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Article

Divine Bestowal or Moral Guidance: The Interpretations of Tian You Qi Zhong 天誘其衷 and the Heaven–Human Relationship in Early Confucian Thought

Center for Studies of History of Chinese Language/Research Institute for Ancient Books, Zhejiang University, Hangzhou 310058, China
Religions 2025, 16(7), 822; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16070822
Submission received: 17 May 2025 / Revised: 17 June 2025 / Accepted: 20 June 2025 / Published: 23 June 2025
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Ethical Concerns in Early Confucianism)

Abstract

This paper explores how the interpretations of the phrase “tian you qi zhong 天誘其衷” in the Zuozhuan 左傳 (The Zuo Commentary) have changed over time. These changes reflect early Confucian perspectives on the relationship between Heaven and humanity. By examining the polysemous terms (you 誘 and zhong 衷) and by comparing transmitted texts with excavated manuscripts (e.g., Guodian 郭店, Shangbo 上博, and Tsinghua corpora), the paper demonstrates a vital dilemma in early Chinese philosophy: whether Heaven endows moral qualities or simply awakens the innate dispositions of human beings. The paper traces the moralization of tian 天 (Heaven) from the Shang 商 dynasty’s theocentric worldview to the Zhou’s 周 focus on ethical responsibility, showing how the Zuozhuan bridges archaic religious beliefs and emerging Confucian humanism. Traditional commentaries read tian you qi zhong as Heaven “bestowing goodness” or “guiding moral intention,” while the manuscript evidence suggests that the phrase actually meant Heaven “descending its heart or will” to attune human affairs to the cosmos. Han exegetes redefined the term you as pedagogical guidance due to Confucianism’s growing emphasis on self-cultivation. By contextualizing the phrase at a larger backdrop of discussions of the Mandate of Heaven (tianming 天命) and moral cultivation, the study contends that early Confucians transformed tian from a deity figure to a moral principle dwelling in the human capacity, integrating religious reverence and ethical emancipation. This interdisciplinary approach studies ongoing scholarly discussions on the interrelationship between religion, ethics, and philosophy in early China.

1. Introduction

In early Chinese thought, few themes seem more prominent than the changing relationship between Heaven (tian 天) and humanity (ren 人).1 This relationship changed significantly during the Eastern Zhou period (770–256 BCE). Initially, the idea of the “Mandate of Heaven” (tianming 天命) suggested a deity-like Heaven that bestowed fortune or calamity.2 But gradually, philosophical ideas became more popular that put the focus on human volition, moral virtue, and personal cultivation. Texts from this era, most notably the Zuozhuan 左傳 (The Zuo Commentary), capture these shifting winds of thought, illustrating how cosmological beliefs intersected with the ethical and political concerns of the time.
Traditionally, the Zuozhuan is regarded as a commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiu 春秋) and it covers the tumultuous Spring and Autumn period (770–476 BCE).3 Within its rich narrative tapestry, concepts of Heaven’s moral authority and human responsibility are intertwined into descriptions of warfare, alliances, and governance. Of particular interest is the phrase tian you qi zhong 天誘其衷 (hereafter TYQZ), which appears on various occasions in the Zuozhuan. Interpretations of this phrase embody the main ethical issue of the Heaven–human relationship: Does Heaven impart moral intention to human beings directly or does it just awaken and guide natural inclinations that individuals must strive to cultivate themselves?
In order to explore this issue in detail, the paper is structured into four main sections. Section 2 examines how Heaven’s role shifted from a focus on ritual and devotion in the Shang 商 to a more ethically charged concept under the Zhou 周. Section 3 provides a close look at the phrase TYQZ in the Zuozhuan, analyzing its words and how scholars have interpreted them. Section 4 investigates how thinkers such as Confucius, Mencius, and Xunzi reconceived Heaven’s moral authority, emphasizing the role of human virtue in actualizing Heaven’s will. Expanding the discussion, this part also examines recently excavated manuscripts from the Guodian 郭店, Shangbo 上博, and Tsinghua corpus. These texts illustrate the ongoing development of the concept concerning cosmic prompting versus human self-determination. Section 5 concludes by integrating these findings, demonstrating how TYQZ reflects the wider shift from a deity-like Heaven to one that basically functions as a moral principle.
By examining TYQZ and its evolving readings, this paper contributes to broader discussions on ethical concerns in early Confucianism. It tracks how moral commands were both formed by traditional religious views and helped to change them. In doing so, it sheds light on an important period in Chinese intellectual history where Heaven’s will began to be less important than, or at least to share importance with, a new idea about self-cultivation and moral agency.

