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Article

The Cult of St Publius in the Componimento Storico of Padre Pelagio Mifsud Gauci Piscopo

Faculty of Theology, University of Malta, MSD 2080 Msida, Malta
Religions 2025, 16(5), 545; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16050545
Submission received: 13 February 2025 / Revised: 16 April 2025 / Accepted: 19 April 2025 / Published: 24 April 2025
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Casta Meretrix: The Paradox of the Christian Church Through History)

Abstract

:
This study presents what Padre Pelagio Mifsud Gauci Piscopo (1708–1781) wrote about the origins of the cult of St Publius both in Rome and in Malta, followed by a list of the miracles performed through the Saint’s intercession during the period mentioned by Padre Pelagio in his writings about the saint. In so doing, we will try to show how Padre Pelagio’s writings on St Publius are an affirmation of those characteristics which, according to him, identify Malta as a distinct nation, with its own history, beliefs, traditions and language. In other words, Padre Pelagio’s writings on this Saint are related to ulterior motives, namely, the search for the roots of a national identity that includes, among others, the element of Christianity, bestowed by St Paul the Apostle, and transmitted from one generation to another in spite of the long Arabic domination.

1. Introduction

Padre Pelagio Mifsud Gauci Piscopo (1708–1781) stands out as one of the most distinguished Maltese historians of the eighteenth century, regarded as “the most knowledgeable person at that time about local history and the antiquities of our islands” (Attard Tabone 1999; Ciappara 2006). His writings reveal a deep and abiding interest in the identity of the Maltese islands, coving a wide range of subjects, including religion, culture, art, architecture, towns, and cities (see NLM, Libr. 147; NLM, Libr. MS. 1123; MCAM, Misc. 54; MCAM, Misc. 55; MCAM, Misc. 56; MCAM, Misc. 57; MCAM, Misc. 65; MCAM, Misc. 263; MCAM, Misc. 264; CLM, Cronica delli RR. PP. Minori Capuccini di Malta).
He was a leading figure in promoting the local devotion to St Publius, who is traditionally believed to have been the first bishop of Malta, appointed by St Paul the Apostle following the latter’s shipwreck on the island (see NLM, Libr. 165, ff. 1–180; Ciantar 1738; Ferres 1866, pp. 11–12; Pullicino 1869; Caruana 1896; Caruana dei Conti Gatto 1908, 1909; Gatt Said 1863, 1868; Galea 1864).
Extant written accounts concerning St Publius prior to the seventeenth century are exceedingly limited. Notable exceptions include certain references found in the Martyrologies—liturgical texts employed by the Church to record the lives and miracles of Saints (see Testaferrata 1896)—as well as a poem recounting the events of the Great Siege of 1565, authored by the Maltese writer Gregorio Xerri (see Bonello 2014).
The earliest known effort to compile a comprehensive biography of St Publius is attributed to Girolomo Manduca (1573–1643), the first documented Maltese Jesuit following the arrival of the Knights of St John in Malta (see Borg 1978; Luttrell 1977). His seminal work, completed in 1635 but never published (see NLM, Libr. 165, ff. 1–180), significantly influenced subsequent hagiographical writings, notably those of Padre Pelagio, who not only produced an extensive literary contribution on the subject but also commissioned artistic representations of the Saint.
This study will examine Padre Pelagio’s account of the origins of the cult of St Publius in both Rome and Malta. It will then present a compilation of miracles attributed to the Saint’s intercession during the period referenced by Padre Pelagio in his writings. Through this analysis, the study aims to demonstrate how Padre Pelagio’s portrayal on St Publius serves to affirm the attributes that, in his view, distinguish Malta as a unique nation, characterised by its own history, beliefs, traditions, and language.
Situating this study within the context of Church history to which this special edition of Religions is dedicated, it explores how the development of the localisation of saintly cults—especially during the early modern and post-Tridentian periods—served not only religious but also socio-political functions. The cult of St Publius, as documented by Padre Pelagio, reflects the broader ecclesiastical practice of promoting particular saints to reinforce local Christian identities and to root Catholic orthodoxy within national narratives. In this way, we hope that this study will contribute to a historical understanding of how the Church adopted universal themes of sanctity to diverse regional contexts, and how figures like St Publius became integral to both Malta’s ecclesiastical tradition and its cultural self-definition.

