on the other. Their introduction of Catholic notion of works of mercy exhibited the following characteristics:

First and foremost, Jesuits meticulously ensured that the notion of works of mercy introduced in China is essentially consistent with that enumerated by Thomas Aquinas in the Summa Theologica. The very first time that the works of mercy were comprehensively enumerated in Chinese was in the book of doctrine named Shengjing yuelu (聖經約錄, Concise Record of the Holy Scripture) published in 1605.8 It is in this book that Matteo Ricci specifically incorporated a distinct section named Xingshen aijin zhixing shisi duan (形神哀矜之行十四端, Fourteen Corporal and Spiritual Works of Mercy), through which he provided a complete list of the fourteen works of mercy in Chinese. It is evident from the table below that the Chinese translation of fourteen works of mercy strictly adheres to the original text in the Summa Theologica. Such consistency maintained in Chinese translations ensured that the notion of works of mercy introduced by Jesuits in China aligned with the orthodox understanding of works of mercy within the Church, thereby minimizing the risk of being labeled as heretical by the Roman Church and reducing the occurrence of cultural misinterpretations.

The Chinese expression of corporal and spiritual works of mercy in Shengjing yuelu (Ricci 2013, pp. 34–35) and their English translations
形哀矜	Corporal works of mercy	神哀矜	Spiritual works of mercy
食饑者	To feed the hungry	以善勸人	To give good advice
飲渴者	To give drink to the thirsty	啟誨愚蒙	To instruct the ignorant
衣裸者	To cloth the naked	慰憂者	To comfort the sorrowful
顧病者及囹圄者	To visit the sick and the incarcerated	責有過失者	To reprove the sinner
舍旅者	To harbor the harborless	赦侮我者	To pardon insults
贖虜者	To ransom the captive	恕人之弱行	To suffer with patience the weaknesses of our fellow men
葬死者	To bury the dead	慰生死者祈天主	To pray to the Lord of Heaven the living and the dead

For a very long time, Shengjing yuelu served as the authoritative compendium book of Catholic doctrine during the Ming and Qing dynasties. Consequently, the fourteen works of mercy enumerated in Chinese within it became its standard translation. It can be well evidenced by the fact that the Chinese translation of fourteen works of mercy in subsequent books of doctrine, including Zongdu neijing (總牘內經, General Explanation of the Scripture) by Niccolò Longobardo (龍華民, 1559–1654), Tianzhu jiaoyao (Essential Doctrine of the Lord of Heaven) by Francisco Furtado (傅汎際, 1587–1653), and Tianzhu jiaoyao jielue (天主教要解略, Brief Explanation of the Essential Doctrine of the Lord of Heaven) by Alfonso Vagnone, were all essentially identical to that in Shengjing yuelu, with only a few minor differences in wording.

Secondly, throughout the translation and introduction of the fourteen works of mercy, there was a deliberate effort to incorporate and draw upon Confucian terminology to the fullest extent possible. For instance, when translating corporal works of mercy, Matteo Ricci rendered the first two as “to feed the hungry” (食飢者) and “to give drink to the thirsty” (飲渴者), obviously drawing inspiration, at least in wording, from Mencius, which states that “the hungry readily partake of any food, and the thirsty of any drink” (飢者易為食，渴者易為飲) (Mencius 1960, p. 186). In addition, in their efforts to argue for the reasonableness and legitimacy of Catholic notion of works of mercy, Jesuits frequently referenced Confucian Classics as supporting evidence. For instance, Diego de Pantoja repeatedly quoted the famous statements from Confucian Classics, like “the benevolent man loves others” (仁者愛人) (Mencius 1960, p. 333) and “What you do not want others to do to you, do not do to others” (己所不欲，勿施於人) (Confucius 2007, p. 109) to expound upon the compatibility of mercy in Catholicism and ren in Confucianism.

The most prominent example in this term should be Jesuits’ translation of works of mercy into the Confucian terminology of aijin (哀矜, compassion or mercy).9 The term aijin signifies compassion or empathy, originating from the Analects, where it states, “when you uncover the facts of a case, be sorrowful and compassionate, never pleased with yourself”10 (Confucius 2007, p.136). It implies that upon learning of the plight of those in unfortunate circumstances, one should empathize with them rather than take pleasure in their suffering. The concept of aijin is central to Confucian charitable thoughts and serves as the fundamental ideology for altruistic actions within Confucianism. Jesuits, drawing on their profound Catholic and Confucian knowledge, astutely observed the similarities, or at least the superficial resemblances, between Confucian concept of aijin and Catholic notion of works of mercy. Both concepts emphasize the significance of refraining from taking pleasure in the suffering of others, advocating for empathy and the provision of assistance, though one is driven by political needs, while the other is grounded in religious imperatives. It is important to note that the use of the Confucian term aijin to interpret the Catholic notion of works of mercy is itself a great attempt at indigenization.