2. The Moralization of Tian from Shang Divination to Zhou Ethical Religion

From the earliest strata of Chinese civilization, thinkers sought to elucidate the intricate relationship between Heaven and humanity.4 This nexus, widely referred to as the Heaven–human relationship, changed significantly over time, from the Shang dynasty through the Zhou and into the Spring and Autumn period. The Zuozhuan was compiled during a time spanning from the late Spring and Autumn period to the mid-Warring States period. During this time, the reflections on the Heaven–human relationship had become profoundly multifaceted, straddling both archaic religious beliefs and emergent moral–philosophical frameworks (H. Guo 2021). Understanding these shifting notions of tian—whether as a supreme deity, a moral arbiter, or a cosmic principle—is crucial for interpreting phrases such as TYQZ, which implies Heaven’s involvement in, or guidance of, humanity’s moral core.
In the Shang dynasty (roughly 16th–11th century BCE), oracle bone inscriptions attest to a theocratic cosmos. Di 帝 or Shangdi 上帝 appeared as a personal, sovereign power, and the reigning Shang king served simultaneously as political ruler and high priest. Frequent divinations sought to ascertain whether Di favored or disapproved of certain royal endeavors, such as warfare, city-building, or water control. The ruler’s authority depended on his ability to communicate with spirits and ancestors, who, in turn, stood close to the deity Di. Although moral considerations appear incidentally, the primary emphasis lies on appeasing a powerful deity rather than systematically linking cosmic sanction to ethical conduct (H. Zhu 2023). The term tian did not prominently feature in Shang oracle bone texts (Chen 2017, p. 185).5 Alternatively, Di or Shangdi represented an early “natural religion” that centered on propitiating a transcendent power. This power, responsible for all earthly fortunes or calamities, was not necessarily bound by moral criteria (Chen 2017, pp. 194–95).
During the transition to the Western Zhou dynasty (1046–771 BCE), the idea of tian rose to prominence and began to overshadow references to Di. Here, we see the hallmark development of the Mandate of Heaven (Ivanhoe 2007). Although Shangdi and Di continued to appear in inscriptions and texts, the Zhou people increasingly spoke of tian, thus signaling a shift that Chen Lai 陳來 characterizes as a major innovation in religious terminology and ideology (Chen 2017, p. 230). This shift, he notes, not only replaced the Shang notion of a single high god, but also introduced an ethical dimension that ascribed a new sense of moral discernment to Heaven (X. Meng 2022). According to later narratives in the Shangshu 尚書 (The Book of Documents) and related texts, the Duke of Zhou offered an explanation of dynastic change. He argued that the fall of the Shang and the rise of the Zhou were based on Heaven’s moral preference rather than divine whim. This emerged as a key shift toward “Heaven as overseer of good and evil” (Xu 2014, p. 31; Fu 2024). The Western Zhou rulers stressed that Heaven’s favor depended on virtue (de 德). In early Zhou thought, de primarily meant the ruler’s virtuous and effective conduct, demonstrated through ritual duties, just governance, and maintaining harmony. This earned him the charismatic power and legitimacy to rule. In other words, de means more than just “virtue.” In this period, it described not only ethical behavior but also the capacity to attract loyalty and support from others. Hence, if a reigning house abused its power, Heaven would withdraw the Mandate and transfer it to another—an idea encapsulated in the phrase “there is no one who can forever remain the recipient of Heaven’s mandate to rule” (tianming mi chang 天命靡常) cited in the Shijing 詩經 (The Book of Odes). Zhou rulers claimed that Heaven, as the supreme moral authority, was morally discerning—“rewarding the good” and “punishing the evil.” This is famously summarized in the dictum “Heaven is without partiality; it only assists those with moral virtue.”6
Still, Zhou conceptions of tian were not monolithic.7 Although tian often appeared as a personal divinity, displaying will and intention (for instance, in many Western Zhou bronze inscriptions proclaiming that tian cursed rebels or blessed righteous kings), we also see indications of tian as a universal principle. Sometimes, references revolve around cosmic or natural order, as in sacrificial rites performed to secure Heaven’s blessing for agricultural and political success. In the Western Zhou, educational and political institutions stressed that one must cultivate moral excellence in order to remain in accord with the Mandate of Heaven (xiu de pei tian 修德配天). Chen Lai notes that by reconfiguring the old Shangdi into a more generalized tian, the Zhou paved the way for subsequent intellectual developments in which tian could be understood as either a moral principle (yili zhi tian 義理之天) or a natural principle (ziran zhi tian 自然之天) (Chen 2017, p. 227). This dual nature, part moral principle, part personal deity, characterized Heaven through much of the early Zhou writings.8