2. Engravings of St Publius

Don Bartholomaeus, known as Padre Pelagio, was a prolific writer and succeeded in publishing some of his early works while residing in Rome from 1735 and 1740 (see NLM, Libr. 16, ff. 253–254; Schembri 1855, p. 51). In December 1742, he joined the Order of the Capuchin Friars in Malta (see MCAM 54, Frontispiece). As a Capuchin friar, his ministry was marked by the delivery of numerous sermons, preached on various occasions and in different locations (see NLM, Libr. MS 699, ff. 146–148).
In 1748, this learned priest printed an engraving of St Publius (Figure 1) in Naples, as he himself later records in one of his subsequent works (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776a, p. 175).1 The engraving, measuring 13.5 cm × 20 cm, depicts the martyrdom of St Publius. The Saint is shown wearing episcopal vestments, including a mitre and crosier, and is positioned at the centre of a circular arena, encircled by tall and narrow arches. In the upper-left portion of the image, a group of spectators is seen observing as three lions devour the Saint.
The image is framed, with the lower portion of the frame featuring two coats of arms, one on each side. The coat of arms on the left represents the civil authority of Malta and displays the old escutcheon of Malta. This escutcheon is divided into two sections: the left side is white, while the right side is adorned with red vertical stripes. The coat of arms positioned on the right-hand side signifies ecclesiastical authority and is associated with Mgr Alpheran de Busan, Bishop of Malta.
Within this artistic composition, located at the lower right portion, the inscription “F[rater] Marian. a. Cotrada Capucc[in]o” appears, likely identifying the individual responsible for the engraving. This indicates that the engraver was a Capuchin friar, whom Padre Pelagio most likely encountered during his sojourn in Naples. The lower section of the engraving is adorned with a Latin inscription, encased within a Baroque-style cartouche.
“S[ANCTUS] PUBLIUS MELITENSIS
Insulae Princeps Aet[atis] An[norum] XXX. ab Apost[olo] Paulo Naufrago
A[nno] C[hristi] LX P[ubliu]s Episcopus ordinatus Eccl[esiam] Meliten[sem] rexit usque ad
A[nnum] XCII. Inde Comes S[ancti] Ioannis Apost[oli] et Evang[elistae] eodem promo =
Vente, ac Clemente I annuente Athenis S[ancti], Dionysii Areop[agiti] loco
C[hristi] A[nno] XCII Archiep[iscopu]s suffectus, inibi Marty[rio] obit Ian[uarii] XXI. A[nno] C[hristi] 125.
F[rater] Pelagius M[ari]a à Zebug Capucin[orum] F[rater] F[ecit] Nic[olao] d’Oratio Scul[psit] Nea[polis] 1748”.
which means
“St Publius of Malta
The Protos of the island, aged 30, was ordained Bishop of Malta by the Apostle Paul [who was] shipwrecked [there] in A.D. 60, [and] governed it until A.D. 92. He was subsequently companion of St John the Apostle and Evangelist, who in A.D. 92, promoted him with the consent of [Pope] Clement I, as Archbishop of Athens, the See of St Dionysius the Areopagite, [and he] suffered martyrdom there and died on 21 January of A.D. 125.
The Capuchin Friar, Fra Pelagius Maria from Zebbug made [this design]; Nicolaus d’Oratio, sculptor, engraved it in Naples 1748”.
In his Catalogo cronologico dei scrittori Maltesi, Padre Pelagio lists seven printed works under his name. The seventh is an engraving titled “Immagine di San Publio fatta delineare in Roma in atto di subire il Martirio” (NLM, Libr. 16, f. 254), or “An image of St Publius, produced in Rome, in the act of enduring martyrdom”. By following the chronological order of the works listed, it is reasonable to conclude that this engraving was printed in Rome during the final years of Padre Pelagio’s time in the eternal city (1735–1740) (see MCAM, Misc. 56, f. 206).
No further details are available regarding this engraving; however, it could be suggested that it differs from the version printed in Naples, which is dated later, specifically 1748. It seems that Padre Pelagio retained the copper plate of this engraving and subsequently used it for his later publication on St Publius. In this instance, however, the print is smaller in size, with portions of the inscription at the bottom missing.
The fact that Padre Pelagio reused the copper plate for a later print, though smaller in size and with some missing inscriptions, points to how valuable these images were at the time for religious and cultural purposes. Copper plate engravings were expensive and labor-intensive to produce, so reusing them allowed publishers like Padre Pelagio to maximise their investment. The changes made to the later print might have been a way to adapt the illustration to a different context, namely, his book on St Publius, but it also reflects how engravings could evolve over time as they were repurposed.
These artworks were designed not just for aesthetic impact but to educate and emotionally engage the faithful about the life and martyrdom of their patron saint. The visual representation of St Publius’s martyrdom became iconic in Malta and it aligns perfectly with eighteenth-century Baroque themes of divine intervention, sacrifice, and victory over evil.
St Publius, as the first bishop of Malta, was an important figure in this narrative, and the imagery surrounding him would have reinforced the idea of Malta as a centre of Christian faith, protection, and resistance. In fact, the standardisation of St Publius’s image had a ripple effect across eighteenth century Maltese religious art, much like how the image of St Paul with a sword or St Catherine with a wheel became instantly recognizable.
Padre Pelagio’s contribution must have been instrumental in shaping the visual narrative of this saint’s martyrdom. Local artists in the eighteenth century would have relied on these engravings as models for their own religious commissions, particularly seen in the works of renowned artists such as Francesco Zahra (1710–1773), celebrated as one of Malta’s foremost eighteenth-century Baroque painters. His painting, The Martyrdom of St Publius (1754), housed in the Parish Church of Zebbug, the home tome of Padre Pelagio, exemplified his mastery in conveying religious themes with emotional depth. In this work, Zahra portrays St Publius in episcopal attire, facing martyrdom—a depiction that aligns with the traditional iconography associated with the saint. This painting not only reflects the artistic conventions of the time but also reinforces the collective memory of St Publius sacrifice (see K. Sciberras 2010, pp. 170–71; Buhagiar 1987, pp. 121–33). This was a time when religious iconography was deeply tied to the identity of the people, and local artists would have felt a strong duty to uphold these visual traditions in their work.
The engraving in question may have also served as a template or conceptual inspiration for both the titular piece and statue in the Floriana Parish Church, dedicated to St Publius. Both of these works of art again depict the martyrdom of St Publius in a very dramatic manner. This image, with the saint in full episcopal regalia and under attack by lions, reinforced the idea of his martyrdom, elevating his status in the public imagination. Padre Pelagio’s endeavors, therefore, have not only enriched Malta’s cultural heritage but have also played a pivotal role in perpetuating the legacy of St Publius through visual art depicting the saint in his final moments of martyrdom.
Christian art has always wrestled with how to depict suffering—not simply as pain, but as transformation. From early icons to modern abstractions, artists have sought to portray not just what suffering looks like, but what it means. Padre Pelagio’s engraving—presented in Baroque style—represents a more traditional form of Christian art. It presents St Publius’ martyrdom with dignity, dramatising his final moments as a witness to faith. This is the hagiographic tradition, which depicts martyrdom not only as suffering but as glorification.
By contrast, critics like Lord Richard Harries believe that modern art offers a necessary corrective to sentimental or idealised Christian imagery. Harries highlights works by Sutherland, Bacon, and Souza, who depict suffering not heroically, but viscerally, often grotesquely. He sees this as deeply theological, not irreverent. It returns to us to the reality of the Cross, not just as salvation, but as solidarity. By viewing Padre Pelagio’s engraving through Harries’ lens, it can be interpreted not only as a record of sanctity, but as a visual theology of pain and faith (see Harris 1993, 2020).

3. The Printed Versions on the Life of St Publius

In the year 1775, Padre Pelagio entrusted the greater part of his literary corpus to the Cathedral of Mdina in Malta (see MACM, Atti Capitolari 13, f. 526v, f. 532), having resolved to depart from the island in order to join the Capuchin Province of Reggio. This decision is attested by several auto-biographical annotations inscribed upon the frontispieces of some of his works, which continued to be preserved in the archives of the Metropolitan Cathedral at Mdina. The most comprehensive of these auto-biographical notes is found in his Notiziario intorno la parr[occhi]ale Matrice dell’isola di Gozo. In the frontispiece of this manuscript, the Capuchin friar records his intention to bequeath the work to the Cathedral Church in Mdina. He further notes his impending departure from Malta to Messina for the purpose of publishing his Componimento storico-critico, a work dedicated to the life of St Publius (see MACM, Misc. 55, Frontispiece).
In 1775, the year Padre Pelagio departed from Malta, he published the first edition of his book on St Publius in Messina.2 The volume comprised 188 pages, along with an additional 6 pages dedicated to the general index. This book was not printed in Malta, despite the presence of a local printing press at the time.3 The Capuchin friar must have required substantial financial resources to cover the printing costs in Messina. Nevertheless, part of the expenses was generously donated by Don Giovanni Grech, an erudite priest from Gudja and a devoted friend of the friar (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776a, pp. 119–20, note a), as well as by other devotees of St Publius, as noted in the frontispiece of this publication (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776a, Frontispiece).
In the following year, 1776, Padre Pelagio published a reprinted edition of the same book, incorporating further additions. The frontispiece of this second edition displays the following inscription, “In Malta, questo sol folio, 1776. Ed in Messina”, indicating that only a portion of the book was published in Malta, while the remainder was printed in Messina. The total cost for the printing of 250 copies of this second edition amounted to three scudi, eight tari, and ten grani (see Fiorini and Zammit 1990, p. 64).4 The additional printing appears to have been necessitated by the fact that a number of copies from the first edition were missing the initial pages (see Zammit 2004, p. 56, n. 120). These missing pages were subsequently printed in Malta, and included with the remaining pagination from the first edition, which had been printed in Messina in 1775. The title of this second edition differs slightly from the one published in 1775.5 This edition comprises 188 pages, including a general index spanning 6 pages.
A third edition of the same work is dated 1776 and was entirely printed in Malta.6 Notwithstanding the printed date of 1776 on the frontispiece, evidence from the records of the printing press suggests that the actual completion of the printing occurred between late 1777 or early 1778. While the precise number of copies printed remains undetermined, it is documented that the cost of this reprint was 76 scudi (see Fiorini and Zammit 1990, p. 67; Zammit 2004, p. 56, n.121). This third edition has 143 pages.