Thirdly, since works of mercy function as crucial means in Catholicism to achieve love for others and love for God, it is necessary for Jesuits to elucidate the concept of “love” to their Chinese followers. Ingeniously, Jesuits employed the Confucian concept of ren as an intermediary to articulate the greatest commandment of Christianity, “love”, particularly emphasizing the resemblance and compatibility between the two.11 As is widely known, ren is the fundamental concept of Confucianism and serves as the bedrock for all its ethical and moral considerations. It has occupied a central position in Confucianism. It is calculated by Yang Bojun (楊伯峻) that the term ren is mentioned 109 times in the Analects alone (B. Yang 1980, p. 16). In the various cultural interpretations of ren, Jesuits specifically emphasized its cultural connotations concerning “loving others”, a love that is not merely a superficial emotional expression but a sincere sentiment that emanates from the depths of the heart. It entails the capacity for empathy, comprehension of others’ adversities, and a willingness to offer assistance. Although such love stemmed from ren is hierarchical in Confucianism, Jesuits believed it could be employed to elucidate the notion of works of mercy in Catholicism so that the cultural shock in heterogeneous cultural exchange would be minimized and the notion of works of mercy would be introduced more conveniently and smoothly.12

Matteo Ricci stands out as the most prominent example in this regard. In his representative work Tianzhu shiyi, Ricci made a Christianized interpretation of ren by explaining that, “the concept of ren can be comprehensively summarized with two sentences: love the Lord of Heaven, for He is supreme; and love others as yourself, for the sake of the Lord of Heaven… Sincere love for men is the greatest result of a love for the Lord of Heaven. This is what is meant by the expression renzhe airen (仁者愛人, benevolence is the love of man)”13 (Ricci 1985, pp. 374, 380). By creatively interpreting ren in line with Catholicism, Matteo Ricci successfully introduced what he called the core tenet of Catholicism: ai Tianzhu zhishang (愛天主至上, love the Lord of Heaven above all) and airen ruji (愛人如己, love others as oneself). More importantly, building upon this foundation, Matteo Ricci further pointed out that the love of man must be demonstrated through concrete actions by stating that, “the love of man is no feigned love since it must result in the feeding of the hungry, in the giving of drink to the thirsty, in the clothing of those without clothes, and in the provision of places to live for the homeless. Love has compassion for and comforts those who experience disaster; it instructs the ignorant, corrects the wrong-doers, forgive those who humiliate me, buries the dead, and dares not forget to pray the Sovereign on High for all men, living or dead”14 (Ricci 1985, p. 380). What is noteworthy is that the specific practices of charitable actions proposed by Ricci are exactly ten out of fourteen works of mercy (five corporal works of mercy and five spiritual works of mercy).

To further develop Ricci’s method of employing Confucian ren to introduce and even justify Catholic concept of love and works of mercy, Jesuits also referred to the Confucian term renai (仁愛, benevolent love). The efforts made by Diego de Pantoja and Giulio Aleni are particularly noteworthy. Diego de Pantoja classifies love into three categories: xiai (習愛, habitual love), which arises from long-term interactions and develops over time; liai (理愛, rational love), which involves intentionally establishing various personal relationships to better survive and succeed in society; and renai (仁愛, benevolent love), which involves viewing others as fellow children of God, thereby being subjectively willing to transform one’s love for God into love for others (Pantoja 2013, pp. 79–80). In his view, only renai aligns with God’s expectations for “loving others as oneself”. Following the same logic, Giulio Aleni also classified love into three categories: liai (利愛, utilitarian love), which arises from self-interest, where one loves others because they benefit oneself; qingai (情愛, sentimental love), which arises from personal connections, as one loves those familiar due to acquaintance or relation; and renai (仁愛, benevolent love), which originates from loving others out of one’s love for God.15 Evidently, both of them, in discussing the concept of renai, have Christianized the Confucian notion of ren, emphasizing that the paramount importance of ren lies in the fact that the ultimate object of love out of ren is God. Thus, the concrete way of loving others, namely the fourteen works of mercy, as introduced by Matteo Ricci, has become an effective means of practicing such love. In this manner, Jesuits closely connect the Catholic notion of works of mercy with the Confucian concept of ren.

Another Jesuit, Giacomo Rho, made similar efforts to employ ren in his introduction of works of mercy. In his Aijin xingquan (哀矜行詮, Explanation of the Works of Mercy)16, Giacomo Rho cited the instruction of Saint Gregory, providing a detailed enumeration and explication of the “nine requirements” that must be followed in the practice of the works of mercy.