By the time the Western Zhou weakened and gave way to the Eastern Zhou and, in particular, the Spring and Autumn period (770–476 BCE), the traditional belief that Heaven deputized or punished rulers had become more sophisticated. The social upheavals of the era spurred important reflection. People questioned whether human agency could interpret Heaven’s signs. They even wondered if humans could influence these divine messages. The Zuozhuan addresses these questions by offering important insights. It recalls traditional beliefs and points ahead to new lines of thought.9 Several omens appear in the text: eclipses, floods, and droughts. Each was regarded as a divine signal that the rulers’ ethics had fallen out of favor with Heaven. Yet the text also records more skeptical or rational perspectives, as exemplified by statements like “good fortune or misfortune depends on human beings” (ji xiong you ren 吉凶由人) and “the Way of Heaven is distant, while the human way is near” (tiandao yuan, rendao er 天道遠, 人道邇).10 The historian or commentator sometimes reconciles these two interpretations by stressing that ultimately human virtue ensures the favor from tian. Such a stance illustrates how, by the sixth century BCE, the moral orientation of Heaven had overshadowed purely theocratic concerns. Such views helped pave the way for the Warring States notion of “distinction between man and Heaven” (tian ren xiang fen 天人相分). The phrase indicates the functional separation of Heaven’s natural operations from human ethics.
Thus, the concept of Heaven–human relationship transformed in tandem with socio-political changes. In the Shang dynasty, it centered on propitiatory divination. The Zhou dynasty shifted the focus to the moral justification of rulership. By the Spring and Autumn period, people held a wider range of views. Chen Lai underscores that while the Western Zhou did not entirely abandon religious worship of a supreme divinity, they appended to it a strong moral impetus. This integration, he argues, transformed the originally “natural religion” into an “ethical religion” (Chen 2017, p. 230). Rulers expressed their moral duty by venerating Heaven and caring for the people (jingtian baomin 敬天保民). They thereby internalized moral obligations and assumed greater responsibility for their own actions. Over time, anthropocentric approaches became more prominent. This was especially true during the late Spring and Autumn and early Warring States periods. These approaches hastened a perception that Heaven’s Way could be partially made manifest through human virtue and correct governance. The Zuozhuan records the resulting world in a state of change. By that time, Heaven evolved into a moral principle that guides and resonates within human nature, though it had not yet been fully internalized in the sense that “human nature is from Heaven.” Yet, moralization did not imply the complete evaporation of the spiritual dimension of Heaven. Ancestral rites and Heaven’s blessings are frequently mentioned in the text. This suggests that many people in the Spring and Autumn period remained deeply convinced of a deity-like tian. Phrases such as TYQZ must be understood in this transitional light: they display a tension between tian as bestower and tian as a moral guide. The final centuries preceding the Warring States forged a discourse that both affirmed divine oversight and recognized the necessity of human agency. In doing so, Spring and Autumn thought laid a cultural foundation for subsequent Confucian belief that virtue stands at the heart of legitimate rule.
Understanding this historical and philosophical context clarifies why the Zuozhuan remains a critical source for scholars probing the metamorphoses of tian in early China. Carrying forward the Duke of Zhou’s ideas, the text proclaims an order in which cosmic sanction converges with ethical self-accountability. Such reflections suggest that the authors and commentators of the late Spring and Autumn period saw tian not just as something in the celestial sphere, but also partly in the conscience of humans. This moralization of tian constituted a crucial turning point in Chinese intellectual history.

