Divine Bestowal or Moral Guidance: The Interpretations of Tian You Qi Zhong 天誘其衷 and the Heaven–Human Relationship in Early Confucian Thought
Abstract
1. Introduction
2. The Moralization of Tian from Shang Divination to Zhou Ethical Religion
3. Divine Bestowal or Moral Guidance: The Interpretations of Tian You Qi Zhong in the Zuozhuan
3.1. The Original Meaning of Tian You Qi Zhong: Evidence from Excavated Bamboo Texts
3.2. The Evolving Interpretation of Tian You Qi Zhong: Han Dynasty Commentarial Perspective
4. Heaven’s Mandate and Moral Cultivation: The Heaven–Human Relationship in Early Confucian Thought
4.1. Classical Confucian Perspectives on the Heaven–Human Relationship
4.2. Excavated Texts and the Evolving Paradigm of Heaven and Humanity
5. Tian You Qi Zhong Through the Lens of Heaven–Human Interaction
6. Conclusions
Funding
Institutional Review Board Statement
Informed Consent Statement
Data Availability Statement
Conflicts of Interest
1 | During the development of various schools of thought in the pre-Qin period, the concept of tian presents a diverse, rich, profound, and esoteric range of meanings, including the physical sky, the entirety of nature, natural laws, spiritual essence, moral principles, metaphysical concepts, historical patterns, and even roles such as a judge that determines and a bearer that sustains. The interactive relationship between tian and ren reflects the multifaceted aspects of human existence, encompassing the roles individuals play as intellectuals, religious figures, moral agents, social beings, aesthetes, and political actors, thus forming a complex and multi-faceted structure of meaning. The exploration of the relationship between Heaven and humanity has been the common aspiration of ancient Chinese scholars and thinkers. For more on this, see Zeng (2009) and Zhang (2024). |
2 | Slingerland (1996, p. 567) states, “The role of ming (variously translated as ‘fate,’ ‘destiny,’ ‘mandate’) in early Confucian thought has been subject to a range of interpretations. From its literal meaning of ‘command’ or ‘order,’ and its predominant pre-Confucian use as the revocable ‘mandate’ bestowed by Heaven (tian) upon the rulers of a particular dynasty, it had evolved by the time of the Confucian Analects into a force that plays a role at the level of the individual.” Sarah Allan (2007) further contextualizes this evolution by tracing the term tianming (“celestial mandate” or “Mandate of Heaven”) back to astronomical and cosmological origins in Shang and Zhou sources. She proposes that the Shang high deity, Shangdi—probably identified with the pole star as ruler of the Heavens—bestowed the early dynastic ming (“mandates”). Tian, the sky, was the location of Shangdi and other ancestral spirits, and came to be used as a broader euphemism for Shangdi or, more expansively, for Shangdi and the totality of celestial phenomena and spirits he governed. By the Western Zhou period, Zhou kings began to ground their right to rule in astronomical phenomena they read as “celestial mandate” from Shangdi. It was then that tianming emerged, merging the older dynastic decree with an overarching cosmic order. |
3 | Qing scholar Liu Fenglu 劉逢祿 triggered a significant controversy by highlighting inconsistencies between the Zuozhuan and the Chunqiu. Though not originally Liu’s concept, it reflected the New Text school’s stance that the Tso shih was not necessarily a direct commentary. Han-era New Text scholars had argued that the Zuozhuan might be more closely related to the Guoyu 國語, rather than to Confucius’s revision of the Annals. Kang Youwei 康有為 expanded the notion, alleging that Liu Xin 劉歆 forged the Zuozhuan for Wang Mang’s 王莽 political goals. Later scholarship offered various counterarguments based on textual, philological, and astronomical analysis. Bernhard Karlgren dated the Zuozhuan to around 468–300 BCE, thus refuting any claim of forgery, while Japanese scholars arrived at conflicting conclusions about its compilation date. Another theory from William Hung placed the Zuozhuan in the reign of Emperor Hui (195–88 BCE), attributing it to Zhang Cang 張蒼. The debate, however, continues with no definitive consensus. For more on this, see Loewe (1993, pp. 69–71). |
4 | According to Qu Bingrui 曲柄睿 (Qu 2021), the relationship between Heaven and humanity formed the cornerstone of pre-Qin historical philosophy. These explorations include three overlapping aspects: the Mandate of Heaven (cosmic destiny), Way of Heaven (natural principles), and Theory of Dao. Rather than distinct doctrines, these concepts interacted dynamically, reflecting early Chinese attempts to reconcile human agency with perceived cosmic forces while addressing fundamental questions about fate, natural order, and existential meaning in a universe governed by both discernible patterns and mysterious will. |
5 | Zhu Hanmin 朱漢民 (H. Zhu 2023) argues that by the Shang period, Di and Tian had already become historically intertwined, so the Western Zhou’s belief in tian effectively incorporated the ancestral worship practiced by the Shang people. |
