The Origins and Symbolism of Vaiśravaṇa Iconography and the Impact of the Royal Image as Donor and Protector

Abstract

This study examines the origins and symbolic meanings of the iconography of Vaiśravaṇa, which gained prominence in East Asia during the 200 years after the 8th century, through the lens of royal imagery as both a devotee and protector. As Vaiśravaṇa’s iconography spread along the Silk Road, it integrated diverse cultural traditions from the ancient Near East and the Indo-Iranian world, with Gandhāra and Khotan as central hubs. The iconography evolved into a distinctive form, featuring a cylindrical crown adorned with bird motifs, shoulder flames, a cross belt, a Stūpa, a spear, and celestial maidens. Previous studies often limited its origin to either Gandhāra or Khotan; however, this research highlights contributions from both regions, emphasizing their roles in shaping iconography. By focusing on Gandhāra and the Kushan Empire, this study explores how these elements reflect the diversity of regional cultures, political ideals, and religious values. It contextualizes these developments within historical and cultural exchanges between regions, offering a broader understanding of Vaiśravaṇa’s formation. The findings reveal that Vaiśravaṇa’s iconography reflects cultural exchange and symbolizes the sacred earthly ruler. This perspective highlights how regional diversity and intercultural interactions shaped its development, enriching the study of Buddhist iconography.

1. Introduction

As Buddhism spread beyond the Indian subcontinent along the northern Silk Road, the doctrines and iconography of Buddhism came to reflect the unique traditions and beliefs of each region.1 This influence is particularly evident in the iconography of subordinate guardian deities such as the Four Heavenly Kings. Among them, the Northern Heavenly King, Vaiśravaṇa, exhibits the most dramatic changes in both iconography and role.

The earliest representations of the Four Heavenly Kings, placed at the entrance of the Bharhut Stūpa in the 1st century BCE, depicted them in the likeness of contemporary Indian kings. Later, as Buddhism spread to East Asia, Vaiśravaṇa was established as an independent object of worship2 and became widely popular in East Asia between the 8th and 10th centuries. They were established with characteristic iconography featuring elements such as a cylindrical crown engraved with a bird, flames on the shoulders, a cross belt on the chest, a Stūpa, a spear, and an earth goddess. Representative examples include the Vaiśravaṇa statue discovered at Longxing Temple (龍興寺) in Qionglai (邛崍), Sichuan Province, the Vaiśravaṇa image in the Daigo-ji Iconographic Collection (醍醐寺圖像集), and the Vaiśravaṇa statue at Tō-ji (東寺) in Kyoto.3

This type is referred to in Japan as ‘Tobatsu Bishamonten (兜跋毘沙門天)’, but this designation is not found outside Japan. Tobatsu (兜跋) is a term that appears exclusively in the Japanese literature and is believed to be a transliteration of a foreign word. The term Tobatsu first appeared in Japanese Buddhist text in 1180, in the Besson zakki (別尊雜記) compiled by the monk Shin’gaku (心覺), where it was written as ‘都拔’. It also appears in Keiranshūkyōshū (渓嵐拾葉集), compiled by the Tendai monk Kōsō (光宗) between 1311 and 1347, where Tobatsu is described as the name of a country (Kazuko 1963, p. 55). Since the term has not been found in other countries, its exact meaning remains unclear. Some suggest that it refers to ancient Khotan (Tubbat), while others propose that it denotes Tibet or a specific type of armor.4

Previous studies have limited the origin of Tobatsu Bishamonten to either Gandhāra or Khotan.5 For instance, early 20th-century Japanese scholars, including Minamoto Toyomune, who pioneered research on Tobatsu Bishamonten, focused on Khotan by analyzing the forms and meanings of its key iconographic elements (Minamoto 1930, pp. 40–55).6 In contrast, scholars like Tanabe Katsumi have argued that the figure wearing the attire of northern nomads in Gandhāran reliefs represents the Northern Heavenly King, thus tracing its origin to Gandhāra (Tanabe 1992, pp. 95–145; 2006; Matsuura 1992).7

These studies suggest that the Vaiśravaṇa statues integrated elements from multiple regions, yet they tended to focus on the influence of a single area. However, the Tobatsu Bishamonten iconography, with its rich array of elements, is a complex product of diverse cultural interactions. Phillys Granoff’s attribution of the origin of Tobatsu Bishamonten to Khotan while not excluding Kushan influences,8 and Miyaji Akira’s emphasis on Tobatsu Bishamonten as a fusion of diverse cultural elements shaped through conflicts and exchanges among various regions (Miyaji 1992a, pp. 85–96), ultimately point to this reason.

Therefore, excluding either Gandhāra or Khotan fails to fully explain the origins of specific elements such as the posture, crown, attributes, an earth goddess, and the distinctive form of armor. To trace the origins of Vaiśravaṇa iconography, it is necessary to examine the entire process of its development, analyzing how individual elements were accumulated and integrated. Notably, despite passing through various regions and cultures, the consistent reflection of royal attributes in the compositional elements of Vaiśravaṇa iconography is particularly noteworthy. Within the expansive cultural sphere spanning ancient Mesopotamia, Iran, and India, earthly rulers, especially kings, were regarded as beings with divine status. This shared perception was significantly shaped by the close interactions between India—particularly the Kushan Empire—and the ancient Near East.