行哀矜事九要	Nine requirements in the practice of the works of mercy
謙	Being modest
真心為主，不為虛名	(practicing the works of mercy) sincerely for the Lord of Heaven, not for false reputation
發歡善心	To willingly and joyfully engage in acts of works of mercy
欲行即行，勿持兩可	To promptly engage in acts of works of mercy with no hesitation
有倫有義	Adhering to ethical principles and righteousness
忌吝	Avoiding stinginess
所施宜慎所從來	Making sure the alms for the works of mercy are legitimate
先宜洗心	To purify the heart (before practicing the works of mercy)
所與之物，用爾大願將之	Giving alms wholeheartedly

The so-called “nine requirements” are basically rules to be followed when practicing the works of mercy. All requirements except the second one, “sincerely for the Lord of Heaven, not for false reputation”, fall under the category of Confucian ren. It implicates that Giacomo Rho attempted to elucidate to Chinese converters that not all good deeds can earn good rewards from the Lord of Heaven, but only those done “morally”, meaning deeds that adhere to the Confucian norm of benevolence, are genuine works of mercy and can fulfill “love the Lord of Heaven above all” and “love others as oneself”.

Fourthly, the introduction of works of mercy was conducted concurrently with the practice of charitable actions by Jesuits in China. Discussions regarding Catholic missionaries and their followers engaging in charitable activities and participating in social relief in Ming and Qing China abound. However, a less explored aspect is the main basis for their acts of kindness, which is at least twofold. Firstly, their charitable deeds were motivated by the prevailing social conditions in China at that time, such as the frequent occurrence of infant abandonment and infanticide, which led to the establishment of numerous foundling homes by Jesuits. Secondly, and more importantly, their acts of social aid were primarily guided by works of mercy or, to be more specific, the seven corporal works of mercy. Just as stated by Matteo Ricci, “the love of man is no feigned love since it must result in the feeding of the hungry, in the giving of drink to the thirsty, in the clothing of those without clothes, and in the provision of places to live for the homeless. Love has compassion for and comforts those who experience disaster; it instructs the ignorant, corrects the wrong-doers, forgive those who humiliate me, buries the dead, and dares not forget to pray the Sovereign on High for all men, living or dead” (Ricci 1985, p. 380). All of these belong to the category of the fourteen works of mercy. In addition, he further exemplified these principles by engaging in acts of kindness personally. For instance, acts like giving money to the impoverished for food and drinks, adopting abandoned infants, offering shelters to the homeless, providing medical treatments, financially supporting Catholic funerals for the poor, and even treating seemingly incurable diseases through exorcism repeatedly feature in his letters and in the De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas. After all, the very first Chinese convert baptized by Matteo Ricci was reportedly a patient he had attempted to cure and accommodate. This can be further verified by Wang Zheng (王徴, 1571–1644), a famous Catholic literatus, as well as the founder of renhui in Jingyang (涇陽). In the statute for his renhui, he expressed admiration for the notion of works of mercy, particularly appreciating the actual practice of the seven corporal works of mercy by Jesuits. Encouraged and inspired by them, he too aspired to conduct acts of charity based on the corporal works of mercy. However, recognizing the limitations of his individual capacity, he established renhui, with the intention that others could emulate the Jesuits to engage in charitable acts (Wang 2004, p. 141).

3. The Understanding and Explanation of Catholic Notion of Works of Mercy by Catholic Literati

An interesting phenomenon is that Jesuits’ emphasis on introducing the Catholic notion of works of mercy has led some Catholic literati to place excessive importance on it, with some even firmly believing that the core mission of the Catholic Church is to practice these works of mercy. It can be well evidenced by the statement of Yang Tingyun (楊廷筠, 1557–1627): “the Western teaching (Catholicism) has different congregations, each with its own practices and intentions, mostly concentrated on the corporal and spiritual works of mercy”17 (T. Yang 1966, p. 382). This is certainly a misinterpretation, yet it illustrated the profound impact that Jesuits had on the Catholic literati regarding works of mercy. With a solid Confucian background, these Catholic literati were convinced that the Catholic notion of works of mercy not only harmonizes with Confucian ethical values but also supplements the deficiencies in Confucian charitable traditions. Broadly speaking, the Catholic literati’s reaction to works of mercy can be comprehended through three facets.