3. Divine Bestowal or Moral Guidance: The Interpretations of Tian You Qi Zhong in the Zuozhuan

The phrase TYQZ recurs five times in the Zuozhuan (i.e., Xi 28, Cheng 13, Xiang 25, Ding 4, and Ai 16). In each instance, the phrase shows how divine authority connects with human moral conduct. However, the exact meaning of the phrase has been a subject of debate. In early Chinese texts, tian is commonly understood as a supreme cosmic entity, which is responsible for maintaining moral and political order. The actual interpretive difficulty, therefore, concerns the specific meanings of you 誘 and zhong 衷. The two words in question hold an array of possible nuances, ranging from “bestow” or “grant” to “guide” or “induce” for you, and from “heart,” “inner self,” or “goodness” for zhong. Consequently, determining whether TYQZ implies that Heaven actively confers moral quality on humans or subtly guides human intentions has become a central debate. This question cannot be answered simply by analyzing the grammar of the text. We need to place it within the general intellectual setting, looking specifically at Confucian reflections on the Mandate of Heaven and the moral duties rulers have. This analysis uses a philological method to study the key terms in the relevant passages of the Zuozhuan. With the evidence from excavated bamboo texts, we aim to ascertain the original meaning of the phrase. Furthermore, this section also explores how the interpretation of TYQZ evolved in traditional scholarly commentaries.