In this paper, I will examine the iconography of Vaiśravaṇa from the perspective of royal imagery in the Indo-Iranian world. Moving beyond the limitations of previous studies that focused exclusively on either Gandhāra or Khotan, this paper aims to shed light on the cultural interactions between the two regions. By doing so, I reconsider the individual origins and symbolic meanings of the various elements that constitute iconography. Through an exploration of the diverse traditions that influenced the formation of Vaiśravaṇa’s iconography, I will investigate what concepts were projected onto the iconography and what images are represented in its completed form. However, due to space limitations, this paper will not address the changes in iconography related to an earth goddess and armor in Khotan. Instead, I will focus on the roles of Gandhāra and the Kushan Empire, leaving issues related to Khotan and the earth goddess for a separate study.

The Kushan Empire, which flourished between the 1st and 4th centuries, was a multicultural dynasty centered in Central Asia and northern India, known for its unique art and culture developed through the syncretism of Buddhism, Zoroastrianism, and Hinduism, as well as its role in Silk Road trade (Rosenfield 1967; Rhi 2013a, 2021).

The Kushan rulers, particularly Kanishka, are known to have supported various religious traditions, including Buddhism, as evidenced by their association with the Fourth Buddhist Council. However, their coins, which often depict Zoroastrian deities such as Mithra, along with the establishment of fire altars, suggest that Zoroastrian practices also had a significant influence on the Kushan Empire. This dual affiliation highlights the syncretic nature of Kushan religious policy, which incorporated elements from both Buddhist and Zoroastrian traditions. Therefore, the iconography associated with Kushan rulers, including Vaiśravaṇa, should be understood as a product of this diverse cultural and religious milieu.

This paper is situated within the long-standing discourse on the origins of the Vaiśravaṇa iconography and represents a meaningful process in tracing its origins. In conclusion, this study argues that the final iconography of Vaiśravaṇa is a synthesis of diverse cultural influences and reflects the royal imagery of a benefactor and protector. Through this, the paper aims to draw attention to the regional and traditional diversity embedded in the iconography. Through this, I aim to shed light on the diversity of regional cultures and traditions embedded in the Vaiśravaṇa imagery while deepening our understanding of cultural exchanges in the formation of Buddhist iconography and the political and religious contexts reflected in it.

2. The Dawn of Vaiśravaṇa Iconography: The Image of the Indian King as the Protector of the People

The Image of the Indian King as the Protector of the People

Vaiśravaṇa was a deity of popular Indian folk religion even before the establishment of Buddhism and is also known as Kubera (or Kuvera).9 The earliest example of a Buddhist Vaiśravaṇa statue is the Northern Heavenly King among the Four Heavenly Kings carved on the gate of the Bharhut Stūpa in India in the 2nd century BCE. The inscription “kupiro yakho” accompanying the figure confirms its identity as the Northern Heavenly King (Cunningham 1879, pp. 19–22; Barua and Sinha 1926, pp. 65–67; Lüders 1963, pp. 73–74).10 The Kubera Yakṣa, standing on a dwarf, is depicted wearing a turban and a dhoti, with the naked upper body adorned with ornaments, presenting the appearance of a royal aristocrat (Figure 1). The attire and iconography of Vaiśravaṇa depicted at the Bharhut Stūpa are closely connected to the image of the ideal Indian ruler, the chakravartin (Figure 2), and bear a resemblance to the figure presumed to represent a king depicted at the Bharhut Stūpa (Figure 3).11

Thus, the early Indian iconography of the Four Heavenly Kings strongly reflects the image of a secular monarch,12 likely because kings were regarded as being with divine authority in the human realm. It seems natural, therefore, that the representation of the Four Heavenly Kings would draw upon the model of a secular monarch.13 The Indian art manual Viṣṇudharmottara Purāṇa encapsulates this perception with the statement, ‘A king should be depicted like a god, except for his hair’ (Kramrisch 1928, p. 53). Indian kings were regarded as mahāpurusha, great cosmic beings who transcended ordinary humanity. The Purāṇa states, ‘Every king must be endowed with the symbols of a mahāpurusha, and every sovereign ruler should have webbed hands and feet, (which are considered auspicious marks)’ (Kramrisch 1928, p. 39). This suggests that kings were perceived as sacred figures. Therefore, the iconography of the Four Heavenly Kings can be said to reflect the divine authority and protective role of a secular ruler.

The Vedic literature also emphasizes that ‘kings and kshatriyas are constantly practicing with weapons’, underscoring the king’s duty to protect the people (Elgood 2004, p. 182). Even Buddhist legends say that Prince Siddhartha was trained in the use of weapons, particularly archery. In ancient India, the role of the king was similar to that of the guardian deities, the Lokapālas. Such reverence and veneration for kings were, to some extent, intertwined with perceptions of guardian deities, making it natural to model guardian figures after local rulers.

This iconography of the Four Heavenly Kings, which first appeared at the Bharhut Stūpa, later became a common feature in depictions of the Four Heavenly Kings at Indian sites such as the Sanchi Stūpa (Kim 1996; Shim 2013, pp. 60–81; 2019).14 The royal imagery reflected in the iconography of the Four Heavenly Kings can be seen as a transformation of the earthly king, the most authoritative figure in the human realm, into a divine image. This also effectively highlights the overlapping roles of the king as a protector and the Four Heavenly Kings, particularly Vaiśravaṇa. Standing with hands clasped in prayer, Vaiśravaṇa embodies both the role of a guardian protecting the Stūpa and that of a devotee paying homage to the Buddha. This iconographic feature reflects the transformation of Kubera, originally venerated in folk beliefs as a symbol of wealth and protection, into a guardian and devotee within Buddhist iconography.