Firstly, the Catholic literati generally had a comprehensive and accurate understanding of the Catholic notion of works of mercy introduced by Jesuits. As one of the “three pillars”, Yang Tingyun has expressed extensive and in-depth discussions on this subject more than once in his works. For instance, in Tianshi mingbian (天釋明辨, The Clear Distinction between Catholicism and Buddhism), he made an accurate and comprehensive introduction to the fourteen works of mercy:

“When it comes to the physical body, there are corporal works of mercy, such as to provide food to the hungry, to give drink to those with thirst, to cloth the naked, to shelter the pilgrims, to nurse the sick and the incarcerated, to redeem those imprisoned and to bury the dead. These seven types of works of mercy can be individually or collectively carried out with the aim of benefiting individuals in their physical needs. Regarding the inner spirit, there are spiritual works of mercy, such as to give good advice, to teach the ignorant, to punish those who err, to console the sad, to pardon insults, to suffer with patience the weaknesses of our fellow men, and to pray to the Lord of Heaven for the living and the dead. These seven types of works of mercy within the spiritual domain involve mutual encouragement and observation, with the purpose of benefiting individuals in their spiritual needs. These works of mercy are applicable to laypersons and can be undertaken by anyone with no need for monasticism”.18

(T. Yang 1966, pp. 378–79)

In his Daiyi xupian (代疑續篇, Sequel to the Treatise to Supplant Doubts), Yang Tingyun further underscored that the practice of works of mercy represents the sole pathway to attain the ultimate goal of “love the Lord of Heaven above all” and “love others as oneself”:

“If all occurrences in my life unfold smoothly from birth to death, but I remained hardhearted when facing situations where corporal works of mercy are warranted, can it be said that I love others’ body as myself? Can it be said that I truly love the Lord of Heaven? If I excel in terms of innate disposition and self-awareness, but display indifference when confronted with situations where spiritual works of mercy are required, can it be said that I love others’ heart as myself? Can it be said that I truly love the Lord of Heaven? … Only by loving oneself, one loves others, and by loving others, one loves the Lord of Heaven”.19

(T. Yang 1635, p. 28b)

These two passages reveal Yang Tingyun’s profound understanding of the core principles and primary contents of the fourteen works of mercy. He not only had a precise grasp of each form of work of mercy but, more importantly, could accurately identify the religious and moral motivations behind the practice of works of mercy, emphasizing that the ultimate goal of them is to demonstrate one’s love for God through aiding others.

Secondly, Catholic literati demonstrated their affirmation and strong endorsement for the Catholic notion of works of mercy. For example, Xu Guangqi (徐光啟, 1562–1633) specifically wrote a eulogy named Aijin shisi duan zhenzan (哀矜十四端箴赞, A Hymn of Admonition on the Fourteen Works of Mercy) in which he stated that “the ‘great way’ is vast and profound with its essence lying solely in benevolence… The practice of loving the Lord of Heaven is evidenced in loving others. And such love embodies in both corporal and spiritual works of mercy. It rescues the impoverished with wealth and enlightens the ignorant with wisdom”20 (Xu 1935, p. 76). From this eulogy we know that Xu Guangqi firmly believed that works of mercy can guide people to save others from physical poverty and spiritual destitution. This is, according to him, the fundamental route to achieving the “great way” (大道), the ultimate political and social ideal in Confucianism. Wang Zheng also elucidated his praises on works of mercy by writing a series of works. For instance, his Shu aijin shangong erduan (述哀矜善功二端, Elaborating on Two Good Merits of Works of Mercy) is specifically dedicated to discussing the significance of works of mercy. After making clear that “the practice of works of mercy is the ultimate virtue and a genuine achievement”, he proceeded to intensively discuss the necessities and benefits of practicing works of mercy from two perspectives. Firstly, he asserted that practicing works of mercy is a commandment from the Lord of Heaven. According to him, in order to demonstrate the significance of works of mercy, the Lord of Heaven purposely became a human in Jesus Christ through incarnation to advocate the works of mercy. Thus, individuals should follow the example of Jesus Christ by actively engaging in works of mercy. Secondly, he emphasized that those who practice works of mercy would definitely receive rewards from the Lord of Heaven, pointing out the reciprocal nature of mercy (Wang 2004, p. 156). In addition, in another work, Shu renai demei qiduan (述仁愛德美七端, Elaborating on Seven Aspects of Benevolence and Love), Wang Zheng deemed works of mercy a crucial means to achieve benevolent love, and benevolent love is the virtue most favored by the Lord of Heaven. Then, he states, “the application of benevolence through love entails two aspects: one is to love the Lord of Heaven above all, and the other is to love others as oneself”21 (Wang 2004, p. 157).

Furthermore, Catholic literati firmly believed that the integration of the Catholic notion of works of mercy and Confucian concept of ren can be an effective means to actualize the Catholic notion of “love the Lord of Heaven above all” and “love others as oneself” on the one hand, and to achieve the Confucian ultimate moral ideal on the other hand. As stated by a Chinese believer when questioned about his motivation for joining Catholicism in a court trial, “ever since Confucius, no one has actually tried to emulate Confucius. With the introduction of (the teaching of) the Lord of Heaven, its encouragement to perform good deeds enables everyone to emulate Confucius”22 (Shi 1996, p. 128). The fourteen works of mercy gradually became a source of motivation for Chinese Catholic converts to engage in charitable activities. The role of Catholicism in moral education, ethical guidance, and good-deeds-promotion also provided legitimacy for the survival and development of Catholicism in Ming China.

