Migration of Korean Daejonggyo Believers to Manchuria in the Early 20th Century and Their Consciousness of Ancient Territory

Abstract

In the late Joseon dynasty, many Koreans crossed the border between Joseon and Qing for survival. They then migrated to Manchuria, in the Qing territory, around Mt. Baekdu. In the late 1900s, Japan seized diplomatic and military control of Korea, and in 1910, Korea was annexed by Japan. Many Koreans then moved to the Manchurian region of China. Religion played an important role in the large Korean community formed in Manchuria after the 1910s. During this period, Korean immigrant communities that were centered on religion were established in Manchuria. Among the many religions, Daejonggyo (大倧敎) places great emphasis on national consciousness, and it was an active component of the anti-Japanese armed independence movement to restore national sovereignty. In particular, Daejonggyo claimed that Dangun (檀君), the founder of the Korean people, came down from heaven, established the first nation of the Korean people on Mt. Baekdu, and governed the surrounding area. Accordingly, Daejonggyo considered the Manchurian region to be the ancient territory of the Korean people. In addition, Daejonggyo presented the concept of the Baedal nation as a Dangun lineage and included not only the Korean people but also various northern ethnic groups, such as the Manchurian people. By doing so, Daejonggyo converged not only the Korean Peninsula and the Joseon nation (minjok, 民族) but also the Manchurian region and various ethnic groups in Manchuria into its own territory and people. Through this, Daejonggyo believers not only secured the legitimacy of residing in Manchuria but also gained the justification to drive out the Japanese and restore the Korean peninsular ancient territory.

1. Introduction

From antiquity to the modern era, human migration has been a recurrent phenomenon, driven by a variety of factors. Some people relocated to sustain livelihoods such as agriculture or pastoralism, while others moved to escape war, natural disasters, or political persecution. The scale of migration ranged from small groups to entire tribes and ethnic communities. These movements often crossed boundaries, including those of villages, ethnicities, and nations, and frequently led to the formation of new communities, societies, and cultures. In some cases, migration gave rise to new ethnic identities and religious traditions. Numerous factors influenced how migrant communities adapted to and developed within unfamiliar environments, among which religion played a particularly significant role. This phenomenon was evident in ancient societies and remains true in many migrant communities today. Religion has often played a pivotal role in uniting immigrant groups and has served as a means to establish new social networks.

In the context of modern Korea, large-scale migrations occurred for reasons including economic necessity and political persecution. Among these, the migration of Daejonggyo (大倧敎) adherents to Manchuria, China, stands out as particularly significant. This migration was unique because Daejonggyo members regarded Manchuria as the ancestral homeland of the Korean people and the sacred birthplace of their faith. For them, the relocation to Manchuria was perceived not merely as migration but as a symbolic return to the land of their ancestors and a sacred religious site. Moreover, Daejonggyo emerged within the broader context of nationalist discourse that arose in Korea during the modern era. Uniquely, it combined a strong nationalist orientation with the deliberate choice to emigrate as part of its active participation in the anti-Japanese independence movement. Therefore, the emergence of Daejonggyo and the migration of its members to Manchuria represent a distinctive case that highlights the complexity of migrant communities in modern Korea and the multifaceted roles of religion within them.

During the Daehan Jeguk (大韓帝國, Korean Empire) period (1897–1910), Na Cheol (羅喆, 1863–1916) founded the Dangungyo (檀君敎, Dangun religion) in 1909 and renamed it Daejonggyo (大倧敎) the following year. The Daejonggyo denomination describes this time not as the “founding of the Dangun religion” but as the “revival of the Dangun religion”. This is because they believe that Dangungyo already existed before Na Cheol founded it, and that Na Cheol merely re-revealed the existing Dangungyo. However, it is not confirmed that the actual Dangun religion existed as a religious organization before Nachul. In the mid-1910s, despite its strong nationalist tendencies, Daejonggyo moved its main activities to Manchuria because of restrictions in Korea. During this period, Daejonggyo regarded the Manchurian region, which is centered on Mt. Baekdu, as its sacred ancestral territory and also presented the concept of the Baedal (倍達) nation,1 emphasizing that the Korean people were of the same bloodline as the northern peoples including the Manchurians. Based on this, Daejonggyo incorporated the history of the Jin (金), Later Jin (後金), and Qing (淸) dynasties established by the Jurchen people into the history of the Baedal nation.

This study found that by strengthening the Dangun discourse and rewriting ancient Korean history, Daejonggyo cultivated the consciousness that Manchuria, China, is the ancient territory of the Korean people; expanded the conceptualization of the Korean nation; and ultimately legitimized the residence of Korean immigrants in Manchuria. We will examine how this discourse promoted national pride among immigrants. Therefore, this paper will first analyze the formation of the Dangun discourse in Korea during the 1900s and the emergence of Daejonggyo from the perspective of religious nationalism. Next, this paper will examine how the Daejonggyo denomination, in the process of relocating its base to Manchuria, strengthened the belief that Manchuria was the ancient territory of the Korean people and ultimately provided legitimacy for Korean immigrants residing there. Additionally, this paper will confirm that Daejonggyo expanded the concept of the Korean nation to include various ethnic groups active in ancient Northeast Asia, absorbing the heroic narratives of northern peoples and utilizing them as a driving force for the anti-Japanese independence movement.

During the process of writing this paper, the authors identified significant existing research on the topic. Among the most comprehensive studies on Daejonggyo are those by Sassa (2003) and N. Kim (2021). These two studies particularly emphasize that the concept of Dangun, which emerged during Korea’s modern period, is not entirely indigenous to Korea but shares connections with Susanoo, a figure from Japan’s founding myth. They further analyze the various meanings of this concept by examining a wide range of ancient and modern materials. The connection between Dangun and Susanoo was emphasized by Japanese scholars during the Japanese colonial period, and Suh (2001) argues that the widespread circulation of this view at the time was politically motivated. While Sassa and Kim Nuri focus on the origins of Daejonggyo, this is not the central research topic of this paper. This paper examines the migration of Daejonggyo followers to Manchuria, China, in modern Korea, specifically their theoretical efforts to establish the legitimacy of their settlement in Manchuria and the centripetal force of the migrant community through Daejonggyo. More precisely, this study analyzes the territorial consciousness of Daejonggyo, with particular emphasis on the migration of its followers to Manchuria.