4. The Cult of St Publius in Rome

To ensure clarity, and unless otherwise noted, reference will be made to the third edition of the Componimento Storico published in Malta in 1776. In chapter 2 of this edition, the Capuchin friar allocates a section to the discussion of the cult of St Publius, both in Malta and abroad.
He initiates his argument by underscoring the obligation of each bishop to preserve the memory of the Christians who had been martyred within their dioceses. This was to be achieved through the dissemination of circular letters addressed to the Pope as well as to all other bishops. In this manner, bishops, by virtue of their ecclesiastical authority, would have been enabled to observe the annual commemoration of these martyrs within their dioceses, while also displaying the sacred relics of these canonised martyrs for public veneration. Padre Pelagio posits that this practice would have been adhered to by Bishop Quadratus, who, according to the Capuchin friar, succeeded St Publius as the bishop of the Church of Athens (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 124).
This argument is further supported by referring to the Church in Rome as the Mother or ‘head’ of all the other churches. After receiving the news through the Circular Letter, it is likely that the church would have acknowledged the glorious martyrdom of St Publius by incorporating references to it in its liturgical books (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 124).
At this point in his writing, the author provides an explanation to the Maltese devotees regarding the gradual introduction of the cult of St Publius in Rome (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 124). The first reference is made to the old Basilica St Paul Outside the Walls, along with its Benedictine Monastery, which was known as “delli Negri”—or “of the Black”. In this Basilica, the author draws attention to an image of St Publius, venerated in a small chapel close to the main altar. The image was displayed in an oblong panel that hung above the door inside the sacristy. This picture, which held both historical and devotional significance, depicted St Publius welcoming St Paul the Apostle after his shipwreck in Malta (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, pp. 124–25).
The next reference is to a monument venerated in a chapel similar to the previously mentioned, located at the church of the hospital dedicated to St Anthony the Abbot of Egypt, known as “del fuoco”—or “of fire”. The monks of this religious institution wore a distinctive “T” mark on their monastic habits (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 125). Cardinal Baronio is cited here, whose writings suggest that this church, adjacent to the monastery and the hospital, was the same one that Pope Stephen III had built in gratitude for his miraculous healing through the intercession of St Dionysius while he was in Paris (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 125). Here, we also learn that the same Pope entrusted the Greek monks with the responsibility of guarding the building. By around the year 754, the chapel dedicated to St Publius had already been established (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 125), an information supported by the following source: “Natal. Alexand. Hist. Eccl.Saec. 11. Differt. 16. Propos. De S. Dion. Prob. 10”.
Additional documentation regarding the early cult of St Publius in Rome points to the Lateran Basilica, universally acknowledged as ‘the Mother of all Churches.’ According to the account presented in this book, the veneration to St Publius within this sacred site is illustrated through several pontifical vestments that depict the Saint at the moment of his martyrdom, as he was being consumed by lions (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 125).
This information is followed by a record that dates back to the seventeenth and the subsequent century, specifically around 1722, when the renowned Maltese architect, Carlo Gimacchi, constructed a chapel in the Basilica of St Anastasia in Rome, in honour of two martyrs: St Publius and St George (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 125). At this point of the text, a note is encountered, citing the source of this information, which refers to the first edition of the Componimento Storico published in Messina in 1775: “Ediz. Messin. Somm. Num. VIII. Pag. 182”. This is not the only mention Padre Pelagio makes to this Maltese architect’s connection to the chapel dedicated to St Publius in Rome. In his Uomini Illustri (NLM, MS 1123)7 under the entry “Il nobile Carlo Zimach”, the Capuchin friar writes the following:
“1700—the noble Carlo Zimach Knight, born in Malta, originally from the Princes of Palestine, famous engineer, architect … [omissis] in Rome, at the Basilica of St Anastasia ai Cerrichi; (or rather ai Circhi since it is located close to the Circo di Romolo), having completed the work of its building, as a reward of his work he asked and was granted the gius padronato of a chapel in the aforementioned church, dedicated to the Martyrs St George and St Publius, bishop of Malta, his compatriot, as appears from the respective inscription erected in the said chapel. He died on 31st December 1730 and was buried in that church”.8
Further details regarding the memorable circumstances—specifically, the time, place, and manner—of the widespread cult of St Publius in Rome is further elaborated in the Componimento Storico. Here, we read about the author’s conviction that Bishop Quadratus was instrumental in disseminating the cult within his Diocese at Athens, while other bishops similarly propagated it throughout the Eastern and Western Churches. Despite these bishops’ established correspondence with the Gallican world, as confirmed by Cardinal Baronio, the Capuchin friar contends that the principal impetus for the spread of the cult in Rome was the fervent zeal of Pope Stephen and the aforementioned monks (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, pp. 125–26). Nevertheless, at this juncture in his writing, Padre Pelagio acknowledges his uncertainty regarding the extent to which the public cult of St Publius was propagated in other provinces. Notwithstanding, he confidently affirms that the majority of both ancient and modern martyrologies attest to this tradition (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 126).
Padre Pelagio’s interest in the cult of St Publius in Rome is also evident in the various notes that he left in some of his writings, in which he refers to his stay in Rome from 1735 till 1740 (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776a, p. 62, no.a). During this period, he closely observed any iconographical representations of St Publius. For instance, in a manuscript compiled in 1735, he describes a painting located in the sacristy of the Basilica of St Paul Outside the Walls Basilica: “The Sacristy of the Venerable Basilica of St Paul Outside the Walls in Rome; depicting the shipwreck of the Holy Apostle on Malta, with Prince Publius and the islanders who welcomed him. The village, along with its surrounding territory and coast, are still clearly recognizable”.9
In another manuscript of his, where he also extensively discusses St Paul’s shipwreck in Malta, he refers to another painting that depicts this biblical episode: “Thus, Publius being a worthy individual to be elevated to lead the Maltese Church, it was fitting that Paul should ordain him above all others. This scene is represented in both ancient and modern paintings, not only in Malta, but also in other regions, particularly in Rome at the Lateran Basilica. This representation is supported by historical facts, long-standing tradition, and authoritative sources”.10
The references to the Roman cult of St Publius included in the writings of Padre Pelagio reflect the enthusiasm that several eighteenth-century Maltese personalities, such as himself, had in promoting the cult of St Paul alongside that of St Publius. They considered both St Paul and St Publius as counterparts of St John the Baptist, the patron saint of the Knights of Malta. A sixteenth-century poem by Gregorio Xerri, Barone di Cicciano, which addresses the Great Siege of 1565, already refers to St Publius as “our” Publius, thereby presenting him a local saint, while notably omitting any mention to the Knights of Malta, who played a pivotal role in this historical event (see Bonello 2014).
The Order of St John arrived in Malta in 1530 and gradually reshaped the island’s cultural landscape, ultimately transforming it into a fully sovereign state. Malta’s small size in the Mediterranean location firmly anchor it within a European cultural sphere. Its strategic position has consistently influenced its history, particularly in relation to European powers and the broader Mediterranean world. This geographical advantage also fostered the development of a distinctive identity, shaped by a blend of external influences while preserving local characteristics. The deep-rooted attachment to Catholicism, evident in various aspects of Maltese society, has served as a unifying force, influencing values, rituals, and collective memory.
Despite the numerous challenges encountered throughout history, including foreign occupations, the Maltese people have preserved a distinct sense of identity, underpinned by their shared culture and religious heritage. This includes the cult of St Publius, which has been integrated with that of St Paul, who was shipwrecked on Malta. This event became a key factor in the formation of the Maltese national identity. It was viewed not only as the commencement of Christianity in Malta but also as a divine affirmation of the island’s Christian destiny (see Luttrell 1977).
Furthermore, the cult to St Publius, believed to be the first bishop appointed by St Paul during his stay in Malta, served as a symbolic testament to the fact that the religious devotion of the Maltese people did not originate from the esteemed Order of St John, but instead traces its roots directly to the Bible itself.