Thirdly, an even more notable point regarding Chinse literati’s response to works of mercy is that they tended to place greater emphasis on the superiority of the Catholic notion of works of mercy over Confucian charitable traditions, arguing that the former is much more practical, comprehensive, and efficacious than the latter. On this basis, they further proposed that the introduction of the Catholic notion of works of mercy could effectively complement the deficiencies of Confucian charitable traditions, thereby better achieving the objective of loving others. As stated by Qu Shisi (瞿式耜, 1590–1651) “it has been thirty or forty years since Matteo Ricci first introduced Heavenly Teaching (Catholicism) into the Middle Earth (China). Their teachings emphasize reverence for Heaven, filial piety, and love for others selflessly, which align seamlessly with our Confucian concept of benevolence. However, their teachings offer even more profound insights beyond what our Confucianism has yet attained”23 (Y. Zhang 1988, p. 367).

The transcendence and complementary nature of Catholicism over Confucianism in terms of charity are chiefly exemplified through three distinct dimensions. In the first dimension, they believe that, in contrast to Confucianism’s predominant focus on material aid, the Catholic notion of works of mercy, particularly the spiritual works of mercy, place greater emphasis on spiritual salvation. Such emphasis on the spiritual realm is perceived to exert a more profound influence on inspiring benevolence in individuals and promoting social moral education, thus holding greater merit. In the work of Shu xingaijin xiangjie, Wang Zheng emphasized that, “in terms of compassion for others, spiritual works of mercy should be prioritized and esteemed above all, and holds greater merit”24 (Wang 2004, p. 156). Yang Tingyun used to make similar remarks but more directly: “the love for spiritual essence is greater than that for the physical body. While the seven corporal works of mercy, aiming at saving the physical body, can be considered acts of love, they do not surpass the seven spiritual works of mercy which focus on the salvation of spirit. The latter holds greater virtue and merit”25 (T. Yang 1635, p. 26b). As representatives of Catholic literati, both expounded on the same viewpoint: the salvation of the spirit is more urgent and significant, and carries greater merit than the salvation of the body. The Catholic notion of fourteen works of mercy not only encompasses acts of benevolence towards the physical body but also emphasizes acts of benevolence towards the spirit, a dimension lacking in Confucianism. This aspect, according to Catholic literati, is where Catholicism can complement Confucianism.

As to the second dimension, Catholic literati believed that the traditional Confucian charitable societies stipulate qualifications for beneficiaries, requiring individuals to meet certain criteria, usually in terms of ethics and morality, to be deemed recipients, whereas the Catholic notion of works of mercy emphasizes the principle of “charity without discrimination”, signifying that all individuals are entitled to receive works of mercy. They regard this as a supplement to perceived deficiencies in the Confucian charitable tradition.

For instance, a very famous Confucian scholar named Chen Longzheng (陳龍正, 1585–1645) established a charitable society named Tong shanhui (同善會, society for sharing goodness) in his hometown of Jiashan (嘉善) in 1631. In its statute, it is explicitly regulated that, “those who are unfilial and unfraternal, the habitual gamblers and the Litigious, alcoholics and rogues, individuals who are physically capable but fall into extreme poverty due to idleness, shall not be indiscriminately aided, for it goes against the principle of encouraging virtue” (Liang 2013, p. 56). Thereby, four types of persons that should not be aided were listed by him: firstly, the officials, as they gained wealth in their youth without labor, and their poverty in old age is retribution; secondly, the Buddhist monks and Taoists, as they live off alms without labor and can sustain themselves through donations; thirdly, the butchers, as their “compassionate hearts are inevitably deficient”; and fourthly, the prodigals, as they corrupt public morals (L. Chen 2000, 4:88b-91b). It can be observed that individuals who were labeled as ineligible for aid are more or less morally flawed. Therefore, from the perspective of Confucianism, acts of mercy and morality are intertwined, implying that only those without moral issues can be considered recipients of aid.

However, under the influence of the Catholic notion of works of mercy introduced by Jesuits, particularly Diego de Pantoja’s Qike and Giacomo Rho’s Aijin xingquan, Catholic literati emphasized the principle of “charity without discrimination”, where anyone in need can be a recipient of works of mercy, irrespective of social status or moral character. Wang Zheng quoted Giacomo Rho’s Aijin xingquan by saying, “when assisting the poor and the needy, it is not appropriate to differentiate based on their status or category, just as the sun shines on all things, regardless of their importance, and the rain falls equally on the fields of both good and bad people. How can I pick the recipients when performing acts of mercy? Indeed, those who perform acts of mercy do not need to scrutinize the recipients. When I give alms to others, why should I choose whose hands to give to? Indeed, the performers of mercy do not need to measure the worthiness of the recipients”26 (Wang 2004, p. 148). This principle of doing good deeds without distinguishing among the beneficiaries is again regarded by Catholic literati as a significant supplement and enhancement provided by the Catholic notion of works of mercy to the Confucian charitable tradition.