Unlike the armed depictions of the Four Heavenly Kings in East Asia, the Indian representations of the Four Heavenly Kings resembled secular monarchs of the time, as evidenced in Buddhist scriptures.15 Notably, in Theravāda texts such as the Dīrgha Āgama (Chang Ahang 長阿含), the Saññoga Sutta (Sēji Jīng 世記經), and the Kishīnyū Sūtra (Kijiyin Benjing 起世因本經), the Four Heavenly Kings are described as adorned with all kinds of jewels and ornaments,16 highlighting a contrast with Mahāyāna scriptures.17

Independent scriptures related to the faith in Vaiśravaṇa include the Ātānātīyasūtra 毘沙門天王經 [The Sutra of Vaiśravaṇa, King of the Heavenly Beings] and the Ritual Texts of the Sūtra of Vaiśravaṇa, which are said to have been translated into Chinese by the Tang-era esoteric monk Bukong (不空, 705–774) (Ishii 2023, p. 5). This indicates that the worship of Vaiśravaṇa became widespread during that period. However, in the Xu Gaoseng Zhuan續高僧傳 [Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks], compiled by Dao Xuan during the Tang dynasty, there is mention of an earlier image of Vaiśravaṇa. This refers to a stone statue of Vaiśravaṇa that the great monk Nārendrayasha from Uḍḍiyāna (present-day Swat, northern India) claimed to have seen around 550 CE on the summit of the Hindu Kush as he journeyed to propagate Buddhism in the northern regions. Since it was said to have been made by an ancient sage-king, its creation date would predate 550 CE. This record holds significant value in identifying the regions where Vaiśravaṇa worships and the independent faith in Vaiśravaṇa was practiced (Kita 1999, p. 312), although the specific appearance of the statue remains unknown.

Early depictions of Vaiśravaṇa, which combine the roles of a devotee and a protector, were transformed by integrating various royal images according to regional and cultural contexts (Figure 4 and Figure 5). Notably, these depictions are characterized by a cylindrical, multi-faced crown adorned with bird or feather motifs, a long robe-like armor, and a cross-belt across the chest. The figure is often shown wearing both a long sword and a short dagger at the waist, with flames rising from both shoulders, holding a spear in one hand and a miniature Stūpa in the other. Additionally, the figure is portrayed with a regal dignity and a distinct frontal gaze. Most strikingly, the unique depiction of an earth goddess supporting Vaiśravaṇa’s feet adds a distinctive element to these representations.

These features display significant visual differences from the Indian Vaiśravaṇa statues of the 2nd century BCE to the point where it is difficult to regard them as the same deity. This reflects the incorporation of new regional cultural influences during the transmission of the iconography.

The bird motif on the headpiece, the flames on the shoulders, and the cross belt, which will be discussed below, may appear as independent symbols on the surface, but they all share a common theme of expressing royal authority and sacredness. These symbolic elements reveal distinct characteristics and points of emphasis shaped by various cultural contexts and stylistic transformations.

This study will explore the meanings and symbolism embedded in each of these elements in the iconography of Vaiśravaṇa and examine how they are connected to and evolved alongside the image of the sacred king. To this end, the discussion will focus on the cultural features of the ancient Near East and the Indo-Iranian world, as well as their integration with Buddhist traditions.

3. The Image of the Sacred Earthly Ruler and Vaiśravaṇa Iconography

3.1. The Bird in the Head Ornament

The iconography of the Four Heavenly Kings, including Vaiśravaṇa, has traditionally adopted royal imagery since its inception. This tradition persisted in Gandhāra, and during the Kushan period, there were instances where Vaiśravaṇa appeared to follow this practice. For example, in the depiction of the Four Heavenly Kings in the Offering Bowl relief, the first king on the Buddha’s right is distinguished by a turban adorned with a bird motif, a one-piece garment belted at the waist, and leather boots, which set him apart from the other three kings (Figure 6) (Tanabe 1993–1994, pp. 157–65; 2000, pp. 1090–94).18 These features reflect the attire of Kushan royalty and correspond to their portrayal as donors in artistic depictions (Figure 7).19 In other words, only the attire of Vaiśravaṇa was modified to align with the local royal dress.20 However, it should be noted that such distinguishing features do not consistently appear in all depictions.

The fact that the Northern Heavenly King is depicted wearing Kushan royal attire can be interpreted not merely as a cultural reflection but as a manifestation of the Kushan Empire’s influence. As a deity governing wealth and protection, the Northern Heavenly King’s appearance in Kushan royal dress underscores the role of the Kushan Empire as a powerful protector and authoritative presence in the Buddhist world. The Kushan Empire originated as one of the nomadic tribes of Central Asia. Accordingly, Tanabe explains that the reason why the image of Tobatsu Vaiśravaṇa (the Northern Heavenly King among the Four Heavenly Kings) adopts the imagery of Kushan rulers lies in the northern origin of the Kushan Empire (Tanabe 1992, p. 125).21

The depiction of the Northern Heavenly King in Kushan royal attire is not particularly novel when compared to the Four Heavenly Kings in mainland India, who were also represented in the attire of royalty and nobility. However, what is noteworthy is that only the Northern Heavenly King changed his attire and wore a turban adorned with a bird. This bird decoration is particularly interesting as it represents a completely new motif. Of course, the idea of depicting a bird on a headdress was not invented in Gandhāra.22 It reflects the widespread perception of sacred birds, which extended from northern Mesopotamian steppe regions like Hatra to Iran.