In this regard, this paper bears some resemblance to Schmid’s (2002) study. When Schmid analyzed Korean nationalism in the 1900s and 1910s, he incorporated the region of Manchuria into his discussion. He argues that the Dangun discourse was a product of the national project pursued by modern Korean intellectuals, and that Daejonggyo’s emphasis on Manchuria as a homeland was also linked to this nationalist framework. Schmid particularly emphasizes that Daejonggyo’s assertion that Manchuria is the ancient territory of the Korean nation reflects both a nationalist tendency and an expansionist one. In this context, expansionism not only represents a form of territorial ambition but also serves as a response to Sinocentrism, a worldview that has persisted since the pre-modern era, as well as to Japanese imperialism, which emerged in the modern period and undermined Korea’s national sovereignty. However, this paper does not extend Schmid’s analysis but instead focuses on the implications of the consciousness of ancient territory among Korean Daejonggyo believers who migrated to Manchuria. The discussion is thus confined to their consciousness of territory within the specific context of their migration to Manchuria.

2. The Recognition of Dangun in Korea in the 1900s and the Founding of Daejonggyo by Na Cheol

2.1. Changes in the Perception of Dangun and Representation of the Nation in Korea in the 1900s

Dangun first appeared in Korean history books during the Goryeo dynasty (918–1392). SamgukYusa (三國遺事, Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms), written by Goryeo dynasty monk Ilyeon (一然, 1206–1289), and Jewangungi (帝王韻紀, Recording past kings in poetry), written by Confucian scholar Lee Seunghyu (李承休, 1224–1300), considered Gojoseon (古朝鮮) as Korea’s first state. These books describe Dangun as the founder of “Gojoseon” and the progenitor of the Korean people (S. Kim 1992, p. 114). Of course, this idea would have already existed in Goryeo society before Ilyeon and Lee Seunghyu recorded Gojoseon and Dangun in their writings. During the reign of King Taejong (太宗代, 1400–1418) of the Joseon dynasty, the Joseon government included Dangun in the national rites and held an ancestral rite for him. This implies that, to some extent, Dangun had been accepted in the institutional community as well. In other words, the perception that Korea’s history originated from Dangun was already apparent during the Goryeo dynasty, and Dangun’s historical status solidified during the Joseon dynasty (Suh 2001, p. 219). However, in pre-modern Korea, the idea that Dangun was the progenitor of the entire Joseon nation was not universally accepted. It was institutionally impossible to assume the same ancestor encompassing nobles, commoners, and low-class people, because Joseon dynasty society was strictly stratified based on social classes.

Prior to the modern era, discourse surrounding Dangun was present not only in Korea but also in Japan. The narrative of Dangun had already been transmitted to Japan from the Korean Peninsula during the Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–1598). Subsequently, a trend emerged in Japan to associate Susanoo no Mikoto (素盞嗚尊), the younger brother of Amaterasu Okami (天照大神) and a central figure in Japan’s foundational mythology, with Dangun. This development gave rise to two distinct Dangun discourses: one posited that Susanoo expanded his territory from Japan to Korea, while the other claimed that Susanoo expanded from Korea to Japan. Both arguments suggested a shared ancestry between Koreans and the Japanese. Notably, this Dangun–Susanoo discourse predated Japan’s military expansion (N. Kim 2021, pp. 403–4). Sassa Mitsuaki also addressed this discourse prior to Kim Nuri’s research (Sassa 2003).

In Korea, the perception of Dangun underwent significant transformations during modern times, encompassing both systemic and ideological changes. Systemically, the feudal structure and caste system were dismantled, while the ideological aspiration to establish a nation-state emerged among Koreans. In 1894, the Joseon government abolished the class system and liberated slaves through the Gabo Reform of 1894. After the Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895), China’s dominance in Joseon disappeared. By extension, in 1897, the Joseon government declared the Korean Empire (1897–1910). After the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905), Japan secured control over Joseon and eventually annexed it in 1910.

The Korean Empire aimed to become a modern nation-state, and Dangun and Dangun Joseon were introduced and emphasized consistently in government-published textbooks during this period (Do 2015, p. 6). At that time, an attempt was made to establish the identity of the Joseon nation, using China as the other. Since 1905, when Japan established the Residency General and the Korean Empire lost its sovereignty, the intellectual community has recognized Japan as a hostile other. During this period, “nation (minjok 民族)” became a word used frequently by intellectuals (Kwon 2007, pp. 188–212).

In the 1910s and 1920s, after the annexation of Korea by Japan, there were still two distinct “Others” in Korean national discourse. For Koreans in this period, China was the other that needed to be freed from cultural and spiritual subjugation, and Japan was the other that needed to be freed from political subjugation. In his analysis of the Dangun movement during the Korean Empire, Youngdae Suh highlighted that the collapse of the pre-modern system and the discovery of others played a significant role of the formation of the concept of nation, which replaced the monarch as the central concept of the country (Suh 2001, p. 222).2

In the late 1900s, as national discourse emerged in Korean intellectual society, it was soon combined with the Dangun discourse. Shin Chaeho (申菜浩, 1880–1936), a journalist and historian, led the Dangun discourse. Shin envisioned a “historical system linking Gojoseon (b.c. 2333–b.c. 108), Buyeo (b.c. 4c–a.d.494), and Goguryeo (b.c.37–a.d.668)” (Kwon 2007, p. 195). From around 1908, the concept of “Dangun descendants” frequently appeared in major media, and they began to emphasize that both the Korean people and the Korean nation belonged to Dangun descendants. Shin Chaeho described Dangun as “the founder who founded our country” in Doksasinron (讀史新論, A New Reading of History), as serialized in Daehan Maeil Shinbo (大韓每日申報, The Korea Daily News) (Ko 2000, p. 244). Shin Chaeho later taught history at Dongchang School, a Daejonggyo-affiliated school founded in Manchuria by Yoon Sebok (尹世復, 1881–1960). In the late 1900s, the Dangun discourse was more strongly integrated with the national discourse. An editorial in the August 1910 edition of Hwangseong Sinmun (皇城新聞, Imperial Capital Gazette) stated the following:

If we commemorate Dangun, the progenitor of the entire nation, worship him, become closer to each other by blood, and strictly observe the morals that humans must adhere to, the concept of family that considers superiority and inferiority will disappear. Additionally, the idea of regional divisions into North, South, East, and West will disappear, and everyone, whether those who believe in Eastern religions or those who believe in Western religions, will have the idea that they are descendants of one ancestor. How could this not be the engine of ideological unification of our people?

(Hwangseong Shinmun 1910, August 10)

This editorial argues that the concept of “descendants of the same ancestor” will ultimately lead to the “unification of national ideology”. It clearly shows the direction of the concept of “Dangun descendants” right before the conclusion of the “Japan-Korea Treaty of 1910”. The concept of “Dangun descendants” emphasized a shared lineage that overshadows diversity among different individuals and groups. Bodrae Kwon viewed the nation as “a group that exists in relation to the nation-state but transcends it”. In other words, he referred to the nation as a “prototypical group” (Kwon 2007, p. 203). In Korean society at the time, the idea of “Dangun descendants” or “Dangun nation” gave many Koreans a sense of belonging that transcended class, region, and religion.