5. The Cult of St Publius in Rabat and Mdina

Based on the information regarding the origin of the cult of St Publius in Rome, Padre Pelagio proceeds to examine public monuments in Malta associated with this Saint. In this context, he provides specific details about the Church of St Paul located in Rabat, Malta, and refers to it as “the Cathedral”.
Assuming that the ancient Maltese had erected an original chapel dedicated to St Publius—as he had previously noted in this same account—Padre Pelagio deemed it appropriate to emphasise that this chapel had been constructed alongside a Cathedral Church at the bottom of the ditch situated beneath the wall of the City of Mdina and the principal palace of this saintly prince, St Publius. Both chapel and Cathedral were built on the same level as St Paul’s Grotto, to which they were connected by a passage hewn in the rocks. This passage remains visible from within the Grotto, though it was later concealed behind a small altar dedicated to St Trophimus, or to the Ecce Homo.11
The Cathedral and this public chapel dedicated to St Publius remained intact in their original state until the Saracen invasion circa 800 A.D. During this incursion, the invaders razed the church and diminished the City of Mdina to merely a third of its former extent, a strategic measure intended to enhance its defensibility (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 126). Here, we continue our account of how, in the year 1090, Count Roger—known as “Bursa Butt”—restored the Maltese Islands to Christian sovereignty and arranged for the relocation of the Cathedral church and the aforementioned chapel within the bounds of what is now the City of Mdina. This relocation was made to the site of another Palace of St Publius, away from the ruins left by the Moors, in honour of the Saint. As a lasting testament for future generations, he rebuilt these sacred edifices, where they may still be admired today (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, pp. 126–27).
Further details are provided regarding this same period, during which we learn that, with equal fervour, another church—also dedicated to the Apostle St Paul—was reconstructed on the original site of the demolished building, albeit in a completely different architectural style. Padre Pelagio draws the readers’ attention to the transformation of this church: once known as ‘Matrice,’ it later became a ‘Filiale,’ and, from serving as a ‘Cathedral,’ it was eventually designated a ‘Vicariate Parish,’ entrusted with the pastoral care of the residents of the suburb commonly referred to as Rabat. Accordingly, it is fittingly named the Church of St Paul Outside the Walls of the City, and its feast is celebrated annually on the 30th June (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 127).
The stated purpose of this section was to address the devout curiosity of followers regarding the development of the sacred cult of St Publius in the Diocese of Malta (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 126). Nevertheless, Padre Pelagio was, in fact, reinforcing pre-existing traditions associated with St Publius. These traditions marked the beginning of a nationalistic response to the political dominance of the Knights of Malta. In other words, the information about St Publius was part of a deliberate propaganda effort aimed at fostering a local cult which had since deeply influenced national sentiments.
By the eighteenth century, the veneration of St Paul and St Publius in Malta was strongly encouraged. Churches, chapels, relics, and artworks dedicated to them proliferated throughout the Maltese islands (see Azzopardi and Freller 2010). The figures of St Paul and St Publius emerged as national symbols, particularly as Malta found itself caught in the shifting dynamics of Mediterranean politics and religious conflict between Christianity and Islam. This deeply ingrained reverence for these saints became a fundamental aspect of national identity, intertwining religious devotion with cultural expression (see Cassar 2000, p. 216).
The concept of nationalism has long been shaped by the interplay between culture, history, and politics. In the early modern period, this idea began to emerge through the formation of cultural identities that predated modern nation-states. Joep Leerseen offers distinct but overlapping frameworks for understanding nationalism’s emergence. Leerseen approaches nationalism as a cultural construction rooted in literature, language, and myth, while Padre Pelagio frames it as a spiritual and a grassroot resistance against the domination of the Knights of Malta.
Though their frameworks differ in emphasis—Leerseen focusing on literary and mythic representation, and Padre Pelagio on faith and resistance—both highlight the role of imagination and collective identity in the construction of the nation.
Leerseen’s approach highlights the importance of culture in the formation of nations, including literature, folklore, historical narratives, and other cultural expressions. In early modern Europe, the spread of print culture, particularly books and plays, played an essential role in shaping the imagination of the nation. Writers and intellectuals began to construct and articulate a shared sense of identity based on historical narratives, myths, and cultural symbols (see Leerseen 2006). These cultural products created a mirror through which communities could see themselves as distinct, bound by shared language, values, and origin myths.
Padre Pelagio’s notion of nationalism, though situated in a different context, echoes this emphasis on collective identity but grounds it on another level. In the context of eighteenth-century Malta, the Capuchin friar’s thought invokes nationalism as a response to the control of the Knights of Malta. His view emphasises the spiritual cohesion of a people united not only by language and land, but by shared faith and rituals. In this way, Padre Pelagio’s nationalism is also performative—expressed in festivals, devotions, and cults of saints, particularly that of St Publius, that asserted autonomy against an elite, foreign ruling class.
Where Leerseen sees culture as the site of national imagination, Padre Pelagio frames the spiritual community as the heart of the nation. Yet, both rely on the symbolic and the affective: stories, rituals, and shared memories that give shape to national consciousness. Both approaches also resist a purely political or institutional definition of the nation, instead grounding it in the emotional, cultural, and moral life of a people. Ultimately, their ideas intersect most clearly in the notion that nationalism is not simply imposed from above, but emerges from below—through writers, preachers, storytellers, and common people who articulate a sense of belonging long before formal political nationhood is declared.
The writings of Padre Pelagio and Leerssen, however, differ fundamentally in both genre and intent. Consequently, Padre Pelagio should not be construed as a theoretical interlocutor with Leerssen. Rather, he constitutes a primary source whose narrative strategies, rhetorical devices, and representational practices may be examined through the analytical lens of Leerssen’s conceptual framework on cultural memory and national stereotyping. This methodological distinction safeguards the analytical framework from conflating devotional narrative production with theoretical discourse, and ensures a rigorous application of Leerssen’s models to the specific cultural and ideological functions embodied in Pelagio’s texts.