On a goddess statue from the temple of Allat discovered in Hatra, a front-facing eagle is depicted perched with its wings spread (Figure 8) (Al-Salihi 1998, pp. 103–4). The same form of the eagle can also be seen in portrait sculptures of Sanatruq I (r. 140–180) or Sanatruq II (r. 201–241) found in Hatra (Figure 9), as well as in depictions of the god Nergal (Figure 10).23 Hatra, which flourished suddenly in the 2nd and early 3rd centuries CE,24 was a major cultural and trade hub in the ancient Near East.

The perception of sacred birds is also evident in the upper relief of the tomb of Darius the Great (521–486 BCE) at Naqš-e Rostam.25 The relief depicts a king with a fire altar a few steps ahead of him, and above them hovers a winged human figure (Figure 11) (Root 2021, p. 73). This figure can be interpreted as Ahura Mazda, the supreme god in Zoroastrianism who grants divine authority to the king. The placement of the figure above the king and the fire altar, along with Darius I’s inscription explicitly stating that Ahura Mazda legitimized his rule, supports this interpretation (Alcock et al. 2001, p. 105). However, a more abstract interpretation views the figure as the personification of khvarenah, symbolizing the king’s glory and divinity (Marek Jan Olbrycht 2016, p. 93). Regardless of its exact identity, the figure clearly represents a being that bestows divine authority upon the king, with the use of bird wings visually emphasizing this divine power.

This tradition seems to have been carried on in later periods, as seen in depictions of royal lion hunts believed to feature Hormizd II (r. 303–309 CE) or Hormizd III (r. 457–459 CE) of the Sasanian Empire, where the front of the king’s crown is prominently adorned with the head and wings of an eagle (Figure 12).

In ancient Near Eastern regions such as Hatra and Iran, religion and politics were closely intertwined. The shared use of the bird as a symbol by both gods and kings demonstrates the mutually reinforcing relationship between religious and political authority. Sacred birds, such as eagles, served as symbols of divinity and as emblematic representations of the king being under divine protection and empowered by the gods. This iconography reflects the close association between gods and kings in ancient cultures, where the king was regarded as both the representative of the gods and the ultimate earthly authority (Henri Frankfort 1948, pp. 295–312).26

This perception of birds also provides a significant basis for their depiction in Buddhist guardian deity images. The representation of the Northern Heavenly King with a bird-adorned headdress in Gandhāra exemplifies the innovative development of Vaiśravaṇa iconography. This was not merely a reflection of Kushan royal attire but rather a novel attempt to combine the sacredness of the bird with Vaiśravaṇa’s protective symbolism. It expands the symbolic meaning of birds in Vaiśravaṇa’s iconography and serves as evidence of the tradition of incorporating bird motifs into headdresses beginning in Kushan-era Gandhāra.27

The following legend, in which a bird acts as a guardian, provides an important symbolic context for the inclusion of birds in Vaiśravaṇa’s iconography. Xuanzang, who traveled through Central Asia and India from 627 to 645 CE, recounts in the Great Tang Records on the Western Regions (Da Tang Xiyu Ji) a story involving a deity statue adorned with a bird motif. This account serves as a link between the bird depicted on the turban of the Northern Heavenly King in Gandhāra and the bird motif on Vaiśravaṇa’s headdress. According to Xuanzang, at a temple located to the east of the southern gate in Kapisa (modern-day Begram, Afghanistan), a parrot was carved on the headdress of a great deity statue (Da Shenwang Xiang, 大神王像). When a greedy king attempted to steal a treasure hidden beneath the statue, the parrot flapped its wings and cried out, thwarting the theft (T. 2087. 51: 874).

Given that birds also appear on Vaiśravaṇa’s headdress, it is plausible that this deity statue represents Vaiśravaṇa.28 From a regional and chronological perspective, the Four Heavenly Kings are the most likely type of guardian deity statues enshrined at temple gates, as seen in the Bharhut Stūpa. If one of the Heavenly Kings is adorned with a bird on his crown, it is possible to infer that this figure represents Vaiśravaṇa, based on a reverse inference from the bird motif later seen on the crown of Tobatsu Vaiśravaṇa. This suggests that the bird on Vaiśravaṇa’s headdress functions as a guardian symbol, further emphasizing its role as both a protector and a sacred being within Vaiśravaṇa’s iconography.

Birds are also depicted on a fire altar built during the Kushan Dynasty, making this a noteworthy example of their role as guardians (Figure 13). Fire rituals symbolize the deep cultural interaction between the Kushan Empire and the Iranian cultural sphere. The 2nd-century fire temple at Surkh Kotal in the southern region of ancient Bactria serves as an emblematic site representing the Kushan fire rituals.29 While the precise function of the bird carvings on the presumed fire altar lacks clear textual or archaeological evidence, the association of birds with divine messengers or sacred guardians in ancient Near Eastern and Iranian cultures suggests that such symbolism might have been reflected in Kushan iconography as well. Further studies and textual analyses are required to fully understand the symbolism of these birds on the fire altar. Nonetheless, their depiction of a sacred fire altar effectively underscores its sanctity and aligns with the symbolic traditions of divine protection.

Thus, birds became an iconic element symbolizing power and divinity within the symbolic systems of the ancient Near East and Iran, a tradition that also influenced Kushan culture. The bird depicted on Vaiśravaṇa’s headdress reinterprets this symbolism in a Buddhist context, playing a crucial role in shaping Vaiśravaṇa as both a protector and a celestial being. In ancient times, birds were used as symbols of deified rulers and divinity because they were regarded as vital intermediaries, signifying the protection of power, sacred strength, authority, and a connection to the heavens. This symbolism was widely shared across ancient cultural spheres, including Mesopotamia, Iran, and Egypt, and was disseminated through intercultural exchanges.