2.2. Na Cheol’s Founding of Daejonggyo and Religious Nationalism

Dangun discourse, which originally had a religious character, has been combined with religious discourse since the mid-1900s. In the modern sense, the Dangun faith emerged before the founding of Daejonggyo. According to Murayama Chijun, a Japanese folklorist who worked in Joseon during the Japanese colonial period, Kim Yeombaek (金廉伯) from Pyeongando entered Myohyang Mountain and prayed for a thousand days, finally receiving the Holy Spirit from Dangun and converting to Holy Religion (神敎). Kim Yeombaek founded this new religion and had thousands of followers (Murayama 1935, p. 446). According to the internal records of Daejonggyo, in addition to Kim Yeombaek, there was also another person called Baekbong (白峰) (Yu 2019, p. 8). Baekbong entered Mt. Baekdu together with his 13 disciples, including Baekjeon (白栓), and received Dangun’s silent commandment after 10 years of prayer. In 1904, he declared the “propagation of the Dangun religion” (Na [1909] 1971b, pp. 81–85).3

Notably, the person who founded the Dangun religion was obviously Na Cheol.4 However, according to records within the Daejonggyo Church, Na Cheol accepted the Dangun religion because he met with the Baekbong Order several times and received the Dangun religion’s important scriptures. Na Cheol acknowledged that he had been chosen by the Baekbong Denomination and accepted their religious mission. On 15 January of the lunar calendar in 1909, Na Cheol gathered with like-minded people at Chiwoonjeong (翠雲亭) in Jaedong (齋洞), Hanseongbu (漢城府), Korea, and declared an ancestral rite to heaven in honor of Dangun Daewangjo (檀君大皇朝, Dangun Great Emperor) and published the Dangungyo Pomyeongseo (檀君敎佈明書, Mission Statement of the Dangun Religion).5 Confucian scholars such as Lee Gi (李沂), Kim Insik (金寅植), Choi Dongsik (崔東植), and Jeong Hoonmo (鄭薰模), who participated in the founding of the Dangun religion along with Na Cheol, converted to Daejonggyo.

In August 1910, Na Cheol changed the name of the Dangun religion to Daejonggyo. Daejong (大倧) literally means “Grand Progenitor” and within Daejonggyo, it refers to “Haneol”. The term Haneol is purely Korean; Haneol means God. In Daejonggyo, Huanyin, Hwanung, and Dangun were alternative names for Haneol, but Dangun, the founding deity and personality of the ruler, received more highlight (H. Kim 2017, p. 95).

Na Cheol’s announcement of Dangungyo Pomyeongseo was aimed at ‘compatriot brothers and sisters’, who are essentially expressions of the nation. In other words, Na Cheol proclaimed the establishment of Dangungyo to the Joseon nation. In the Dangungyo Pomyeongseo, Dangun is referred to as ‘Great Emperor Dangun Sacred Divine (大皇祖檀君聖神)’. After the establishment of the Korean Empire, Lee Seonggye, the founder of the Joseon dynasty, was called the Hwangjo (皇祖, Great Emperor). With this context, Dangungyo elevates Dangun and refers to him as ‘the Great Emperor’ (Sassa 2003, p. 56). This expression tells us that the Dangun religion worships Dangun, who is revered as the founder of the Korean people, as a god. The Dangungyo Pomyeongseo regards Dangun as the origin of the nation, highlighting that a nation cannot prosper if it loses its origin. In other words, in times of national crisis, the Korean people must return to the Dangun faith.

You do not worship the sacred ancestors who founded your country, you do not worship the sacred gods who nurture your body, and you do not believe in the sacred religion that protects your family. Rather, you worship the ancestors of others. Worshiping your own god and believing in someone else’s religion. How can something go against reason and go against morality like this?

(Na [1909] 1971b, p. 84)

The Dangungyo Pomyeongseo emphasizes that it is logical to worship “our ancestors, our gods, and our religion”. Here, a nationalistic character is clearly evident. It can also be confirmed that the Dangun religion claims to be more than an ordinary universal religion for the Korean people. What is the “religion of others” or “religion of other peoples” mentioned in the Dangungyo Pomyeongseo? Dangungyo Pomyeongseo considers not only Confucianism, which dominated the Joseon dynasty, but also Buddhism, which was popular during the Three Kingdoms Period and the Goryeo dynasty, as foreign religions and other people’s religions. The Dangungyo Pomyeongseo also posits that the prosperity of other religions in ancient Korea led to a decline in national fortune, ultimately resulting in the country’s collapse. It suggests that as the influence of the Dangun religion waned, so did the nation’s prosperity. For those who do not adhere to Dangungyo, this assertion may appear somewhat implausible. However, within the historical context of Korea’s loss of national sovereignty in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, this claim serves not only as a critique of pre-modern religious systems but also as a reflection on the prevailing religious frameworks of the time.

Given the political circumstances in Korea during the 1900s, the establishment of Daejonggyo can be seen as a convergence of ethnicity and religion, serving a distinct purpose at a specific historical juncture. For this very reason, Na Cheol’s founding of Daejonggyo can be viewed from the perspective of religious nationalism (Jeong 2002, p. 230). Benedict Anderson, who studies modern nationalism, argued that nationality, nation-ness, and nationalism are cultural artifacts of a particular kind (Anderson 2006, p. 4). The materials that complete the cultural artifacts are cultural symbols, practices, and narratives through which a certain group is united, and a community is imagined therein. “Religious nationalism” mobilizes religion to strengthen group solidarity and connects the future of the community to religious values. Accordingly, Daejonggyo can be seen as an example of religious nationalism, as it imagines the Joseon or Baedal nations through the cultural symbol of Dangun and the religious practice of Dangun worship.

3. The Relocation of Daejonggyo Activities and the Development of Consciousness of Ancient Territory

3.1. Relocation of Headquarters of Daejonggyo to Manchuria, China, in 1914

Na Cheol had a strong national consciousness even before the founding of Daejonggyo, and the Daejonggyo was also the result of a combination of religion and national consciousness. This aspect of Daejonggyo was clearly recognized by the public through the media at that time, and the Japanese Empire also recognized this fact.6 An incident that showed the tension between Daejonggyo and the Japanese Government-General of Korea occurred not long after the founding of Daejonggyo.