6. The Cult of St Publius in the Other Places of the Maltese Islands

Additional material regarding how the cult of St Publius continued to spread throughout other towns and cities of the Maltese islands is documented in the Componimento Storico. This literary work documents the manner in which, following the example set by the Cathedral, other parishes expressed their desire to venerate this martyr saint. The first mention is made to the Matrice church of the sister island of Gozo, followed by references to Mellieha and St George’s Parish, located in the same suburb of Gozo, known as Rabat (See Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 126). Then, we learn how, with the growth of the local population in the rural areas of Malta, eight additional parishes were established at various intervals, within which the veneration of the Saint was similarly promoted through the construction of several chapels and altars (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 126). Examples of this include the Parish of St Catherine in Zejtun, accompanied by a note referring to the first edition of the book published in Messina: “Ediz. Messin. Cap. 3. Not. 1. Pag. 161”. Additionally, there is a reference to the Parish of Naxxar, along with another note referring to the same 1775 publication: “ivi Not. 111. Pag. 168”. The third example pertains to the Parish of Zebbug, the hometown of Padre Pelagio, to which a note is added, once again referencing the first edition of his Componimento Storico—“Ivi Not. 11. Pag. 164”. Fourthly, he documents the parishes of Attard, Mqabba, and Qrendi, accompanied by an additional note that, once again, refers to the first edition of the same book, published in Messina in 1775: “Ivi cap. 2. Not. 11. Pag. 114”. This information is followed by a reference to a rural church in Qrendi, renowned as a centre of devotion, known as the “Madonna Ta ‘l Hhnjena” (Our Lady of Mercy), a title that is here presented in the Maltese vernacular, reflecting the way it was both pronounced and written during this time (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, pp. 127–28).
These examples are further corroborated by additional references to Valletta, the capital city of the island. Initially, the text refers to the Collegiate Parish of St Paul and that of the Porto Salvo administered by the Dominican friars. Subsequently, it mentions the church and the adjacent College for Public Studies; and the chapel of the Bishop’s Palace; as well as the Oratory dedicated to the Immaculate Conception, located next to the church of the Franciscan Conventual friars (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 128). In addition to the places of worship in Valletta, we read about a tunnel situated outside the main entrance of the City Walls, known as Porta del Monte. Proceeding towards the lime-kilns, one can find a small chapel carved into the rocks, where St Publius is venerated alongside St Agatha, Virgin and Martyr (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 128).
From Valletta, the reader is provided a meticulously guided tour of the ancient city of Mdina, accompanied by a reference that revisits the first edition of this same publication: “Ivi. Cap. 3. Not.9 intorno il tempo della Fondazione pag. 155 e seg”. This section of the book chronicles the veneration of St Publius within the walls of the City of Melita in the Hall of the Senate and in the Bishop’s Chapel. Furthermore, it notes the Sacristy of the Augustinian friars of Gozo, where St Publius is depicted in a small painting which was brought from Rome towards the end of the sixteenth century by one of the religious forebears of the Apap family, in an effort to promote devotion to St Publius (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 128).
In this section of his book, Padre Pelagio meticulously catalogued a curated collection of artistic representations and sacred places associated with the cult of St Publius across Malta. This documentation was more than antiquarian interest; it offered a compelling demonstration of how deeply entrenched the veneration of St Publius was within the island’s religious landscape by the eighteenth century. Through this endeavour, the Capuchin friar contributed significantly to our understanding of the localised roots of Maltese Christian identity, showing that the cult of St Publius was not a marginal or emergent devotion but a vibrant and historical grounded tradition.
Furthermore, his work illuminates the ideological and subtle rivalry that existed between the cult of St Paul and St Publius on one hand, and the dominant cult of St John the Baptist, championed by the ruling Knights Hospitaller. This rivalry, while ostensibly religious, was steeped in political and cultural undertones. The promotion of St Publius served as a subtle but pointed assertion of local heritage and ecclesiastical autonomy, contrasting with the imported, institutional sanctity embodied by St John the Baptist. In this light, the Capuchin friar’s writings can be seen as part of a broader discourse that aligned the veneration of St Publius with a growing sense of national consciousness, where Maltese Christians sought to reclaim a sense of ownership over their spiritual and historical narratives in the face of foreign rule.