The depiction of birds in Buddhist guardian deity images was similarly influenced, as birds also appear on the turban of bodhisattva statues from Mathura during the Kushan period.30

Although it is an example from the 8th century, the cylindrical crown of the Köl Tegin (685–731) statue, excavated in 1957 in the village of Kosho-Tsaidam in northern Mongolia, also features a depiction of a bird with outstretched wings (Figure 14) (Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Staatliches Museum für Völkerkunde München 2005, p. 74).31 Köl Tegin was the brother of Bilge-Kaǧan (d. 734) of the Second East Turkic Khaganate and served as a prince as well as a political and military leader of the Khaganate. Although he was not a ruler, the depiction of an eagle-like bird on his headdress indicates that such motifs continued to be used by royal families or high-ranking officials in later periods. This tradition is also frequently observed in the Tang dynasty of China, suggesting that the symbolic significance of birds was widely spread across the Eurasian world for an extended period.

3.2. The Flames on the Shoulders

One of the significant features of the iconography of Vaiśravaṇa is the shoulder flames. The shoulder flames became an important symbolic element in the visual representations of the Kushan Empire. They first appeared in the imagery of King Vima Kadphises on Kushan coins, were later standardized in the coins of Kanishka I, and continued in the iconography of Sasanian kings (Figure 15) (Tanabe 1984, p. 152). Considering the religious and political symbolism of the Kushan Empire, the shoulder flames were not merely decorative but represented the king’s divine power and role as a protector, making them a crucial iconographic feature. Additionally, the Surkh Kotal stele, discovered at the Surkh Kotal site—an area suggesting the performance of fire rituals originating in ancient Iranian Zoroastrianism—appears to depict flames on the shoulders of a Kushan king (Schlumberger et al. 1983, I, pp. 122–24, II, pl. 65). Although the piece is heavily damaged, making it difficult to clearly identify the figure,32 it indicates that shoulder flames were a significant feature in Kushan iconography, symbolizing the divine authority of the king.

The origin of shoulder flames is not limited to the Kushan Empire but can be traced back to the iconographic traditions of ancient Mesopotamia and Iran. In Mesopotamia, objects emerging from the shoulders were used to symbolize the attributes of the bearer. For example, the weapons rising from the shoulders of the winged goddess Ishtar (Sumerian Inanna) signify her martial characteristics (Figure 16). Additionally, the upper relief of the Code of Hammurabi, dating to around 2000 BCE, depicts flames rising from the shoulders of the sun god Shamash, further illustrating this symbolic motif (Figure 17).33

The scene depicts the king receiving authority from the sun god, with the flames rising from the god’s shoulders, symbolizing his divine identity.34 On the upper relief of the Code of Hammurabi, Hammurabi is shown standing on the left, while Shamash, the sun god and god of justice, is seated on a throne to the right, handing a rod and a ring to the king.35 The flames emanating from Shamash’s shoulders represent divinity and justice, serving to legitimize the king’s rule and law-making as divinely sanctioned. The prologue of the Code of Hammurabi explicitly highlights that the king’s exercise of power was not merely a secular act but part of a religious ideology imbued with sacred significance (Charpin 2010, pp. 71–82). In ancient Mesopotamia, the concept of the “just king” was closely tied to solar symbolism, as the king was regarded not simply as a human ruler but as one who manifested the will of the gods and upheld divine order on earth.36

The flames burning from a ruler’s shoulders served as a crucial symbol in Zoroastrianism and ancient Iranian mythology, legitimizing royal authority and representing the king’s Khvarenah. Khvarenah is an abstract concept signifying the sacred power and glory of kingship, often depicted as fire or light. According to Zoroastrian doctrine, Khvarenah descends from the heavens and is contained within fire (Olbrycht 2016, p. 99).37 The deified personification of Khvarenah, known as Pharro, is frequently depicted on Kushan coins with flames rising from the shoulders and often holding a fire bowl (Rosenfield 1967, Plate IX, coin no. 176).38 In the Greater Bundahishn, a Zoroastrian cosmological text, the three great fires of Iran—Adur Farnbag, Adur Gushnasp, and Adur Burzen-Mihr—are metaphorically described as fire bowls containing Khvarenah (Marek Jan Olbrycht 2016, pp. 97–98).

Meanwhile, on Kushan coins, examples such as the portraits of Vima Kadphises and Vasudeva I or II depict figures with a divine halo instead of shoulder flames (Figure 18). The halo visually represents the sacred authority of the king and, like the shoulder flames, highlights the dual nature of the monarch as both a divine figure and a ruler. Although Buddhist halos are often thought to originate from the iconography of the Greek sun god, there are non-Buddhist examples of halos, such as the statue of the deity Zqyq’, found in a small temple dedicated to the god of Fortune in Hatra. The halo consists of a radiate disc with thirteen rays (Al-Salihi 1996, pp. 106–8).39 If flames symbolize dynamic energy and the activation of divinity, halos may represent the expression of eternal sacredness. The combined use of flames and halos in Kushan iconography demonstrates how the empire employed various means to convey the divine nature and authority of its rulers.