3.1. The Original Meaning of Tian You Qi Zhong: Evidence from Excavated Bamboo Texts

In traditional and modern commentaries, the main interpretation, which we might call the “bestowal” reading, regards TYQZ as evidence of Heaven’s role as a giver of moral virtue. According to this view, you can function much like ci 賜 (to grant) or she 舍 (to give), while zhong denotes shan 善 (goodness). Accordingly, the phrase is often taken to mean “Heaven bestows its goodness (on whomever it favors)” (W. Liu 1959, p. 430; Z. Zhu 1991).11 The “bestowal interpretation” is prominent in traditional commentaries largely because of similar expressions found in texts like the Guoyu. A close parallel to TYQZ can be seen in the phrase tian she qi zhong 天舍其衷, which appears, for example, in the Wu 吳 chapter. Wei Zhao 韋昭, in commenting on this phrase, interpreted that Heaven grants moral favor to parties deserving of its support. The moral implications of this stance are significant. If one reads TYQZ strictly as “Heaven bestows its goodness,” human beings appear somewhat passive in acquiring virtue: once Heaven has decided to favor an individual or a state—often for aligning with moral norms—Heaven confers upon them the intangible quality of zhong. A theistically charged worldview of the Spring and Autumn period is evident in this reading. This perspective holds that divine endorsement dictates political victories and moral successes. The Zuozhuan strongly supports this view by often stating that Heaven causes the fall of unjust rulers and aids the righteous.
This interpretation has been substantiated and further refined by recent studies with evidence from excavated bamboo manuscripts. In many contexts, zhong stands as a near synonym for xin 心 (heart or mind). By extension, zhong also signifies “goodness,” and is treated as being on par with moral integrity, inner virtue, or a sense of righteousness. When Confucius and other early thinkers discuss moral cultivation, sincerity (cheng 誠), and authenticity, they often evoke language around zhong as that which must be properly aligned or shaped. In some passages, zhong refers to the seat of moral deliberation. While earlier readings focused on zhong 衷 as “goodness,” newly discovered materials suggest 衷 may have largely functioned as 中 in early transmissions. These texts provide evidence, alongside close comparisons with related expressions in the Guoyu, indicating a frequent interchange between the characters 衷 and 中 (Wu 2021; Ma 2022). For instance, the Guoyu’s “天降衷于吳” closely parallels, in the Tsinghua Bamboo Slips, an expression spelled “天賜中于吳,” which uses the graph 中 instead of 衷 to convey a similar idea of Heaven bestowing a moral imperative or intention upon the state of Wu (Wu 2021). In the Shangbo Bamboo Slips, researchers found the expression “昔上天不中,降祸于我,” which is understood to mean that Heaven’s withdrawal of its zhong once brought about calamity (Ma 2022). Similarly to the phrase TYQZ, these references illustrate a Heaven that actively “descends” or “delivers” both blessings and misfortunes. This mandate is always tied to the moral and ritual alignments of states. Dating these manuscripts suggests that the graph 中 was the older usage, while 衷 became more prominent in the late Warring States period or thereafter. Zhong 中 in classical texts often stands for “heart,” “inner core,” or “the primary seat of intent.” The Tsinghua Bamboo Slips, for instance, show that xin 心 and zhong 中 can be used almost interchangeably to denote inner mental states. Hence, Heaven’s zhong could be understood as Heaven’s own essential “heart,” “intention,” or “will” (Wu 2021; Ma 2022).
Alongside questions about zhong, the verb you 誘 likewise warrants fresh attention. In classical Chinese, the term you has the meaning of leading, guiding, instigating, seducing, or even tricking, depending on the object and context. Researchers have recently pointed out that you in certain archaic contexts could carry a sense akin to the older term 㕗 (pronounced similarly, now lost), which meant “to bring” or “to send.” In this sense, it may relate closely to the word zhi 致 (to deliver or bring about) (Ma 2022). As a result, TYQZ may have meant “Heaven descends or imparts its heart/center” to a particular group or individual. It underscores an act of “descending” with moral or cosmic force rather than simply “guiding” or “tempting.” This understanding reflects an older pre-Qin belief in a Heaven that directly communicates its intentions—both moral and pragmatic—to human affairs. By “delivering” this attribute, Heaven ensures that people, or entire states, align themselves with a cosmic principle—one that can facilitate unity, victory in warfare, or moral reform. In the Zuozhuan passages where TYQZ appears, a recurrent motif is that something beyond human control intervenes, tipping the moral or political balance. The text suggests that Heaven’s intent is not realized through persuasion. Instead, it works by establishing a shared mental inclination among political actors. This involves rewarding the virtuous and chastening the errant. In Xi 28, for example, the phrase accompanies the statement that Heaven sent calamity upon Wei 衛, but then subsequently Heaven descends or imparts its heart so that Wei’s leaders could unite. Such usage hints that the essential act described is Heaven’s conferral of an intangible impetus rather than exclusive moral guidance that demands an internal transformation. That does not preclude moral reciprocity: states or individuals must be in a receptive mode to benefit from Heaven’s “descent.” Nonetheless, this synergy highlights Heaven as the origin. Humans are presented as potentially receptive participants. This reading resonates with similar phrases in the Guoyu. Moreover, it is supported by newly unearthed slips, which reflect the rhetorical pattern of Heaven bestowing, withholding, or manifesting its “heart/intention.” Such textual alignment, across both transmitted and excavated sources, indicates a coherent pre-Qin worldview. From this perspective, Heaven’s intangible will plays a central role. The moral fortunes of states and individuals rise and fall, and this phenomenon depends on how well they synchronize with and respond to that guiding impetus.