7. Miracles by the Intercession of St Publius

Another interesting section of Padre Pelagio’s Componimento Storico addresses the miracles performed by St Publius during his lifetime, including the period when he served as the spiritual leader of the Church in Malta. The Capuchin friar begins this section by recognising that, over the span of many centuries, the recollection of these specific events from the time when St Publius governed the Church in Malta had been forgotten.
This study references the writings of P. Silveria, who cites the example of the Samaritan woman—still a catechumen, yet having conceived faith, she accomplished remarkable deeds. For the love of Christ, she abandoned her jar, ran to the city, and proclaimed to her fellow countrymen that Christ was the true Messiah foretold by the prophets. This biblical example enabled the Capuchin friar to argue that similar wonders were achieved by Publius, who contributed to both the temporal and spiritual well-being of his family and his vassals. Following St Paul’s first sermon and miracle, Publius offered shelter to St Paul and many other sick people (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, pp. 115–16).
Owing to the negligence of writers, the actions of barbarian overlords, and the ravages of time upon ancient monuments, the author makes it clear that he would focus solely on recounting one truly significant ancient event. This event, which highlights the miracles and divine graces with which God chose to honour the Saintly Bishop after his death, left an enduring legacy. Its lasting remembrance has inspired and reinforced the devotion of the early Maltese people, who, in times of crises, would fervently seek the protection of St Publius (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, pp. 118–19). On the other hand, the Capuchin friar alludes to the numerous graces that transpired during his tenure, particularly those associated with the construction of the building of the Parish Church of Floriana, dedicated to St Publius, a subject about which he had previously written. He proceeds to recount, for the benefit of devotees, several miracles that were documented and preserved in various manuscripts (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 120).
The first miracle recounted by Padre Pelagio pertains a destitute mother from Valletta, whose daughter, afflicted with a severe fever exhibiting fatal symptoms, had been deemed by doctors as a hopeless. Having received the last rites, the mother awaited her daughter’s imminent death with great anxiety. In this dire situation, the anguished mother sought refuge at the newly established church in Floriana, where she fervently entrusted the spiritual and temporal welfare of the suffering child to St Publius.
Upon returning home, she found her daughter to be of vitality and considerably improved in health. After a period of recovery, the girl quickly regained her full strength within seven days. Mother and daughter then offered thanks to the saint, However, due to their extreme poverty, the mother, as a token of gratitude, left only a grano—an insignificant coin. This event has been recorded for posterity in the church records and preserved in the Acts of the Episcopal Court (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, pp. 120–21).
The second miracle attributed to the intercession of St Publius pertains to a woman from the parish of Bir-Mula, later renamed Cospicua by Grand Master Zondadari. This woman had a son who was gravely ill with putrid fever and stranded in Sicily. In her distress, she performed a novena and visited the church of St Publius in the Manoel suburb (Floriana). On the fourth day of her prayers, while leaving her home, she unexpectedly encountered her son, restored to health. Overcome with emotion, they embraced, shedding tears of joy, and she took him to the church to offer thanks to the saint (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 121).
The third miracle also occurred in the same year, 1736. On January 21st, the day commemorating the liturgical feast of the Saint, Notary Giovanni Grech left his hometown of Mdina to go to the countryside in order to oversee the signing of a contractual deed. While caught by a heavy downpour, he sought refuge in a humble dwelling. While reciting his customary prayers in honour of St Publius, the roof of the house suddenly collapsed upon him. By invoking the Saint’s patronage, Notary Grech was miraculously spared from harm, despite the fact that he should have been crushed and broken beneath the debris. After expressing his heartfelt gratitude for this remarkable deliverance, he led a devout life, and, several years later, he passed away on January 21st, under the continued protection of his Holy Advocate (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 121).
The fourth miracle recounted by Padre Pelagio refers to a certain wealthy lady, Elena, the daughter of His Excellency the Chief Medical Officer, Vittorio Grech, and first wife of His Excellency C. Gianfrancesco Preziosi Bonamico. This lady was struck by a severe apoplectic stroke that lasted for three days with no sign of improvement. The physicians deemed her condition hopeless; however, after she made a solemn vow to donate five hundred scudi for the construction of the aforementioned new church of Floriana, she began to breathe and, upon recovery, lived for several years. In commemoration of her miraculous healing and in tribute to the Saint, she subsequently made a formal declaration of the miracle, recorded in the public documents by Notary Francesco Alfano on June 1st, 1745 (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 122).
The fifth miracle, attributed to the intercession of St Publius, pertains to a wealthy man namely Angelo Cottonnetto. While returning from Venice aboard his Tartana, which was loaded with merchandise and a considerable amount of money, he encountered an extremely violent storm in the Adriatic Sea. This storm, which carried him far to the East, caused a prolonged delay in his return to Malta, leading to widespread concerns that he had perished. During this time, his wife Clara, placing her trust in the protection of St Publius, earnestly devoted herself to a Novena, making regular visits to the church of Floriana. Following her initial visit, she received the joyous news of the safe return of her husband, crew, and cargo to Sicily. By the conclusion of the Novena, they had safely arrived in Malta, recounting how, during the storm, they had witnessed the Saint guiding the ship. In gratitude, Cottonnetto and his companions made substantial donations toward the purchase of sacred vessels for the church (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, pp. 122–23).
The sixth miracle described by Padre Pelagio pertains to a woman Margarita, the wife of Master Palmo Ruggier, who was navigating with two of his Tartane. Upon hearing troubling reports regarding their behaviour, Margarita arranged for four Masses to be celebrated at the Church of Floriana in honour of the Saint. Afterward, favourable news was conveyed to her. Shortly thereafter, she found comfort in the safe return of her husband and the ships to Malta. In gratitude, they contributed ornaments, liturgical books, and monetary donations to this church (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 123).
The seventh and final miracle recounted by Padre Pelagio occurred on February 10th, 1740, a day on which the shipwreck of St Paul the Apostle in Malta and his reception by Prince Publius are commemorated in the Collegiale Church of St Paul in Valletta. On this day, a priest, Don Filippo Cammilleri from Valletta, fell from the highest point of his house to the bottom of a cellar while invoking the protection of the Holy Martyr. To the astonishment of all, he survived, with every bone intact (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, p. 123).
This section of the work on St Publius is concluded by a note in which the author explains that he deliberately refrained from recounting other similar graces to avoid burdening the reader. He encourages the inquisitive devotees to observe the various votive offerings displayed in the newly constructed Church of St Publius in Floriana, as they serve as public testimony of the numerous other miraculous intercessions of the saint. Among these votive offering, he specifically refers to a silver chandelier weighing six pounds, which was donated in 1774 by M. Pietro Paolo Dorell Balzano Falzone, the nephew of M. Antonia Balzano wife of M. Gianbattista Dorella from Zebbug. Padre Pelagio concurs that these events were sufficiently compelling to inspire devotees to place significant trust in the protection of such a compassionate intercessor, resulting in favourable outcomes (see Pelagio M. dal Zebug 1776b, pp. 123–24).
In this section of his book, Padre Pelagio clearly expresses a keen interest in the newly constructed church in Floriana, which was dedicated to St Publius. Grand Master António Manoel de Vilhena (1722–1736) was the driving force behind the development of the new suburb enclosed by the Floriani fortifications (see Zammit 2024). The construction of residential buildings in this area outside the walls of Valletta, led to a steady increase in Floriana’s population. This demographic growth naturally created a demand for a place of worship, leading to the decision to build a church. The foundation stone of the new church was laid on 2 August 1733 (see Tonna 1979, pp. 17–48), a few years prior to the publication of Padre Pelagio’s book on St Publius, in which he chronicled the miracles attributed to the intercession of St Publius, to whom the new parish church was dedicated. The dedication to such an important saint underscores Malta’s desire to anchor its Christian identity in apostolic antiquity. In fact, this church, which Padre Pelagio, speaks of with great admiration, stands as a testament to the veneration of the Saint in Malta and holds a central role in the religious life of the Maltese people. It is not only one of the most prominent churches in the harbour town of Floriana, but it also became the focal point of the cult of St Publius in Malta.
By the seventeenth century, the devotion to St Paul had expanded to encompass the veneration of other saints, particularly St Publius, as well as those to whom various Maltese parishes were dedicated. By the eighteenth century, these patron saints came to symbolise the virtues of their respective villages. As a result, the associated cults and celebrations played a pivotal role in shaping and reinforcing the identities of local communities throughout Malta. This development was intricately linked to the evolving perception of the Maltese as a distinct people (see Cassar 2000, pp. 199–254). The continued invocations of symbols such as St Publius serve as a lasting marker of a shared cultural heritage, evoking collective memory and ancestral lineage.
In this manner, one can discern how Padre Pelagio’s reverence for St Publius increasingly came to symbolise the articulation of national consciousness, influenced by religious traditions that effectively connected the cult of St Publius to the development and strengthening of Maltese identity in response to various external pressures. Consequently, by the time of Padre Pelagio, the cults of St Publius and St Paul had gained unprecedented popularity. The devotion to these two related saints became a central element of the Church’s prevailing ideology in Malta, which sought to unify the state through religious cohesion. In this way, one can understand how the commemoration of an illustrious past was primarily driven by a desire to revive forgotten national myths.
Padre Pelagio’s account aptly encapsulates the key factors that, when reinstated, effectively summarise the elements that affirm Malta’s identity as a sovereign nation. The local populace increasingly drew upon their historical heritage to support their political ambitions. During the governance of the Knights of St John, this sense of individuality was articulated through traditions that were created and shaped by a select group of influential figures, particularly within the clergy, as demonstrated in Padre Pelagio’s work on St Publius.
In the process, however, the Capuchin friar succeeded in perpetuating traditions, myths, and symbols that cannot be substantiated, yet are frequently reiterated. Consequently, it is difficult to determine the extent to which certain ‘traditions’ were intentionally crafted, and to what degree they may have been, in a sense, an unforeseen consequence of the society that embraced them. This makes the question of intentional versus societal influence both nuanced and elusive, challenging the definitive interpretation of the role these traditions played in shaping the historical narrative. Nonetheless, Padre Pelagio was also a product of his time.