The third dimension is that, in the view of Catholic literati, under the influence of Buddhism and Taoism, Confucianism saw a utilitarian shift in charitable motives, where charitable acts were often initiated based on the concept of karmic retribution, aimed at accumulating merit rather than genuinely alleviating the suffering of others. Meanwhile, the Catholic notion of works of mercy is indeed centered on charity, solely for the sake of “benevolent love”, establishing charitable acts on the basis of “loving others as oneself” as a result of “loving the Lord of Heaven above all”. Consequently, it transcends the utilitarianism that is the drawback of Confucianism when conducting acts of mercy. Therefore, they asserted that Catholicism better exemplifies the Confucian concept of benevolence than Confucianism itself. It can be well evidenced by works like Tianru Tongyi Kao (天儒同異考, A Study on Similarities and Differences between the Teaching of Heaven and Teaching of Confucius) by Zhang Xingyao (張星曜, 1633–1715?) in which the author solemnly stated that ever since the Qin Dynasty, especially after the Upheaval of the Five Barbarians27 and the introduction of Buddhism to China, the ancient Confucian tradition of mutual assistance, mutual relief, and mutual care has waned. People have become more focused on personal karmic retribution, disregarding the actual needs and hardships of others. It was not until the introduction of Catholicism to China that Jesuits taught people to love the Lord of Heaven and love others and to practice the fourteen works of mercy, which can potentially aid in the restoration of the old social tradition of mutual assistance (Xingyao Zhang 1715, pp. 28b-29a). Following the same logic, Yang Tingyun plainly made the following summary:

“Some teachings cannot make people do good but only lead them to do evil, such as the superstitions of shamans and fortune-tellers. Some teachings appear to make people do good but actually lead them to do evil, such as the teachings of Shakyamuni and Laozi. Some teachings appear to and actually do make people do good but cannot guarantee that people will do accordingly, such as the teaching of Confucius. Some teachings appear to and actually do make people do good, and more importantly make sure people wholeheartedly devoted to doing good, such as the teachings of the Lord of Heaven”.

(T. Yang 2021, p. 519)28

4. Renhui: The Social Practice of Catholic Notion of Works of Mercy in Late Ming China

Building on a thorough understanding and absorption of Catholic notion of works of mercy, some Catholic literati endeavored to utilize the fourteen works of mercy as the guiding principles to establish local charitable societies in China, known as renhui. In other words, renhui refers to the civil charitable societies established by Catholic literati with the purpose of practicing the works of mercy in Ming China.29 There are presently six documented instances of renhui, namely Wulin Renhui (武林仁會), established by Yang Tingyun; Jingyang Renhui (涇陽仁會), established by Wang Zheng; Changshu Renhui (常熟仁會), established by Qu Shisi; Jiangzhou Renhui (绛州仁會), established by Duan Gun (段衮, 1587–?); Sansan Renhui (三山仁會), established by Ye Yifan (葉益蕃, 1595–?); and another renhui whose statute was well preserved in ARSI (Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu)30 while its name remained unknown.

As a matter of fact, there have been several achievements in the study of renhui, primarily categorized into two main streams: one investigates the history of Chinese charitable tradition and philanthropic institutions, which intersect with Jesuit-influenced renhui, representing works in this regard including Chen Baoliang (B. Chen 1996), Susumu Fuma (Fuma 2005) and Liang Qizi (Liang 2013); and the second stream focuses on notable Chinese Catholic figures, and renhui founded by them naturally became one of the research subjects. For instance, in the study of the life and beliefs of Yang Tingyun, Nicolas Standaert (Standaert 1988) gave an intensive introduction to the renhui established by Yang; when studying Wang Zheng, scholars, including Erik Zürcher (Zürcher 2000), Sun Shangyang (S. Sun 2003), Adrian Dudink (Dudink 2014), and Ding Ruizhong (R. Ding 2022), have all paid great attention to renhui established by Wang as well. Among all of the literature examining renhui, Tang Kaijian’s (Tang 2014) work stands as the most comprehensive. He challenged the views of Fuma and Standaert by emphasizing that renhui is fundamentally a religious charitable society with distinct Catholic attributes (Tang 2014, p. 161).