In January 1911, Park Jungyang (朴重陽, 1874–1959), the Governor of Chungcheongnam-do, asserted that the missionary activities of Daejonggyo had fostered anti-Japanese independence sentiments among Koreans. He inquired with the Government-General whether Daejonggyo was officially recognized as a religion (Lee 2015, pp. 168–73). What Park paid attention to were some provisions of “Dangungyo Odaejongji Pomyeongseo” (檀君敎五大宗旨佈明書, Five Significant Tenets of the Dangun Religion). On 1 December 1909, before changing its name to Daejonggyo, the Dangun religion announced the “Odaejongji” (五大宗旨, Five Significant tenets) as a code of practice for the Dangun religion. The fourth tenet of Odaejongji is that the “Believers in Dangungyo must resolutely safeguard the territory passed down by our ancestors, upholding the sacred duty entrusted to us by those who came before” (Na [1909] 1971a, p. 152). Park took issue with the Odaejongji maintained by Daejonggyo even after the annexation of Korea by Japan. Park requested the Governor-General to close the Gongju City Church of Daejonggyo, which was promoting the teachings of the “Odaejongji”. Although the Governor-General did not take action to close the Gongju City Church, it emphasized that Daejonggyo was not an officially recognized religion (J. Jo 2020, pp. 116–17). While the Government-General did not immediately move to suppress Daejonggyo, it soon began to exert control over religious activities through administrative orders (Lee 2015, pp. 175–77).

When this issue arose, the Daejonggyo denomination immediately and drastically revised the Odaejongji, completely expunging its fourth tenet. Daejonggyo also duly knew that some of these provisions would be problematic under the colonial situation at that time. In fact, as can be seen from the Odaejongji promulgated by the Dangun religion, Daejonggyo had a strong “consciousness of strengthening the ancient territory”. In a way, “national consciousness” and “ancient territory consciousness” are the core values of Daejonggyo. The editorial in the Hwangseong Sinmun published on 11 March 1910, just before the annexation of Korea by Japan, “The People, Ancient Territory, and History of Civilization of Our Dangun Descendants”, emphasized not only the lineage of Dangun descendants but also the territory of Dangun descendants (Suh 2001, p. 243). As Park suspected, in a situation where the Korean people lost their nation, Daejonggyo’s platform of “protecting the homeland” was naturally reminiscent of the independence movement.

Following the annexation of Korea by Japan, Daejonggyo encountered challenges in its missionary efforts within the country, exacerbated by the unfavorable political climate at the time. Soon after establishing Daejonggyo, Na Cheol contemplated relocating the primary operations of Daejonggyo abroad. He considered the Kando region of Manchuria, China, where a large Korean migrant community had formed at the time. On 25 October 1910, Daejonggyo established a branch in Samdogu, Hwayong County, Bukgando. In May 1914 (lunar calendar), Na Cheol finally moved the headquarters of Daejonggyo to Cheongpaho, Hwayong County, Manchuria, China. This place currently corresponds to Hualong City (和龍市), within the Korean Autonomous Region of Jilin Province, China. Broadly speaking, this is the northeastern foot of Mt. Baekdu. Immediately after Na Cheol moved the headquarters, in June of that year, he sent Gang U (姜虞, 1862–1932), an official of Daejonggyo, to Mt. Baekdu to perform the ancestral rites. On 3 October of that year, National Foundation Day, the Jecheon (祭天, holding a ritual to Heaven) and Jesan (祭山, holding a ritual to the Mountain) ceremonies were held together at Cheongpaho, where the headquarters were located. Na Cheol built Gogyeonggak (古經閣, Scripture preservation pavilion) and Goryeongsa (古靈祠, Ancestral rites temple) at the headquarters. Gogyeonggak is where the scriptures of Daejonggyo and materials related to ancient history were collected and preserved. Goryeongsa enshrines the saints and heroes worshiped in Daejonggyo. Unusually, Goryeongsa enshrines not only the Joseon nation but also a Manchurian ancestor, King Taizu of the Jin dynasty, as a saint (Sassa 2003, p. 77).

After moving the headquarters to Manchuria, Na Cheol established the East Province Headquarters, West Province Headquarters, North Province Headquarters, and Namdo Headquarters, centered on Mt. Baekdu; the locations of these headquarters are Wangqing County (汪淸縣, Wangqing County, Jilin Province); Shanghai, China; Sohakyong, Primorsky Krai, Russia; and Gyeongseong, colonial Joseon, respectively. An area called ”Oedo Diocese (Outer road Diocese)” was added, encompassing China, Japan, Europe, and America. This means that Daejonggyo’s main activity site was relocated around Mt. Baekdu and went beyond colonial Joseon.

The Dangungyo Pomyeongseo states that Dangun’s rule “extended as far as the Sakmak Gungyang in the northwest and the Yeonghae Islands in the southeast” (Na [1909] 1971a, p. 85). It is presumed that “Sakmak Gungyang” refers to the desert region of Mongolia, and “Yeonghae nghae Jedo” refers to islands in the southern sea of the Korean Peninsula, such as Jeju Island. Later, in Shindanminsa (神檀民史, The history of the sacred Dangun nation), published in 1923 while he was living in Manchuria, Kim Gyoheon (金敎憲, 1868–1923) described Dangun’s area of rule as, “The north extends from the Heuksu (黑水) to the remaining Usu (牛水), and it extends to the East and West” (G. Kim [1923] 2020b, p. 104). In this case, the Heuksu refers to Heilongjiang, China, and Usu refers to the Chuncheon area in Gangwondo, Korea. Daejonggyo members immigrated to China to escape Japanese oppression, finding solace in the belief that they had returned to “Dangun’s sacred homeland” of Mt. Baekdu and Manchuria. Following Na Cheol’s relocation of the headquarters of Daejonggyo to Manchuria, many Korean immigrants in the Kando area exhibited heightened interest in Daejonggyo as a unifying national religion.

3.2. Discovery of Mt. Baekdu as a Holy Site and Strengthening of Consciousness of Ancient Territory

Even before Na Cheol moved the headquarters of Daejonggyo to Hualong City, Manchuria, Mt. Baekdu was a special place in Daejonggyo. The so-called Dangungyo Pomyeongseo of the Baekbong Order also revealed that the place where it was written was “Taebaeksan Daesungjeon” (太白山大崇殿, The Great Respect Holl in Mt. Taebaek), and in this case, Taebaeksan refers to Baekdusan (白頭山, Mt. Baekdu). It is clear that Daejonggyo has been spatially dependent on Mt. Baekdu, which has various names, including Baeksan; however, in China, it is generally called Mt. Changbai. It spans both North and South Hamgyeong Provinces in North Korea, and in China, it extends widely across the southwestern part of the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture, Jilin Province. Mt. Baekdu is approximately 2750 m above sea level and is the tallest and largest mountain in the Korean Peninsula and Manchuria. Mt. Baekdu has influenced the beliefs of not only the Korean people but also various ethnic groups in Manchuria since ancient times.