Thus, shoulder flames became a prominent iconographic tradition in the ancient Near East and Iran, symbolizing the authority of gods and kings, and this tradition was later incorporated into Kushan iconography. While the textual basis for shoulder flames remains unclear, their significance can be inferred from regional legends, such as the one from Kapisa. According to the Great Tang Records on the Western Regions (Da Tang Xiyu Ji), King Kanishka prayed to the Three Jewels for assistance in defeating an evil dragon residing in a lake atop the Great Snow Mountain in Kapisa. He specifically requested massive flames and smoke to emanate from his shoulders (T. 2087, 51:874).

In this legend, the king assumes the role of a protector, which aligns with the traditional duties of Indian monarchs and the roles of Buddhist guardian deities like Vaiśravaṇa. Notably, the king’s request for shoulder flames as a protective attribute suggests more than a mythical narrative; it reflects the perception of shoulder flames at the time as symbols of divinity and powerful kingship. This suggests that the king sought to transform himself into a being endowed with supernatural powers, and it demonstrates that the king’s weapon was regarded not merely as a tool of warfare but as a symbolic medium embodying divine authority.

Therefore, the flames of King Kanishka symbolize a supernatural power to vanquish evil, and this symbolism was reinterpreted within a Buddhist context in the iconography of Vaiśravaṇa, emphasizing his role as a sacred protector.40 In this way, shoulder flames became a fusion of ancient traditions and Buddhist reinterpretation, establishing themselves as a defining feature of Vaiśravaṇa’s iconography.

3.3. The Cross-Belt

Another prominent feature symbolizing divine power in the iconography of Vaiśravaṇa is the cross belt worn across the chest. This element serves as a symbolic device that reinforces martial authority and the image of a protector, closely tied to the tradition of Lokapālas and Vaiśravaṇa adopting the imagery of a ruler.

The cross belt, known in Sanskrit as channavīra,41 was originally designed as a functional piece of equipment used to secure items like quivers behind the shoulder (Liebert 1976, p. 60). However, in earlier examples, such as the yakshini figures and tree deity carvings from the 2nd century BCE at the Bharhut Stūpa, the cross belt appears to have been used as an ornament or a symbol of sanctity (Figure 19). Similarly, cross belts worn by Iranian rulers are suggested to have served as symbols of divinity and authority rather than practical purposes (Figure 12). Thus, while the cross belt initially had a functional role, over time, it evolved into an iconographic element symbolizing sacredness and the authority of rulers.

In India, the cross belt became one of the attributes of Rāma, regarded as an ideal ruler.42 Rāma, the hero of the great Indian epic Rāmāyana, is depicted wearing a cross belt in the earliest Brahmi-inscribed iconography from the 5th century (Figure 20). This feature continues to appear in numerous representations of Rāma produced between the 5th and 7th centuries (Gaur 2006, plates 8–30). By holding a bow and wearing a cross belt, Rāma visually embodies the identity of a military leader and an ideal ruler. Thus, the cross belt transcended its role as a mere ornament to become an iconographic element symbolizing the sacred warrior and the ideal king.

Rāma was deified and regarded as both the “ideal ruler” and the “sacred archer.”43 Gupta-era rulers utilized the imagery of Rāma to legitimize their own divinity and military authority.44 The cross belt was a key element of this iconographic tradition, portraying the king as an archer and reinforcing his image as a sacred warrior.

In Rāma depictions, the figure is often shown placing the left hand on the chest and raising the right hand, a pose reminiscent of the abhaya mudrā of the Buddha or the imagery of an ideal ruler, the cakravartin (Figure 2). However, this posture was not newly created in Indian Buddhism but seems to have originated from traditions in regions such as Hatra in northern Mesopotamia, where it was used as a royal gesture (Figure 9) (Marciak and Wójcikowski 2016, pp. 93–95; Toynbee 1972, pp. 106–10). Thus, the iconography of Rāma shares symbolic similarities with the sacred ruler imagery that originated in Mesopotamia and Iran.

The tendency to equate kings with gods was widespread not only in India but also in the ancient Near East and Iran.45 This deified image of the king is closely connected to the iconography of Vaiśravaṇa. The depiction of Vaiśravaṇa wearing a cross belt combines the imagery of a deified ruler with that of a sacred protector, symbolizing royal authority and the role of a supernatural guardian. This fusion reinforces the tradition of Vaiśravaṇa as both a worshiper and a protector from its earliest representations.

Next, this paper will examine how Vaiśravaṇa’s iconography continues to embody the royal imagery of a worshiper and protector through the symbolic use of objects such as the miniature Stūpa and the spear.

4. Vaiśravaṇa as a Worshiper and Protector: The Symbolism of the Stūpa and Spear

In the iconography of Vaiśravaṇa, the miniature Stūpa and spear are significant elements symbolizing the dual roles of worshiper and protector (Figure 4 and Figure 5). Vaiśravaṇa is depicted standing front-facing, holding the Stūpa and spear, exuding both reverence and authority. This representation embodies his symbolic roles: as a worshiper devoted to the teachings of the Buddha and as a protector safeguarding the Dharma. This iconography has a deep connection to the early traditions of Bharhut Stūpa. The Northern Heavenly King at Bharhut is depicted wearing royal attire, with both hands clasped in prayer, signifying his role as a worshiper and devotee (Figure 1). At the same time, this posture overlaps with his function as a guardian of the Stūpa. These roles are visually represented in the iconography of the so-called Tobatsu type of Vaiśravaṇa through the symbols of the stūpa and the spear.