3.2. The Evolving Interpretation of Tian You Qi Zhong: Han Dynasty Commentarial Perspective

Ancient exegetes, however, did not necessarily maintain the original meaning of the phrase TYQZ. Rather, they reinterpreted this expression according to perspectives and convictions prevalent in later periods. As a result, their commentaries reflect the changing ways subsequent generations understood “Heaven’s prompting.” During the transition from the late Zhou to the Han dynasty, various intellectual and socio-political developments took place. The upheavals during the Spring and Autumn period, characterized by the decline of Zhou dominance and continuous warfare, inspired intellectuals to re-evaluate the role of divine forces in shaping human events. In times of turmoil, thinkers such as Confucius emphasized the value of moral independence in humans. Self-cultivation was given a high priority over reliance on an unpredictable Heaven. At the same time, Daoist philosophies viewed Heaven differently, portraying it as an impersonal cosmic system rather than a personal deity who directly gives blessings. The traditional idea that Heaven was involved in human affairs was further undermined. Thinkers looked for more natural justifications for celestial phenomena. The debates between Confucians and Mohists also contributed to this evolution; while Confucians emphasized ritual alignment with Heaven’s ethical norms, Mohists focused on utilitarian worship. Both groups placed growing importance on human endeavor and accountable behavior. In the socio-political realm, the rise in meritocratic ideals challenged the established hereditary nobility, necessitating new legitimizing principles based on moral virtue and competence. In this context, people believed that Heaven’s favor was connected to human effort and virtue. Rulers employed the term “Heaven’s mandate” to justify their actions. The culmination of these trends in the Han dynasty, particularly through thinkers like Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒, led to the institutionalization of tianren ganying 天人感應 (Heaven–human resonance) as a central doctrine. This framework emphasized a reciprocal relationship between Heaven and humanity, where Heaven “opens” or “awakens” the moral potential within individuals. These shifts changed how people understood Heaven’s role in human life and led to a new understanding of the phrase TYQZ. The interpretation of TYQZ developed to show a continuous interaction between divine guidance and human moral agency. This emphasizes the crucial role of individual receptivity and ethical response in attaining harmony with the cosmic order.
Building on this observation, we can revisit the earliest surviving explanation of TYQZ in Wang Su’s 王肅 commentary on the Kongzi Jiayu 孔子家語 (The School Sayings of Confucius or Family Sayings of Confucius). The Zhenglun Jie 正論解 includes a quote from the Zuozhuan which mentions the phrase TYQZ: “On the path where the Chen 陳 army passed, wells were filled in, and trees were cut down. Our humble state greatly feared (that it would not withstand the external military pressure). Heaven prompted our hearts. (Our state launched an attack on the state of Chen 陳.) Chen was aware of its offenses and received our punishment. Therefore, we dare to offer captives.” In his commentary on TYQZ, Wang Su interpreted you 誘 as jin 進 (to advance) and zhong 衷 as shan 善 (goodness). His interpretation was that Heaven “guides” or “advances” the innate goodness already present in individuals or the community.12 This view signaled that the notion of moral cultivation through Heaven’s guidance was already well-established during that period. In other exegeses and commentaries, philologists began to align you with qi 啓/kai 開 (to open or enlighten). For instance, commentators on the Wenxuan 文選 (Selections of Literature) like Li Shan 李善 observed a parallel. He pointed out that the phrase tian qi qi zhong 天啓其衷 (Heaven opens/awakens its heart) found in a particular passage, closely resembled the Zuozhuan expression TYQZ. Similarly, references in the Shiji 史記 (Records of the Grand Historian) describe how “Heaven has begun preparing or enabling Chu” (tian fang kai Chu 天方開楚) implies Heaven “opening” or “preparing” circumstances. This is much like how the character you implies stimulating or initiating. It illustrates a consistent thread: Heaven “opens” the way for virtue but does not forcibly implant it. Such a reading also appears in the Songshu 宋書 (History of the Song), which uses the phrase tian qi qi xin 天啓其心 (Heaven opens their hearts) interchangeably with TYQZ. Through these glosses, post-Han exegetes posited that Heaven’s involvement in mortal affairs works primarily by opening people’s eyes to an existing moral path. That path still requires human volition: one must respond properly to Heaven’s prompting.
Such an emphasis on moral prompting highlights a twofold dynamic between Heaven and humanity in Confucian thought. Heaven offers the initial impulse or inspiration, and people are expected to react with deliberate and suitable conduct. Post-Han commentators uphold this view, occasionally comparing you 誘 to jiao 教 (to teach). One example is the expression you she 誘射 from the Yili 儀禮 (The Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial), which Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 interpreted as “teaching someone in archery.” Across Chinese textual tradition, words like you shan 誘善 (inducing goodness), you xian 誘賢 (bringing forward the virtuous), and youjin zhongxian 誘進忠賢 (bringing forward the loyal and worthy) provide further evidence.13 Scholars relate this meaning to TYQZ. They read it as Heaven instructing or guiding people toward benevolent paths. This perspective resonates with Confucian doctrines, wherein moral progress takes shape through both an innate moral awareness (inside) and the constructive guidance of teachers, rulers, or cosmic principles (outside). Consequently, TYQZ is not about Heaven granting moral superiority; it is about Heaven helping us to awaken and develop our inner virtue. This defining characteristic of “guidance” proved influential in shaping early Confucian understandings of how Heaven and humanity interact in the ongoing pursuit of ethical ideals.