In Korean history, no mention of Mt. Baekdu can be found before the Goryeo dynasty. Of course, this assessment is based on the currently available literature. It was not until the early Goryeo dynasty that the location of Mt. Baekdu became known, and the name “Mt. Baekdu” was used. In addition, it gradually began to be recognized as the origin of the mountain ranges on the Korean Peninsula (C. Park 2013, p. 12). There was a tendency to regard Mt. Baekdu as the main mountain of Korean mountains and rivers, not only during the Goryeo dynasty but also during the Joseon dynasty. However, Confucian scholars during the Joseon dynasty regarded Mt. Baekdu as a key line of Mt. Kunlun, China’s representative mountain, and understood Mt. Baekdu to be the main mountain in only Manchurian regions. In a way, it could be said that they applied the hierarchy of China and Joseon (Korea) to Mt. Kunlun and Mt. Baekdu. Therefore, in the record of a Confucian scholar from the Joseon dynasty exploring Mt. Baekdu, one can find traces of Small Sinocentrism such as “Mt. Baekdu is the the eldest son of Mt. Kunlun” (C. Park 2013, p. 15).

In Korea, the perceptions of Mt. Baekdu have changed since the late 19th century. These changes have been evident since the late 1900s. Shin Chaeho reinterprets the phrase from Samguk Yusa, “Hwanung came down from the top of Taebaek Mountain under Shindansu (神壇樹, The tree where Dangun descended from the sky) with a group of 3000 people”, in Doksasinron, published serially in Daehan Maeil Sinbo in September 1908. This passage is, in fact, the starting point of the Dangun discourse. Shin Chaeho pointed out that it was wrong to assume that Mt. Taebaek was Mt. Myohyang in Pyengando and argued that Mt. Taebaek is Mt. Baekdu. He emphasized that the old name of Mt. Changbaek was Mt. Taebaek (Shin [1908] 1979, pp. 471–72). This is the “Baekdu Mountain Dangun Advent Theory” (C. Park 2013, p. 22). This argument served to spatially broaden the Dangun discourse. This argument served to spatially expand the Dangun discourse to encompass Mt. Baekdu and Manchuria. Andre Schmid notes that Shin Chaeho, in A New Reading of History, portrayed history as a process of reclaiming former greatness for the present, with Manchuria serving as a key standard in assessing this historical greatness (Schmid 2002, p. 228).

In the lyrics Dandanjo (壇壇調, Sacrificial altar rhythm) published in the Daehan Maeil Sinbo on 27 July 1909, the following is thus said: “Isn’t it Dangun’s inheritance after returning to Mt. Baekdu?” “In order to find the lost ancient territory and save the dead people, perhaps Dangun descendants will have to come together as one”. Here, the author used Mt. Baekdu as a representative symbol of national discourse and strongly reveals local and national consciousness. As mentioned earlier, Daejonggyo leader Na Cheol made a pilgrimage to Mt. Baekdu in 1911. He was so moved by its grandeur and sublimity that he held his ancestral rites there. While performing his ritual, the Goyumun (告由文, A text announcing the beginning of the ceremony) records the following:

The largest mountain standing alone in the world is Baekdu Mountain. Baekdu Mountain is our Heavenly Father Mountain, Heavenly Mountain, Lofty Mountain, Indra Mountain, and Three Gods Mountain. The spirit of Mt. Baekdu is Imgeom (King), the great spirit that opened Hanul (World).

(Na [1911] 1971c, p. 183)

Na Cheol projected all the religious and national values that Daejonggyo has advocated in the space called “Mt. Baekdu”. In particular, he declared that the “spirit of Mt. Baekdu” is Hanul or Taejchong. Mt. Baekdu is the progenitor god, the god of sacrifices, the three gods, and God. Mt. Baekdu communicates directly with the sky and is set as the place where the Joseon nation originated. By “discovering Mt. Baekdu”, Na Cheol not only provided a material symbol for the Daejonggyo faith but also gave sanctity to the origins of the Joseon nation. The claim that “Mt. Baekdu is the descent place of the god Dangun and the birthplace of the nation” gave Daejonggyo clear authority as a national religion. Park Eunsik (朴殷植, 1859–1925), a prominent patriotic enlightenment activist, went into exile in China in 1911 after the annexation of Korea by Japan and said the following in Mongbaegeumtaejo (夢拜金太祖, Meeting King Taizu of the Jin dynasty in a dream), published while he was a teacher at the Daejonggyo School in Manchuria.

This area of Manchuria, where many of our compatriots are flocking, is now someone else’s land, but it was originally the ancient territory where our ancestors lived. Looking at the ancient ruins in this area, Baekdu Mountain is the sacred land where the Great Emperor Dangun was born.

(E. Park [1911] 1975, p. 1)

Park Eunsik claimed that Mt. Baekdu and the area around Manchuria are the “ancient territory of our people”. In the 1910s, the perception that Mt. Taebaek, where Dangun was born, was Mt. Baekdu spread widely. Kim Gyoheon, in Shindansilgi (神壇實記, The True Records of the Divine Dangun), “Taebaeksanbyeon” (太白山辯, The story about Taebaek Mountain), written in 1914, argued that Mt. Taebaek is not Mt. Myohyang in Yeongbyeon but Mt. Baekdu and Dangun’s coal river through several ancient documents. In “Baekdusango” (白頭山考, Research on Mt. Baekdu), Kim Gyoheon asserts that Taebaek Mountain is, in fact, Baekdu Mountain. Furthermore, in “Dangun Gangyeokgo” (檀君疆域考, Exploring Territorial Boundaries during the Dangun Era), he states that the territory during the Dangun era reached the sea in the east, crossed Joryeong in the south, traversed the Liaohe River in the west, and extended to Heuksu in the north (G. Kim [1914] 2020a, p. 121). In the 1920s, Choi Namseon almost confirmed this perception by stipulating that “Mt. Baekdu is the birthplace of Dangun and the starting point of the Joseon dynasty” through “Baekdusan Gwanchamgi” (白頭山覲參記, Records of visiting Mt. Baekdu) (N. Cho 2016, pp. 272–300).