8. Conclusions

Padre Pelagio’s study on the life and cult of St Publius, regarded as the first bishop of Malta, can be seen as an early example of what later came to be known as ‘patriotic literature.’ This genre plays a crucial role in fostering a collective national consciousness and in promoting a sense of equality with other nations. In essence, Padre Pelagio’s writings on this Saint serve a deeper purpose, namely, the exploration of the origins of national identity, which encompasses, among other elements, Christianity—a legacy passed down by St Paul the Apostle—and preserved through successive generations despite the long period of Arab domination.
Padre Pelagio, similar to other contemporary Maltese scholars, responded to the disparaging remarks of foreign individuals who regarded the Maltese population as North African by fostering pride and respect for Malta’s ancient local heritage.12 He emphasised aspects that represent the classic history and traditional culture of Malta. Among these was the veneration of St Publius, who, according to tradition, was consecrated as Malta’s first bishop by St Paul following the latter’s shipwreck on the island. In this way, the Maltese could assert that their identity was not linked to North African culture or the Muslim religion.13
In conclusion, it can be reasonably asserted that Padre Pelagio championed the cult of St Publius in a manner similar to his promotion of local history and the Maltese language, which he regarded as having Punic origins (see MACM, Misc. 263, f. 211v).14 His writings concerning St Publius should be viewed as a proud national affirmation of national identity, emphasising the distinct characteristics that define Malta as a nation, complete with its own history, beliefs, traditions, and language. Nevertheless, given that numerous legends are embedded within this work, it is crucial that we examine Padre Pelagio’s sources to understand the extent to which he intentionally presented certain fabrications as established traditions, which contributed to the shaping of a particular interpretation of Malta’s history.

Funding

This research received no external funding.

Institutional Review Board Statement

Not applicable.

Informed Consent Statement

Not applicable.

Data Availability Statement

No new data were created or analyzed in this study. Data sharing is not applicable to this article.

Conflicts of Interest

The author declares no conflict of interest.