However, Tang Kaijian’s research lacks an in-depth analysis on the concept of works of mercy, including the process of its introduction and the understanding and interpretation of this concept by Catholic literati. From the perspective of sources, apart from the works of Catholic literati, he only mentioned Giacomo Rho’s Aijin xingquan by Jesuits. Furthermore, regarding the relationship between the notion of works of mercy and renhui, he merely noted that “renhui conducted charitable activities according to the seven works of mercy in Catholicism” (Tang 2014, p. 162), thus failing to adequately reflect the core role of the concept of works of mercy in the operation of renhui. In view of this, this article aims to delve into the central role of the notion of works of mercy in renhui, a perspective that has yet to be articulated, by systematically examining the significant impact of the former on the latter from three aspects.

From the perspective of motives, the founders of renhui generally concur that they were directly motivated by the notion of works of mercy in creating renhui with the purpose of translating this notion into practice. For instance, Wang Zheng explicitly acknowledged in his Renhui yue yin (仁會約引, An Introduction to the Statute of Renhui), “the practice of the works of mercy is undertaken solely out of love for others, and such love for others is solely motivated by love for the Lord of Heaven. Therefore, the establishment of renhui is particularly focused on the urgent task of the seven corporal works of mercy”31 (Wang 2004, p. 143). He further stated that “inspired by Western Confucian32 Giacomo Rho’s Aijin xingquan, I made this Renhui yue (仁會約, Statute of Renhui)… To emulate the utmost benevolence of the Lord of Heaven towards humanity, I (by establishing renhui) engage in the practical application of love of others”33 (Wang 2004, p. 142). In the prelude to the renhui of Sanshan, its establisher, Ye Yifan, made a similar statement, “Yang Tingyun used to author works to propagate such teaching (of Catholicism) and subsequently established renhui the aim of which was to adhere to the compassion of the Lord of Heaven and the principle of selfless love for others”34 (Ye 1715, pp. 6–7). Another establisher of renhui, Qu Shisi, clarified that the aims of establishing renhui in Changshu are, “firstly, to uphold the founding principles of my teacher Yang Tingyun in creating the renhui (of Wulin), and secondly to dispel common doubts about the heavenly teaching (Catholicism), so that they understand the principle that only by showing benevolence one can be a true man, and only true men can approach the teaching of heaven”35 (Y. Zhang 1988, p. 367).

Such remarks reveal two key insights. Firstly, the purpose of establishing renhui is to practice the principle of “love the Lord of Heaven above all” and “love others as oneself”. They sought to follow the words of Matteo Ricci, where loving others is a concrete manifestation of loving the Lord of Heaven, aiming to demonstrate their love for the Lord of Heaven by establishing the renhui as a means to practice loving others. Secondly, establishing renhui in Wulin between 1616 and 1618,36 Yang Tingyun inspired other founders of renhui to establish their own charitable societies in their respective regions to better practice the principle of “loving others as oneself”.

In terms of the practical guiding principles, the founders of renhui all adhere to the notion of fourteen works of mercy as the fundamental guidelines for charitable actions within the organization. In a memoir of Yang Tingyun narrated by Giulio Aleni and recorded by Ding Zhilin (丁志麟), it is recorded that, “he (Yang Tingyun) called upon the virtuous and local gentry to jointly establish renhui… to feed the hungry, to clothe the naked, to give drink to the thirsty, to nurse the sick, to harbor the homeless, to ransom the captive, to bury the dead so that there is no one left with nowhere to turn to for grievances”37 (Z. Ding 1996, pp. 226–28). Wang Zheng also posited the guiding role of works of mercy for renhui:

“Renhui is established in the name of works of mercy. The virtue of the works of mercy comprises two aspects: corporal works of mercy and spiritual works of mercy. There are seven types of corporal works of mercy with all aiming at practicing benevolence towards others… The practice of works of mercy is solely motivated by love for others, and love for others by love for the Lord of Heaven. Therefore, the establishment of this renhui emphasizes the immediate necessity of implementing the seven types of corporal works of mercy”.38

(Wang 2004, pp. 142–43)

In terms of the origins of the organization, renhui can be deemed as an attempt to practice the notion of works of mercy by following the model of Western charitable institutions, particularly the Portuguese Holy House of Mercy. During the Age of Discovery, the exploration of new sea routes prompted Spain and Portugal to actively endorse Catholic philanthropy as an integral aspect of their overseas expansion and mission. Particularly in Portugal, as early as 1498, under the regency of Donner Leonor, the Lisbon Brotherhood of the Holy House of Mercy (Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Lisboa) was founded as a significant undertaking within the framework of social-service reform. Subsequently, with the backing of the monarchy, Holy Houses of Mercy emerged as Catholic charitable institutions were established in various overseas locations (F. Yang 2020, p. 18). Thus, the majority of Holy House of Mercy established by the Portuguese in overseas territories was structured in accordance with the template set by its counterpart in Lisbon, with the regulations governing these chapels likewise drawing heavily from its framework. The most typical example in this term is the Macau Holy House of Mercy (Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Macau), which was established by Bishop D. Belchior Carneiro (1516–1583) in 1569. It stands as the oldest known social charity institution in Macau and, even more, the very first Catholic charity institution in China.