The Baedaljok Gangyeonk Hyeongseodo (倍達族疆域形勢圖, Map of the Baedal Nation’s Territory and Surroundings), written by Lee Wontae (李源台, 1899–1964) in 1923, is the document that most strongly instilled a sense of ancient territory among the Korean immigrants and Daejonggyo believers in Manchuria. Lee Wontae learned from Kim Gyoheon after his exile to Manchuria, and this book is the textbook he authored while working at Shinheung Military School, an independence military training center established by Daejonggyo. He depicted the historical situation of the Baedal nation as described in Kim Gyoheon’s Shindanminsa with 44 pictures and added historical records related to the pictures. This book gave not only national pride but also great hope and spirit for the restoration of their ancient territory to the independence army. Kim Gyoheon’s historical narrative naturally provided Korean immigrants living in Manchuria, China, at the time with an identity not merely as refugees but as people who had returned to the ancient territory of the Korean people, with a mission to recreate the past glory of the Korean nation in the present.

4. Daejonggyo’s Writing of Baedal Nation’s History and Expansion of Joseon Nation

4.1. Park Eunsik’s Mongbaegeumtaejo and the Korean–Manchuria Common Ancestry Theory

Even before Na Cheol relocated the headquarters of Daejonggyo to Cheongpaho, Manchuria, Daejonggyo carried out missionary activities among Koreans in Manchuria. In particular, by establishing schools, Daejonggyo sought to raise the national consciousness of Koreans living in Manchuria by educating them not only on the doctrines of Daejonggyo but also on the history of the Joseon nation. The person who took the lead in establishing schools and national education was Yoon Sebok (尹世復, 1881–1960). He was from Gyeongsangnamdo, and later became the third religious leader of Daejonggyo. After joining Daejonggyo in January 1911, he moved to Manchuria and devoted himself to the missionary work of Koreans in Manchuria. He settled in Huanyin County, Fengtian Province, Manchuria (currently Huanyin Manchu Autonomous County, Liaoning Province), in 1911 and established the Dongchang School.7 It can be said to be the first school established by Daejonggyo in Manchuria. Most of the students were children of the Koreans who had fled to Manchuria.

The most important form of education in Daejonggyo Schools, including the Tongch’ang School, was education in national history. After the annexation of Korea by Japan, several intellectuals who fled to Manchuria mainly served as teachers, the most representative of whom was Park Eunsik. He was a journalist, historian, writer, and independence activist who served as the editor-in-chief of representative media outlets in Korea, such as Daehan Maeil Sinbo and Hwangseong Sinmun, during the Korean Empire. He later served as the second president of the Korean Provisional Government. He went into exile in Manchuria in May 1911, after the annexation of Korea by Japan, and lived in Yoon Sebok’s house in Huanyin County, where he taught students at his school. While there is no concrete evidence to confirm his membership in Daejonggyo, his extensive writings from that period indicate his full acceptance of Daejonggyo’s perspective on Dangun and the Baedal nation’s history. Hence, there appears to be no issue in regarding him as a part of Daejonggyo.

During his time as a teacher at the Dongchang School, Park Eunsik wrote not only history books, such as Daedong Godaesaron (大東古代史論, Discussing ancient history of East Asia) and Danjosago (檀祖事攷, Consideration on Dangun’s achievements), but also biographies of great national figures such as Cheongaesomunjeon (天蓋蘇文傳, Biography of General Cheongaesomun) and Dongmyeongseongwangsilgi (東明聖王實記, King Dongmyeongseongs’ Real Records) (Hwang 2004, pp. 153–82). In particular, Park Eunsik wrote Mongbaegeumtaejo in the form of a novel to educate students. Mongbaegeumtaejo is not only unique in its form but also noteworthy in its content. Here, Mongbae (夢拜) means to meet someone in a dream. Mongbaegeumtaejo is mainly about the story of a Joseon intellectual named Muchisaeng (無恥生) meeting King Taizu of the Jin (金) dynasty in a dream.

Yoon Sebok wrote the preface to Mongbaegeumtaejo, in which he evaluated human society as a contest between absolutism and egalitarianism and a confrontation between authoritarianism and liberalism. In the preface, he argued that liberal egalitarianism can overcome strong despotism because ideology is stronger than force. Yoon Sebok explained the book’s purpose by saying that Park Eunsik attempted to provide the necessary ideas to liberal egalitarians and encourage human willpower through this book (Yoon 1911, pp. 187–91). As Yoon Sebok said, Park Eunsik advocated a kind of voluntarism. This was one of the characteristics of those who sought to build a religion to overcome national crises in East Asia during the modern era. In modern China, Tan Sitong (譚嗣同, 1865–1898) spoke of strengthening the strength of the mind through religion in Renxue (仁學, The Study of Benevolence), and Zhang Binglin (章炳麟, 1869–1936) spoke of “Only through religious faith can one acquire a courageous and fearless spirit” (Zhang 1906, p. 274).

As Yoon Sebok said, Park Eunsik sought to restore national sovereignty by providing ideas to Koreans living in Manchuria as well as to students attending his school while developing the power of will through writings. The ideas provided by Park Eunsik are history. At that time, history was narrowly the history of the Joseon nation and broadly the history of the Baedal nation. He represented heroes in ancient history not only as clues to overcoming national despair but also as examplars. He also deeply and desperately reflected on why he lost his national sovereignty. Thus, Mongbaegeumtaejo is formally a novel, but in fact, it is a book of history as well as a book of ideas.

Mongbaegeumtaejo is a story about a Daejonggyo believer, Muchisaeng, who holds a commemorative ceremony on the third day of October in the lunar calendar to celebrate Dangun Day. Thinking deeply about the doctrines of Daejonggyo, he suddenly becomes the firstborn’s butterfly and climbs the highest peak of Mt. Baekdu. Much’isaeng then learns about King Taizu Agolta of the Jin dynasty and reflects and realizes the path forward for his people. Park Eunsik deliberately introduced King Taizu. He knew that Joseon Confucian scholars treated various northern peoples, such as the Jurchen (女眞族), Khitan (契丹族), and Mongolians (蒙古族), as barbarians and thought that Joseon was the only country to preserve Chinese civilization after the fall of the Ming dynasty. Mongbaegeumtaejo was a criticism of the traditional worldview and view of civilization. Park Eunsik claimed that King Taizu was a ninth-generation descendant of a man named Kim Chun who lived in Pyeongju; that his birthplace is now North Hamgyeong Province; and that his ethnic group, the Jurchen people, is the Balhae people. It also emphasized that the achievements of King Taizu of the Jin dynasty were achieved by our people born in our land.