6 | The sentence in question appears in Cai Zhong Zhi Ming 蔡仲之命, one of the so-called “Old Text” chapters of the Shangshu. It is generally agreed that the “Old Text” chapters were deliberately forged in the early fourth century A.D. (Loewe 1993, p. 377). Nonetheless, the same sentence—and a closely related expression—also appears in the Zuozhuan and the Guoyu, indicating that the saying had already circulated at an earlier time. |
7 | Zhu Hanmin compares the Western Zhou people’s belief in tian with the Christian concept of God. In Christian tradition, God is conceived primarily as a non-material spiritual being: “God is spirit.” God possesses none of the physical attributes of matter—intangible, immaterial, and invisible. In contrast, the Western Zhou notion of tian encompassed both the natural cosmos (sun, moon, stars, and meteorological elements) and a personalized, conscious will. Hence, tian functioned as an ultimate ruler that was simultaneously a physical and spiritual unity (H. Zhu 2023). |
8 | Luo Xinhui 罗新慧 (Luo 2012) argues that the Zhou idea of the Mandate of Heaven (tianming) inherited and adapted Shang beliefs rather than rejecting them entirely. The intermingling of rationality and irrationality remained the overall state of the Zhou intellectual superstructure after their “spiritual awakening.” By the Spring and Autumn period, tianming shifted from exclusive royal legitimacy to a tool for regional lords, reflecting both rational governance and lingering mystical elements. Complementing Luo’s perspective, Zhao Fasheng 趙法生 (Zhao 2020) believes that “the Chinese civilization before the Axial Age was still in the religious period, and the changes in late Shang and Western Zhou did not eliminate religion.” He considers those changes as “a revolutionary transformation of natural religion in Shang dynasty and a new creation of ethical religion, which bred the humanistic spirit of Western Zhou and produced a new supreme god (Heaven) as well as developed a new interpretation of Heaven’s will—matching one’s virtue with that of Heaven.” |
9 | A survey by Guo Haitao 郭海濤 reveals around 3107 recorded events in the Zuozhuan, of which 168 (approximately 5.4%) refer to the relationship between Heaven and humans (including nature-human and deity-human interactions). Guo divides the time span into two periods: from Duke Yin to Duke Xuan, and from Duke Cheng to Duke Ai. The survey shows that in the first 132-year span (from Duke Yin to Duke Xuan), there are 844 events, with 97 (about 11%) involving the Heaven–human relationship. In the second 123-year span (from Duke Cheng to Duke Ai), there are 1263 events, 71 (around 5%) of which touch on Heaven–human affairs (H. Guo 2021). |
10 | These two statements are found in commentarial discussions on the events of Duke Xi 16 and Duke Zhao 18, respectively. |
11 | Although the earlier commentators did not explicitly identify you as having the meaning “to give,” “to grant” or “to bestow,” it is apparent that the commentators understood TYQZ to indicate that Heaven imparts goodness—in other words, that Heaven has taken on a benevolent intention. Following this interpretation, TYQZ signifies that Heaven grants blessings to people and watches over them with its favor. |
12 | As Wang Su reads zhong 衷 as shan 善 (goodness), an interpretation supported by relevant passages in the Shangshu (e.g., in the chapter of Gaoyao Mo 皋陶謨, hezhong 和衷 is equated with “harmonizing in goodness”), he reinforced the idea that Heaven’s role is fundamentally oriented toward moral cultivation. Since the Zuozhuan and Guoyu also use zhong as “righteousness” or “goodness,” later Confucian scholars treated zhong as a virtuous interiority, guided or nudged toward realization by Heaven. In modern commentaries, nevertheless, zhong is understood more literally as “heart” or “inner disposition.” Interpreted this way, TYQZ means that Heaven guides or influences human hearts towards moral paths (Karlgren 1972, pp. 139–41; Takezoe 2008, p. 616). |
13 | The terms you shan 誘善 and you xian 誘賢 appear as early as in the Da Dai Liji 大戴禮記 (Record of Rites Compiled by Elder Dai). The expression youjin zhongxian 誘進忠賢 is found in the Qianfu Lun 潛夫論 (Comments of a recluse), a philosophical and political treatise written during the Later Han period. |
14 | Confucius’s understanding of the Heaven–human relationship can also be discerned and further explored in sources such as Aigong Wen 哀公問 chapter of the Liji 禮記 (The Book of Rites), the Yao 要 chapter of the silk manuscript of the Yizhuan 易傳 (Commentaries on the Yi), and the Shanghai Museum Bamboo text Lubang da han 魯邦大旱 (The State of Lu Suffered a Great Drought). For more discussions on this, see L. Guo (2009). |
15 | Chao Fulin 晁福林 (Chao 2006), by analyzing Confucius’s praise for the “King Wen” poem in the Poetry Commentary from the Shangbo Bamboo Slips, argues that Confucius acknowledged Heaven’s supreme majesty and divine power while attributing transcendent spiritual authority to King Wen. |