4. Heaven’s Mandate and Moral Cultivation: The Heaven–Human Relationship in Early Confucian Thought

Tracing the use of TYQZ across centuries of Chinese intellectual tradition, one quickly notes how its resonance changes depending on the prevailing notions of tian and how the cosmic realm interacts with humanity. By the early Confucian period, a striking shift emerges in how Heaven and humanity are understood. Previously, Heaven was regarded strictly as a divine ruler dispensing rewards or punishments. Now the focus moves toward moral alignment, self-cultivation, and individual responsibility in carrying out Heaven’s will. This section investigates that shift by examining how early Confucian thinkers, including Confucius, Mencius, and Xunzi, redefined “Heaven” in their teachings, supplemented by insights from newly discovered materials.

4.1. Classical Confucian Perspectives on the Heaven–Human Relationship

From the Shang and Zhou periods onward, the relationship between Heaven and humanity remained a core theme in Chinese thought. This concern shaped cosmological, ethical, and political discourses for centuries. Early Confucian thinkers inherited a diverse array of beliefs surrounding divine sanction, ritual propriety, moral cultivation, and cosmic order. Over time, these ideas propelled a reconfiguration of how Heaven and humans were understood to interact. Although their specific philosophical positions differed, these thinkers cumulatively reframed Heaven as a transcendent moral standard. They also showed that it was a principle deeply interwoven with human ethical life.
Confucius (551–479 BCE) stands as a pivotal figure in this transformation. During the early Zhou, rulers including the Duke of Zhou believed that Heaven was the ultimate cosmic sovereign and the moral overseer who “sees and hears as the people see and hear.” They linked rituals to ethical governance through the doctrine of “cultivating virtue to match Heaven’s mandate.” Confucius refined this view by emphasizing the concepts of ren 仁 (benevolence) and jing 敬 (reverence) as central to ritual practice. Traditionally, it was believed that Heaven commanded or sanctioned rulers. Confucius, however, proposed a more nuanced understanding. He held that sanction depends not on external force but on the moral character one has developed. By centering his philosophy on virtue, Confucius redefined the Mandate of Heaven as a dynamic interplay between cosmic authority and human moral agency (Ivanhoe 2007).
The statements in the Analects exemplify this stance.14 On several occasions, Confucius mentioned that Heaven supported his mission. For instance, he said, “Heaven has endowed me with virtue” (Analects 7.23). In his view, Heaven influences or endorses a person’s innate moral disposition.
Notably, Confucius also acknowledged that Heaven could represent something of a mystery. It existed beyond the boundaries of full human comprehension.15 Yet he also admonished that one must work diligently and ethically to ensure that latent worth translates into actual moral legitimacy. There is, thus, a two-tiered relationship: Heaven provides moral guidance and direction, and humans accept this guidance and fulfill it by self-cultivation. The Analects rarely show Heaven randomly granting correctness or success. Instead, the text imparts that moral success comes from personal effort. People must strive to cultivate virtues: benevolence, righteousness, ritual propriety, and wisdom. As a consequence, the older theocratic worldview gradually gave way to new ideas. In earlier times, the cosmos might directly intervene in worldly affairs, while this perspective began sharing space with a new human-focused approach that emphasized self-improvement ethics (X. Meng 2022).16 Later Confucian exegetes further proposed the idea that Heaven’s moral impetus resides within individuals but needs deliberate nurturing. This theme became more established in post-Confucian expansions, especially in the works of Mencius.