Notes

1
The given date here is mistaken. Instead of 1768, it was probably intended to be 1748. As a matter of fact, an engravement depicting the martyrdom of St Publius, dated 1748, includes the name of Padre Pelagio. Moreover, the year 1748 coincides with the period when this Capuchin friar was residing in Naples, where it was easier for him to make the necessary contacts to print this engraving in Naples. On Padre Pelagio’s stay in Naples, see (Brincat 1996; MCAM, Misc. 263, 221r-212v).
2
3
In 1642, Malta established its first printing press; however, it was shut down fourteen years later due to irreconcilable disagreements among the island’s three principal authorities—the Grand Master, the Inquisitor, and the Bishop—each vying for supremacy in matters of censorship. On the history of Printing in Malta, see (Grima 1991; Zammit 2001, pp. 28–29; 2008, pp. 42–44).
4
Saverio Mifsud, in his NLM, Giornale Maltese del Mifsud, Libr. 12, ff. 106–107, notes that the Capuchins were granted the privilege by the Grand Master to publish their liturgical calendar free of charge. See also NLM, Giornale Maltese del Mifsud, Libr. 13, f.680; NLM, Giornale Maltese del Mifsud, Libr. 14, f.276. During those times, one scudo was equivalent to 12 tari (or 240 grani); and one taro was equivalent to six piccioli. Philip Sciortino contextualises this historical currency by comparing it to modern equivalents, noting that one euro corresponds to approximately four scudi, while one taro is roughly equivalent to 0.02 euro. He further explains that, to better understand the value of this currency during that era, one should consider contemporary wages: a sailor engaged in corsairing activities earned between three to five scudi per month; a laborer in the cotton industry, working from early morning until late evening, earned four tari; and an unskilled worker typically received a daily wage of 30 grani (see P. Sciortino 2024, p. 81).
5
Componimento storico, o sia Notizie Sacro-Profane di San Pubblio, Principe, Vescovo, e Martire Maltese: Toccanti la condotta del medesimo prima Gentile: da S. Paolo poscia alla S. Fede convertito, ed ordinato primo Vescovo di Malta, e Gozo: indi secondo Vescovo, e Proto-Martire di Atene. A Sua Altezza Serenissima F. Emanuele de Rohan Gr. Maestro del Sagr’Ordine Gerosolimitano Principe di Malta, e del Gozo, ec. L’Autore, e li Maltesi divoti del Santo. D.D.D. In Malta, questo sol folio, 1776. Ed in Messina (Nella Stamp. Del Palazzo di S.A.S. per il Mallia suo Stamp. Con Licenza de’ Superiori).
6
Componimento storico, o sia Notizie Sacro-Profane di San Pubblio, Principe, Vescovo, e Martire Maltese: Toccanti la condotta del medesimo prima Gentile: da S. Paolo poscia alla S. Fede convertito, ed ordinato primo Vescovo di Malta, e Gozo: indi secondo Vescovo, e Proto-Martire di Atene. A Sua Altezza Serenissima F. Emanuele de Rohan Gr. Maestro del Sagr’Ordine Gerosolimitano Principe di Malta, e del Gozo, ec. L’Autore, e li Maltesi divoti del Santo. D.D.D. (Malta: Nella Stamp. Del Palazzo di S.A.S. per il Mallia suo Stamp. Con Licenza de’ Superiori 1776).
7
This document is a transcript by Count Saverio Marchese from an original document written by “an anonymous Capuchin friar”, considered lost. This document provides information about a number of local artists and others who worked in Malta. A number of contemporary authors have identified the “anonymous Capuchin friar” as the original author of this document with Padre Pelagio. In order to secure the identity of the “anonymous Capuchin friar” as Padre Pelagio, one must, however, consider the internal evidence of MS 1123.
8
“1700—Il Nobile Carlo Zimach Cavaliere, di Patria Maltese, originariò de’ Principi di Palestina, ingeniero famoso archittettò [omissis] in Roma la Basilica di S. Anastasia ai Cerchj; (o meglio ai Circhi per esservi stato vicino il Circo di Romolo), e compita a tutta perfezione l’opera, con avervi impiegata tutta la sua industria in ricompensa domandò in grazia, ed ottenne una Cappella di Gius Padronato in d[ett]a Chiesa, e questa dedicò ai SS. Mart[iri] Giorgio, e Publio vescovo di Malta suo compatriotto, come apparisce da rispettiva iscrizione eretta in d[etta] cappella. Mori li 31 Dicembre 1730 ed in d[etta] chiesa fù sepolto”. NLM, Libr. MS 1123, Uomini illustri di Malta, f.85. This information is also included in Padre Pelagio’s first edition, Componimento Storico published in Messina in 1775, pp. 182–83. For more information about Carlo Gimach, see (Ellul 1986, pp. 231–48).
9
“Sacristia della Ven[erabile] Basilica di San Paolo fuori delle mura di Roma rappresentante il Naufragio avventurato del S. Appostolo accaduto in MALTA, il Principe PUBL[IO] cogli isolani che l’accogliono: ravvisandosi ancor distintam[ente] delineato desso villagio, e rispettivo territorio, e costiera”. NLM, Libr. MS 147, f.271.
10
“Ad dunque desso Publio essendo è stato un personaggio degno da essere promosso alla reggenza della Chiesa di Malta, ha convenuto che Paolo abbia ordinato questo a preferenza d’ogni altro, che è quello esprimano le antiche e le moderne pitture non solo in Malta, ma in altre provincie, ed in specie in Roma nella Basilica Lateranense; e si prova con raggioni e di fatto, tradizioni, ed autorità”. MACM, Misc. 263, f.166v.
11
12
(Rogadeo 1783) compared the Maltese population with Africans, arguing that their character is characterised by sorrow, labelling them as shroud persons. Athanasius Kircher who visited Malta in 1637 wrote that the inhabitants of the Maltese Islands “speak pure Arabic, without any interference from Italian or any other language”. (See Zammit Ciantar 2000, p. 32). It seems, however, that this famous Jesuit was referring just to the cave-dwellers. In fact, his description contrasts sharply with that of Anselmo Pajoli, who, in 1694, defined the Maltese language as a kind of corrupt Arabic mixed with an incomprehensible Italian dialect. See (Zammit Ciantar 1998, p. 92). On the same lines, Philip Skippon, who visited Malta in 1664, wrote the following: “The natives of the country speak little or no Italian, but a kind of Arabic, like that the Moors speak; but in the cities, most speak Italian very well”. (Skippon 1732, pp. 618–28). Hieronymus Megiser (1553–1618) called the Maltese language “Saracenic”, “Moorish”, and “Carthagenian or lingua punica”. According to him, although the Maltese are Christians, they made use of a language that “is a kind of Arabic which has its origin in Hebrew”. See (Megiser 1606, p. 8). A facsimile edition has been translated into English: (Friggieri and Freller 1998, pp. 92, 134, 173). (Brincat 2021, p. 249) explicates that “such an inaccurate definition was due to the fact that, in those days, the genetic relationships between the Semitic languages had not yet been studied”.
13
Writing in 1913, (Bradley 1913, p. 16) states the following: “The Maltese race question has in the past been discussed with more regard to sentiment and popular pride than to the exact truth. When one writer who upheld a Hebrew origin of the Maltese was asked why he favoured this rather than an Arabic derivation he replied that the Hebrews were the people of Christ whereas the Arabs were the people of Mahemet”. Bradley then concludes the following: “This has been characteristic of much that has been said and written”.
14
Padre Pelagio defended the Maltese language as one that is derived from Samaritan–Carthaginian and not from Arabic. He refers to a manuscript that he came across at the Vatican Library in which he appreciated that Arabic is derived from Maltese and Hebrew, or at least from Syriac. He also recalled how ancient authors expressed their wish to visit Malta in order to discover genuine Hebrew words. The Capuchin friar also defended the Punic origin of the Maltese language in his Alfabeto Punico-Maltese. Here, he quotes Quintinus’ view on the Phoenician origins of the Maltese language, and boldly states that, with Samaritan, Maltese is not only similar, but it is the same. See (MACM, Misc. 65, f.71v). His prejudice is however manifested in the statement that Arabic is the son, or, rather, stepson, of the Maltese, and it is essentially better to fish for Hebrew, or at least from the Syriac, while referring to the cited authors. “L’Arabo è figlio, anzi figliastro, del nostro, che del Ebbraico, od almeno dal Siriaco conviene essenzialmente pescarlo dicono i poracitati autori”. MACM, Misc. 65, f.211v. According to (Brincat 2021, p. 258), the reference to the “figliastro”—stepson—is “possibly an echo of the Biblical anecdote about Hagar”. On the same lines are the arguments of Giovanni Pietro Francesco Agius de Soldanis, a contemporary scholar to Padre Pelagio, who, in his 1750a publication (Agius de Soldanis 1750a), claims the status of the Maltese nation and its ancient language by linking it to the Etruscans and the Phoenicians, and what he considered the common origin of their languages. This work by de Soldanis was supplemented by a grammar aimed at helping one learn Punic–Maltese. See (Agius de Soldanis 1750b). De Soldanis argues here in favour of Maltese as a Punic language on the grounds of epigraphical evidence, and the Chaldean and Hebrew analogues with Maltese words, as traced by Maius.

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Figure 1. Engraving of St Publius.
Figure 1. Engraving of St Publius.
Religions 16 00545 g001
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Micallef, M. The Cult of St Publius in the Componimento Storico of Padre Pelagio Mifsud Gauci Piscopo. Religions 2025, 16, 545. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16050545

AMA Style

Micallef M. The Cult of St Publius in the Componimento Storico of Padre Pelagio Mifsud Gauci Piscopo. Religions. 2025; 16(5):545. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16050545

Chicago/Turabian Style

Micallef, Martin. 2025. "The Cult of St Publius in the Componimento Storico of Padre Pelagio Mifsud Gauci Piscopo" Religions 16, no. 5: 545. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16050545

APA Style

Micallef, M. (2025). The Cult of St Publius in the Componimento Storico of Padre Pelagio Mifsud Gauci Piscopo. Religions, 16(5), 545. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16050545

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