The stūpa is a reliquary monument enshrining the relics of Śākyamuni Buddha. Even before the emergence of Buddha images, Buddhists revered the stūpa as a symbolic representation of the Buddha himself.46 As previously discussed, the depiction of the Four Heavenly Kings with folded hands on the gateway of the Bharhut Stūpa reflects this tradition. In addition to large stūpas housing relics, smaller votive stūpas were also produced in India (Figure 21). These votive stūpas often served as reliquaries and later appeared as attributes of Vaiśravaṇa.

A stūpa is a sacred structure enshrining the relics of Śākyamuni Buddha, holding profound symbolic significance in the Buddhist faith. Early Buddhists, even before the creation of Buddha images, regarded the stūpa as a symbolic representation of Śākyamuni and venerated it as an object of devotion. As a site that houses relics, the stūpa became the focal point of offerings, providing a spiritual connection between devotees and the Buddha.47 This stūpa worship tradition was expressed in various forms, and its importance is evident in Gandhāran art, particularly in donor statues holding relic containers, which emphasize the central role of stūpa offerings (Figure 22).

In particular, the depiction of Vaiśravaṇa holding a stūpa as his attribute goes beyond his role as a guardian of the Dharma; it symbolically embodies the practice of offering to the stūpa. The fact that Vaiśravaṇa carries a stūpa as an attribute is significant, as the stūpa contains the relics of Śākyamuni and thus reflects the act of offering and its spiritual meaning. Just as the donor statues in Gandhāran art represent the practice of stūpa offerings, Vaiśravaṇa, too, conveys the meaning of religious devotion and offerings through the stūpa. Therefore, the appearance of the stūpa as an attribute of Vaiśravaṇa is not merely a visual element but a symbolic continuation and expansion of stūpa worship and the practice of relic offerings.48

The stūpa is a unique attribute of Vaiśravaṇa among Buddhist guardian deities. According to Buddhist scriptures, the stūpa is mentioned exclusively as Vaiśravaṇa’s attribute, with the earliest textual reference found in the Dhāraṇī-saṃgraha-sūtra 陀羅尼集經 [The Sutra of the Collection of Dhāraṇīs], translated into Chinese by the Indian monk Atikūṭa between 634 and 635 CE (Shim 2013, Table 2). The exact origin of the inclusion of the stūpa in Vaiśravaṇa’s iconography remains unclear.49

A mural depicting a Lokapāla holding a stūpa appears in Cave 285 of the Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang, dating to the Western Wei period (538–539 CE) (Figure 23).50 However, according to one record, the depiction of a Heavenly King holding a stūpa is believed to date back to an earlier period. Volume 1 of the Xuanhe Huapu 宣和畫譜 [The Xuanhe Painting Manual], a prominent painting treatise from the Northern Song dynasty, introduces ten Buddhist paintings by the renowned artist Lu Tanwei (陸探微) of the Southern Dynasties’ Song period (420–479), which were preserved in the royal collection. Among them is the Tuo Ta Tianwang Tu (托塔天王圖, Heavenly King Holding a Stūpa). This indicates that by the 5th century, depictions of Vaiśravaṇa holding a stūpa were already being produced in China, distinct from the images of the Four Heavenly Kings.51

The depiction of Vaiśravaṇa standing frontally, holding a stūpa in one hand and a spear in the other (Figure 4 and Figure 5),52 closely resembles the portraits of Kushan kings who stand frontally holding a spear in one hand and offering to a fire altar with the other (Figure 15 and Figure 18).53 Considering the strong connection between the iconography of Vaiśravaṇa and royal imagery within the broader Indo-Iranian cultural sphere, the attributes and posture of Vaiśravaṇa appear to have originated not from a uniquely Buddhist invention but from the royal iconography of the ancient Near East and the Kushan dynasty. This will be further examined below.

The fire-worship rituals of the Kushan dynasty were deeply influenced by Iranian culture and religious traditions. The Kushan kingdom maintained close ties with the ancient Iranian cultural sphere, and Zoroastrianism, a major religious tradition of Iran, had a significant impact on the Kushan kings. Particularly, Kanishka placed Bactria and its Iranian religious practices at the center of his religious policy, which is well reflected in the dynastic sanctuary at Surkh Kotal (Harmatta et al. 1994, p. 314). In Zoroastrianism, fire symbolized sanctity and served as a central element of religious practices, with fire worship becoming one of the most important rituals. The offering of fire, as seen in the upper relief of Darius I’s tomb from the Achaemenid dynasty, was an important ritual from early times (Figure 11). From the 1st to the 3rd centuries, offerings to fire were regarded as highly significant in Iran, as illustrated by coins depicting Sasanian kings or practitioners performing rituals beside fire altars as tall as themselves (Figure 24).54 The fire-worship rituals of the Iranian royal court were transformed into a Buddhist context through the Kushan dynasty, and the stūpa held by Vaiśravaṇa in its iconography can be seen as a Buddhist reinterpretation of this symbolic tradition.

The Kushan king’s offering at the fire altar was not merely a worshiper paying homage to a divine entity but also played the role of a protector safeguarding the sacred fire. This reflects Zoroastrian rituals where fire symbolized sanctity and order, and its maintenance and protection were considered vital religious duties. Thus, the spear held by the Kushan king symbolizes power and protection, aligning with his role as both a warrior and a guardian of divine order. Ultimately, the image of the Kushan king standing before the fire altar holding a spear shares symbolic significance with the depiction of Vaiśravaṇa holding a miniature Stūpa and a spear. This, in turn, suggests that the iconography of Vaiśravaṇa, as a protector who venerates and guards the Buddha’s teachings, inherited royal symbolism. In the scriptural passages mentioning Vaiśravaṇa’s attributes, Vaiśravaṇa’s role is understood to be associated with both ‘veneration of the stūpa or its protection’ and ‘subjugating others’ (An 2008, p. 233).