16 | Roger T. Ames (1984) suggests that Confucius’s notion of tian, in certain respects, reminds us of the Western concept of a personal, transcendent God. In Confucius’s human-centered philosophy, tian retains traces of personification and is seen to consciously intervene in human affairs. In contrast, Tu Wei-ming denies personal conception of Heaven due to his monistic view of reality (S. Song 2010). Thus, Tu’s “Heaven” is not “a personal God” or “an omnipotent creator” (Tu 1989, p. 69). Nevertheless, Ames also points out that while the Western tradition insists on a sharp divide between God and mankind, Confucian thought advocates the unity of Heaven and humans. This fundamental divergence has a far-reaching influence, shaping differing religious outlooks in both cultural traditions. |
17 | The interpretations of Mencius’s concept of tian vary widely. Y. Song (2020) argues that Mencius “contains several passages describing Heaven as a willful being whose intention is difficult to comprehend yet holds great power over human beings.” Turner (2023) challenges the traditional readings of tian in the Mencius. In his view, it should not be understood as a metaphysical entity, a human-like deity, or simply a natural force. Instead, he argues that “tian is to be understood as ‘tradition’ whereby humans in their process of becoming humans contribute to and invigorate it as successive generations carry it on into the future.” |
18 | Back (2016) examines the Confucian concept of tian with respect to the ethical life of human beings. By proposing the dual aspects of “moral economy” and “contingency,” he distinguishes Confucius’s “ethics of faith” from Mencius’s “ethics of confidence.” In his view, Confucius embraced contingency as inherent to ethical life and accepted moral uncertainty. Mencius, however, rationalized moral economy as inevitable, attributing apparent failures to external conditions. |
19 | Wang Zhongjiang 王中江 (Wang 2011, p. 137), upon reading the Shangbo Bamboo text Lubang da han, criticizes the modern oversimplifications of historical progress reflected in the view of a straightforward shift from religion to philosophy and the shift from a theocentric worldview to humanism. He believes that actual intellectual change was driven by multiple, overlapping currents and back-and-forth adjustments, not a one-way progress. |
20 | Y. Song (2020) points out that “the basic attitude in the QDYS is not far removed from that in the Mengzi, in which willful Heaven is said to decide the uses of worthy people”. In his view, “both texts tell us to keep our minds off the uncontrollable and focus on what can be controlled, namely our virtue.” |
21 | The standard academic translation of wuxing in Warring States thought is “five phases,” which emerged around the fourth to third centuries BCE. It interprets all natural phenomena as relationships among five fundamental elements: water, earth, metal, wood, and fire. The Guodian Wuxing text, however, is an exception. This might be because the concept of wuxing was still evolving. The Guodian text presents wuxing not as natural processes, but as moral qualities. Reflecting this, Scott Cook (2012) translates it as “Five Conducts,” highlighting its focus on virtues or moral behaviors. |
22 | The five cardinal virtues refer to benevolence (ren 仁), justice (yi 義), propriety (li 禮), wisdom (zhi 智), and sagacity (sheng 聖). |
23 | Pang Pu 龐樸 (Pang 2000) outlines three models of the Heaven–human relationship in the Guodian manuscripts. First, Separation (Heaven and humans distinct): In QDYS, fate (“Heaven”) governs human rise and fall via era, chance, and social forces beyond individual control. Second, Unity (“Heaven and humans one”): In Wuxing, moral virtues (ren, yi, li, zhi, sheng) are both “Heaven’s way” realized in the human heart and “human ways” that embody cosmic order. Third, Ambiguity (neither one nor two): In XZMC, human nature and emotions stem from a heavenly decree yet unfold entirely within human social life. Similarly, Guo Lihua 郭梨華 (L. Guo 2009) also finds that while all three texts, Wuxing, XZMC, and QDYS, emphasize the refinement and cultivation of virtue in the human realm, they differ in their understanding of tian. Wuxing highlights a moral, principle-based tian; In XZMC, tian retains a more natural dimension; and QDYS presents a purely fatalistic view of tian. Together, these represent three post-Confucian trends in theorizing the Heaven–human relationship. |
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Wang, C. Divine Bestowal or Moral Guidance: The Interpretations of Tian You Qi Zhong 天誘其衷 and the Heaven–Human Relationship in Early Confucian Thought. Religions 2025, 16, 822. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16070822
Wang C. Divine Bestowal or Moral Guidance: The Interpretations of Tian You Qi Zhong 天誘其衷 and the Heaven–Human Relationship in Early Confucian Thought. Religions. 2025; 16(7):822. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16070822
Chicago/Turabian StyleWang, Cheng. 2025. "Divine Bestowal or Moral Guidance: The Interpretations of Tian You Qi Zhong 天誘其衷 and the Heaven–Human Relationship in Early Confucian Thought" Religions 16, no. 7: 822. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16070822
APA StyleWang, C. (2025). Divine Bestowal or Moral Guidance: The Interpretations of Tian You Qi Zhong 天誘其衷 and the Heaven–Human Relationship in Early Confucian Thought. Religions, 16(7), 822. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16070822