As delineated in the initial chapter of the Compromisso da Misericórdia de Macau (Statutes of the Macau Holy House of Mercy), containing statutes which are directly derived from those established by the Lisbon Holy House of Mercy, the primary object of the Confraternity and Lady Fraternity of the Macau Holy House of Mercy is “to bring to fruition the works of the Holy House of Mercy, some of which are spiritual, and others corporal”.39 This is further elaborated by the specification of the seven spiritual works of mercy: to give good advice, to teach the ignorant, to console the sad, to punish those who err, to pardon insults, to suffer with patience the weaknesses of our fellow men, and to pray to the Lord of Heaven for the living and the dead. In addition, this is also elaborated by the corporal works of mercy: to provide food to the hungry, to give drink to those with thirst, to cloth the naked, to nurse the sick and the incarcerated, to shelter the pilgrims, to redeem those imprisoned, and to bury the dead (O Compromisso da Confraria da Misericordia 1516, pp. ii–iii). As such, the Holy House of Mercy, which is devoted to Our Lady of Mercy, has become a model for Catholic literati to establish renhui. A striking and compelling example of this term is the full concordance between the Holy House of Mercy’s observance of the fourteen works of mercy and those of Chinese renhui. Wang Zheng used to offer high praise for renhui by stating that, “in the Western countries there are humanitarian societies that are willing to solicit donations to redeem captives. The endeavor holds the greatest merit”40 (Wang 2004, p. 155). In the statute he established for his renhui, detailed provisions are included, such as the source of funding, membership requirements, supervisory mechanisms, organizational structure of personnel, accounting, promoting, and so forth, bearing some resemblance to Western charitable organizations. Similar regulations can also be found in the Statute of renhui that was preserved in ARSI.41 In addition, according to the Annual Letter in 1626, it is also recorded that Duan Gun, the establisher of renhui in Jiangzhou, was inspired by Western charitable institutions like the Portuguese version of the Holy House of Mercy and the Italian Monti di Pieta (Tang 2014, p. 181).

As mentioned earlier, the founders of renhui known so far are all Catholic literati. As Confucian scholars, they were naturally well-versed in Confucian ethics and charitable traditions, particularly the core ideas of benevolence and the concept of aijin, which include notions such as the “benevolent love others”, the “heart of compassion”, and “doing good to others”. As Catholic converters, they were equally familiar with fundamental Catholic doctrines and largely embraced the Catholic charitable ideas, particularly the notion of works of mercy introduced by the Jesuits. They established renhui for the purpose of finding common grounds between the Confucian modes of assistance and European charitable practices, between the Catholic notion of works of mercy and Confucian concept of benevolence. It can be said that the establishment of renhui per se is a localized practice of the fourteen works of mercy carried out by these Catholic literati.

5. Conclusions

At the onset of their mission in Ming China, Jesuits tended to emphasize the ethical and charitable dimensions of Catholicism due to various reasons, as these aspects bore many similarities, or at least superficially, to Confucian ethics. This approach served two main purposes: first, to avoid being perceived by the Chinese as practitioners of a barbaric, superstitious faith; and second, to secure the understanding and support from the literati class, thereby creating a favorable environment for further missionary work in China. A particularly illustrative example in this regard is the introduction and (re)interpretation of the Catholic notion of works of mercy. Jesuits translated it into the Confucian term aijin, recognizing the strong parallels between the concept of loving others inherent in works of mercy and the Confucian concept of ren. This translation exemplifies Jesuits’ preaching strategy of accommodating Confucianism, the aim of which is to align the Catholic notion of works of mercy with the established Chinese moral framework.

Catholic literati had a profound knowledge of the fourteen works of mercy and largely embraced Jesuits’ interpretation of it, praising it extensively in their writings and even imperial memorials. More importantly, they commonly perceived the Catholic notion of works of mercy as more effective and more aligned with Confucian ideals of ren than the existing Confucian charitable traditions. Consequently, they firmly believed that the Catholic notion of works of mercy could supplement the deficiencies in the Confucian tradition of charity. This can also be seen as part of the Jesuits’ preaching strategy of complementing Confucianism in late Ming China. Furthermore, to implement the Catholic notion of works of mercy, some Catholic literati established at least six charitable societies in the name of renhui with distinct Catholic characteristics. It is well documented that the establishment of these charitable societies was directly inspired by the Catholic notion of works of mercy, and their engagement in social-assistance activities was guided by works of mercy as well. Renhui became a unique example within the prosperity of civil charitable societies in late Ming China.