The idea of a miniature Stūpa, as represented by the votive stūpa held by Vaiśravaṇa, was likely influenced by the fire altar depicted on Kushan coins. On these coins, the fire altar is presented in a miniature form, with the king offering homage to it. Similar to the Kushan fire ritual, which symbolized devotion to the sacred element of fire, the stūpa in Vaiśravaṇa’s iconography embodies the Buddhist notion of reverence and offering. Since the stūpa was a sacred repository of Buddha’s relics and regarded as identical to the Buddha himself, the stūpa in Vaiśravaṇa’s imagery serves as both a symbol of homage to the Buddha and his teachings and a representation of the intent to safeguard them. In contrast, the spear emphasizes the role of a protector, visually reinforcing Vaiśravaṇa’s duty to defend the Dharma from external threats. The previously mentioned 6th-century Western Wei depiction of Vaiśravaṇa and the appearance of the stūpa as Vaiśravaṇa’s attribute in early 7th-century scripture demonstrate that the symbolism of the stūpa was influenced by both early Buddhist traditions and the fire rituals of the Kushan dynasty.

Another key attribute in Vaiśravaṇa’s iconography, the spear, was used as a symbol emphasizing the role of the protector. While the exact origin of the spear as an attribute of Vaiśravaṇa remains undocumented, Xuanzang recorded seeing an image of Vaiśravaṇa holding a spear in the capital of Bactria, Balkh (縛喝國), during his journey to India. According to the Great Tang Records on the Western Regions, a Vaiśravaṇa statue was enshrined in Nāvasamghārāma. When Satu Yabghu Qaghan (肆葉護可汗), the son of a Turkic Yabghu Qaghan (葉護可汗), attempted to plunder the monastery’s treasures, Vaiśravaṇa reportedly appeared in his dream wielding a spear to stop him (T. 2087. No. 51, p. 0872). This legend demonstrates that Vaiśravaṇa wielded a spear to fulfill his role as a protector. While the exact timeline remains uncertain, the account also suggests that the spear had likely become an established symbolic attribute of Vaiśravaṇa even before Xuanzang’s visit.

On Kushan coins, kings are also depicted holding a spear while making an offering at a fire altar (Figure 15 and Figure 18), indicating that the spear symbolized ideal kingship (Rosenfield 1967, pp. 54–55) and established itself as a marker of the protector’s role.55 Even before the final form of the Vaiśravaṇa iconography was established, guardian deities on the gateways of the Sanchi Stūpa are depicted holding a spear in non-threatening poses (Figure 25).56 Interestingly, in the Lalitavistara, even women are described as wielding weapons, and in Gandhāran narrative reliefs depicting Queen Māyā’s dream, her attendants are shown holding swords or spears (Figure 26). Similar depictions can also be observed in southern Indian sites like Amaravati and Nagarjunakonda. However, in none of these instances do the attendants appear threatening or adopt defensive postures.57 This demonstrates that the spear was not merely a weapon of combat but served as a symbol of protection (Shim 2013, p. 63).

5. Conclusions

This study analyzed the origins and symbolism of Vaiśravaṇa iconography, revealing that it transcends the image of a mere Buddhist guardian deity and is closely tied to the multicultural symbolism of royal authority. The religious life of the Kushan Empire evolved in complexity through the fusion and absorption of diverse regional and cultural traditions, with this religious syncretism playing a crucial role in reinforcing the empire’s governing ideology and religious authority (Harmatta et al. 1994).

In ancient Mesopotamia and Iran, kings were regarded as unique figures possessing both divine authority and the role of earthly rulers. The Kushan perception of kingship reflects this understanding, which is shaped by interaction with these traditions. This perception is reflected in the iconography of Vaiśravaṇa, where the dual roles of a divine worshipper and a guardian coexist. The bird on the headdress, the flames on the shoulders, and the cross belt each have distinct iconographic origins, yet all serve as symbolic elements expressing royal authority and sacredness. The bird symbolizes celestial presence and the role of a protector, while the flames visually amplify the king’s supernatural power. The cross belt represents martial authority, emphasizing the role of a protector and conqueror. These symbols illustrate the process by which Vaiśravaṇa iconography was reinterpreted as a Buddhist guardian deity within a multicultural context.

Furthermore, the Stūpa and spear serve as essential attributes that emphasize Vaiśravaṇa’s dual role as a devotee and protector. The Stūpa symbolizes Vaiśravaṇa’s devotion to the teachings of the Buddha, while the spear represents his role as a defender of the Dharma. The fire worship rituals of the Kushan dynasty and the iconography of Vaiśravaṇa share these symbolic meanings, reflecting the multicultural characteristics and religious syncretism of the Kushan Empire. The fire altar in the fire worship rituals became associated with the Stūpa in the Buddhist context, materializing as a Buddhist iconographic element in the depiction of Vaiśravaṇa.

In conclusion, the iconography of Vaiśravaṇa can be understood not merely as a representation of a Buddhist guardian deity but as a fusion of the sacred rulership and political symbolism of the Kushan Empire. This study highlights the significant role of the religious and political context of the Kushan Empire in the formation of Vaiśravaṇa’s imagery and is expected to contribute to a deeper understanding of how Buddhist iconography evolved through interactions with regional cultures.