In Mongbaegeumtaejo, the main character, King Taejo, pointed out that the learning and worldview achieved by Joseon intellectuals were the spirits of slaves. King Taizu asked Much’isaeng, a Joseon Confucian scholar, about his usual studies. In response, Much’isaeng recited passages from Shibashilüe (十八史略, A Brief History of the Eighteen Histories) and Zizhi Tongjian (資治通鑑, Comprehensive Mirror to Aid in Government). King Taizu, seeing this, asked if this was the history of Joseon. Such history books are, of course, Chinese history books.

Therefore, in the minds of the Joseon nation, there was no history of their own country, but only the history of other countries. For they do not love their own country, but the countries of others. Looking at this, Joseon was Joseon only in form for over a thousand years, and Joseon in spirit has long since collapsed. … … If the history of Joseon is established in the minds of the Joseon nation, Joseon will not be destroyed no matter where the nation wanders.

(E. Park [1911] 1975, pp. 224–25)

Park Eunsik argued that the Korean people will not lose their country if they do not lose their sense of history. The reason why he was so passionate about history education is revealed herein. In Daedonggodaesaron, Park Eunsik mentioned, “There is no nation without history, and history is the spirit of the nation” (E. Park 1911, p. 383). At this time, history refers to the history of the nation, meaning that the nation and religion ultimately coincide. Furthermore, Park Eunsik stated, “The Manchurians and Koreans were originally one nation, and their ethnic origins were from the same race, so they are all descendants of Dangun” (E. Park 1911, p. 384). Park Eunsik, driven by the concept of Dangun descendants, said, “Our Joseon and Manchurian peoples are all descendants of Dangun and once lived divided into North and South with Mt. Baekdu in between”. He supported the so-called Joseon–Manchuria common ancestry theory (E. Park [1911] 1975, p. 32).

According to Noh Gwanbeom, “Park Eunsik had already conceived the history of the nation as a new history encompassing Korea and Manchuria even before the annexation of Korea by Japan. And in Daedong Godaesaron written after exile in Western Kando, he specifically discussed the Manchurians and Joseon Dynasty. A new historical subject called ‘Daedong’ was presented as a general term for the nation” (Noh 2014, p. 183). After that time, Huanyin County in Manchuria, where Park Eunsik had moved, was later renamed “Huanyin Manchu Autonomous County,” and there were many Manchurians living there at the time. As he believed that the Manchu people were descendants of the Balhae people, it seems natural to introduce King Taizu, the greatest national hero of the Manchu people, as a symbol. In Park Eunsik’s view, the Manchurian people, who founded the powerful Jin dynasty from a tribal community, could serve as a historical model for Koreans living in Manchuria who lost their country and lived as a refugee community (Noh 2014, p. 183).

Park Eunsik believed that it is not a mere coincidence that the Korean people live in this area where a large number of Manchurians reside (E. Park [1911] 1975, p. 171). For him, the meeting between the Joseon nation and the Manchurian people could have been the restoration and completion of the Baedal nation. In the late Joseon dynasty, Koreans moved to Manchuria to make a living, and after the annexation of Korea by Japan, they went into exile in Manchuria to avoid Japanese colonial rule. Park Eunsik’s historical narrative evokes the sense that Koreans in Manchuria are neither displaced nor wandering, but rather have returned to their ancient territory of Manchuria. Moreover, the interhabitation of Koreans living in Manchuria with Manchurians could have been a combination of the “Daedong (大同)” people. Park Eunsik provided legitimacy and stability to Koreans living in Manchuria by establishing an identity that had not previously been acknowledged between Koreans and Manchurians.

4.2. Kim Kyoheon’s Writing of the History of the Baedal Nation and the Promotion of National Consciousness

While Park Eunsik accepted King Taizu of the Jin dynasty, a Manchurian, into the Joseon nation, Kim Gyoheon, the second leader of Daejonggyo, attempted to expand the Joseon nation by systematically establishing the history of the Baedal nation. Kim Gyoheon, a Confucian intellectual and historian, passed the civil service examination administered by the Joseon government in his late teens and held various governmental positions. He also served as a bureaucrat until the Japanese Residency General and the Japanese Government-General of Korea. In 1910, Kim Gyoheon met Na Cheol and entered Daejonggyo. He attempted to connect Daejonggyo with the history of the Joseon nation and further established the orthodoxy of Joseon’s national history (H. Jo 2004, p. 401). Even after Na Cheol completely moved to Manchuria, Kim Gyoheon remained in colonial Joseon and led the Daejonggyo organization. During this period, Kim Gyoheon not only wrote a commentary on the Daejonggyo beliefs, such as Samilshingo (三一神誥, Admonitions of the Trinitarian God), but also wrote a history of Daejonggyo. His notable work is Shindansilgi (神檀實記, The True Records of the Divine Dangun), published in 1914.

Shindansilgi, written by Kim Gyoheon, later played an important role in the recognition of Baedal national history by Daejonggyo believers. In addition, it greatly influenced later nationalist historiography. In Shindansilgi Shindan means Dangun, a divine person, and Silgi means recording history through factual data. Kim Gyoheon attempted to study the Dangun’s actions and roles based on various ancient documents. In fact, from the perspective of modern people, the words “Godman Dangun” and “Recording historical fact” contradict each other. However, at the time, Kim Gyoheon wanted to establish Daejonggyo’s Dangun narrative as a “historical fact”. Of course, this does not imply that he abandoned Dangun’s religiosity. Shindansilgi comprises 19 chapters. The first chapter, Dangunsegi (檀君世紀, Genealogical annals of the Dangun), establishes the lineage of the Dangun descendants or Baedal nation by presenting a total of 14 countries and peoples from the Danguk (檀國) to the Jin dynasties ruled by Dangun.

In Shindansilgi, Kim Gyoheon emphasized the homogeneity and continuity of “Dangun and Dangun descendants”. According to Dangunsegi, Dangun descends from the sky under the Shindansu of Mt. Baekdu, and the country he founded is Baedal. In Chapter 7, “Joktongwonryu” (族通源流, The origin of the Tribe lineage), Kim Gyoheon identified the descendants of Dangun as the Baedal tribe (倍達族) and asserted that the people living in the north and south of Mt. Baekdu, Joseon, and Manchuria are of Dangun’s lineage. He also categorized the Baedal nation into five ethnic groups, including Joseon (朝鮮族), Bukbuyeo (北夫餘族), Yemak (濊貊族), Okjeo (沃沮族), and Suksin (肅愼族) tribes. He again placed the various ethnic groups of Northeast Asia under these five tribes. He placed the Jurchen (女眞), Jin (金), Later Jin (後金), Manchurian (滿洲), Xianbei (鮮卑), Khitan (契丹), and Mohe (靺鞨) tribes in the lower part of the Bukbuyeo tribe. During the Joseon dynasty, Confucian scholars immersed in Sinocentrism often regarded these people as barbarians. However, Kim Gyoheon challenged this view of civilization, ultimately subsuming them into the Baedal nation (Lee 2020, p. 20). In this way, Kim Gyoheon not only proposed the concept that Manchuria is the ancient territory of the Joseon nation but also asserted that the Manchurian ethnic groups are essentially the same people as the Joseon nation.

In 1916, Kim Gyoheon was inaugurated as the second head of the religious order, following the will of the first religious leader, Na Cheol. In the following year, 1917, he went into exile in Manchuria, China, where the headquarters were located. After being exiled to Manchuria, Kim Gyoheon further generalized the existing Baedal nation history, and his representative work is Shindanminsa (神壇民史, The History of the Nation Begins with the Divine Dangun, a god and a human being), published in Shanghai in 1923.8 In the introduction of Shindanminsa, Kim Gyoheon stated, “This book reveals the value of the Shindan people by emphasizing the unique spirit of the nation and the beautiful customs that have been passed down” (G. Kim [1923] 2020b, p. 86). In Shindanminsa, Kim Gyoheon affirmed, “Dangun incarnated among humans with the principles of god and built an ancient country with god’s teachings” and submitted that the “Shindan people are people who live in Dangun’s teaching and its culture” (G. Kim [1923] 2020b, p. 109). Shindanminsa can be said to represent the history of the Shindan people, that is, the Dangun nation. Shindanminsa is divided into four parts: early ancient, middle ancient, late ancient, and early modern times. Each part covers topics such as the era, religion, social system, arts, and customs. While Shindansilgi focuses on the history of the early ancient period, Shindanminsa covers from the Dangun period to the Gabo Reform, and it is especially characterized by putting the new concept of the Baedal nation at the forefront (Sassa 2003, p. 88).

At the beginning of Shindanminsa, Kim Gyoheon presented the table of contents, which includes genealogy of the people, genealogy of the nation, and genealogy of events. In the genealogy of the people, the Baedal nation is presented as the origin of the Dangun nation. Compared to Shindansilgi, the ethnic genealogy becomes much more detailed. In fact, it can be said that all ancient peoples of Northeast Asia are covered therein. One thing to note is Kim Gyoheon’s view on the Han (漢) people. Previously, in Shindansilgi, Kim Gyoheon quoted the writings of the 18th century Joseon scholar Lee Jonghwi (李鍾徽, 1731–1797), stating that Dangun is a saint who is equivalent to China’s Fuxi (伏羲) and Shennong (神農) and that his virtue matches with that of King Shun (舜) and is evaluated as being equivalent to King Yu (禹), and so on (G. Kim [1914] 2020a, p. 48). His portrayal of the Baedal nation can be seen as a deliberate contrast to the dominant Chinese-centric worldview of ancient East Asia. Importantly, this perspective was not intended as a critique of the Chinese people but rather as an assertion of Korean identity, particularly for those living in Manchuria.

Although the genealogy of the Baedal nation proposed by Kim Gyoheon is not directly accepted by contemporary historical scholarship, his description of the Baedal nation’s history was notably detailed and sophisticated for its time. His concept of the “Baedal nation” greatly expands the scope of the Joseon nation. By enlarging the scope of the Joseon nation, he was able to integrate the history and figures of the Manchurian people into the history of the Joseon nation. Kim Gyoheon completed the national expansion that Park Eunsik had previously attempted in Mongbaegeumtaejo. After being published in Shanghai in 1923, Shindanminsa was widely disseminated to Korean ethnic schools across China, serving as a fundamental textbook for educating Korean students. Its widespread use significantly contributed to fostering a spirit of independence within the Korean independence army in Manchuria (H. Jo 2004, pp. 402–3).

Mitsuaki Sassa, a Japanese researcher on Daejonggyo, evaluated it as follows. The Koreans residing at the time required a fresh historical awareness that would seamlessly integrate their home country, Korea, with their current residence, Manchuria. It was evaluated that Shindanminsa duly explained the circumstances of independence activists in Manchuria through the novel national concept of the Baedal nation (Sassa 2003, pp. 88–89). Although Kim Gyoheon’s work was not exclusively written for this purpose, it undoubtedly had this impact.

5. Conclusions

Founded in the late 19th century by the Confucian intellectual Na Cheol, Daejonggyo is a religion centered on Dangun, the legendary ancestor of the Korean people. In Daejonggyo, Dangun is not only regarded as the ancestor of the Korean people but also as a divine figure with absolute authority. As illustrated in the preceding discussion, Daejonggyo serves as a prominent example of the fusion of religion and nationalism. During this time, Korea faced the challenge of transitioning from a feudal system to a modern state while also resisting the growing influence of the Japanese Empire. Daejonggyo sought to address both of these tasks within the realm of religion. By emphasizing Dangun as the unifying origin of the Korean people, they aimed to construct a modern nation-state rooted in the Korean people’s unique identity. This approach sought to emotionally distance Korea from China, which had exerted significant influence over the country until the late 19th century, and to assert Korea’s distinct identity in the face of Japanese imperial aggression.

In the 1910s, Daejonggyo became a key player in the vigorous anti-Japanese independence movement in Manchuria. After the Japanese invasion of Korea, the movement relocated its headquarters to Manchuria to avoid the pressure from the Japanese Governor-General. Daejonggyo regards Mount Baekdu (Chinese: Changbai) as the birthplace of the Korean people and the cradle of the Dangun faith, making the mountain a sacred space for the Korean people. As early as the 1900s, Baekdu Mountain became associated with the Dangun narrative, and Daejonggyo reinforced the idea that Baekdu Mountain was the ancient territory of the Korean people. This narrative was especially significant for the Korean migrants in Manchuria at the time, as they began to see their move to Manchuria not as an exile but as a return to their ancestral land.

Kim Gyoheon, the second leader of Daejonggyo, was a historian who studied various ancient texts and proposed the concept of the “Baedal nation”, extending the ancient Korean people to include those in both the Korean Peninsula and Manchuria, while excluding the Chinese Han and Japanese. Through a revision of history, Kim sought to free Korea from the influence of Chinese culture, which still held sway in Korean intellectual circles, and to counter the “Japanese-Korean as one theory” used by Japan as a justification for its domination of Korea. In his novel Mongbaegeumtaejo, Park Eunsik portrays the Manchurian hero of the Jin dynasty as part of the ancient Korean people. By depicting Jin Taizu as a national hero, Park raised the national consciousness of Korean migrants in Manchuria, who were engaged in the struggle against the Japanese Empire.