Mencius (372–289 BCE) arguably did the most to elaborate the Heaven–human relationship into what would become a cornerstone of mainstream Confucian orthodoxy. He continued the Zhou teaching that Heaven selects only the virtuous to rule. However, he went further by emphasizing an inward, psychological perspective on how people attune themselves to Heaven’s will. He intensified and interiorized the moral dimension of Heaven in a way that differs from both Confucius and other Warring States exponents.17 Whereas Confucius offered relatively concise remarks on Heaven’s moral authority, Mencius devoted entire dialogs to the concept that Heaven implants moral sprouts in each person’s heart. Introducing the idea of siduan 四端 (four beginnings or four sprouts)—compassion, shame, courtesy, and moral judgment—Mencius effectively claimed that human nature is bestowed by Heaven (Jia 2021; X. Meng 2022). This claim brought a more personal and introspective dimension to the older notion of “Heaven bestows virtue.” Now it was not only the virtue of a ruler or the favor upon a dynasty at stake; each individual possessed a Heaven-given moral seed that could be cultivated or neglected.
In so doing, Mencius came closer to the idea behind TYQZ that there is a divine or cosmic nudge prompting human moral faculties. He even asserts that Heaven always stands by the just and compassionate and that anyone who abandons righteousness, in effect, abandons Heaven’s mandate and relinquishes their cosmic right to rule. Hence, he preserved the older doctrine that cosmic endorsement passes from the unworthy to the worthy. Yet he added a robust anthropological dimension to this belief. Heaven’s presence is not external only but also internal, stirring the moral sense within each person. According to him, a person’s moral destiny is no longer determined by noble birth or elaborate sacrificial rituals. Instead, it depends on recognizing and cultivating the innate moral instincts that Heaven has placed within everyone. In this sense, Mencius crafts a more psychological and universal reading of the Heaven–human relationship: the entire population can partake in Heaven’s moral impetus, provided they do not stifle their innate sense of goodness (Ivanhoe 2007).
Mencius’s concept of innate moral sprouts directly informs the “guidance” interpretation of TYQZ. In this view, Heaven is not merely a distant authority. Rather, it actively participates in the moral development of individuals. These moral sprouts, however, should not be regarded as passive endowments from Heaven. Their realization depends on each individual’s commitment to ethical self-cultivation and the active nurturing of this inherent potential. Thus, Mencius challenges a purely deterministic view of divine moral prompting and instead emphasizes a reciprocal relationship in which human agency plays a crucial role in actualizing Heaven’s guidance.18 His teaching demonstrates that this guidance is conditional. It depends on human effort and receptivity. This perspective strongly resembles TYQZ, which calls on each person to heed and respond to moral encouragements coming from Heaven. This process deepens our understanding of the dynamic interplay between divine influence and human agency in the pursuit of virtue.
While Confucius and Mencius emphasized Heaven’s moral character, Xunzi (310–235 BCE) adopted a more naturalistic perspective on Heaven. The divergence in practical ethics between Mencius and Xunzi was rooted in their metaphysical foundations. Mencius claimed that people are born with a good nature, just as water naturally flows downward (6A1). According to him, moral qualities, like young plants, need nurturing to grow properly. Conversely, Xunzi explicitly rejected this immanence. In Treatise on Heaven (tianlun 天論), he declared, “Heaven operates with constant regularity.” This statement divorced cosmic patterns from moral intent. Xunzi maintained that Heaven operates without moral judgment. Neither does it tip the scales in human affairs nor does it automatically reward virtuous behavior. His famous remark, “Heaven does not suspend winter because people dislike cold, nor does it expedite warmth because people crave heat,” underscores the idea that natural processes adhere to their own patterns, independent of moral concerns. Consequently, scholars argue that Xunzi effectively “desacralized” Heaven by concentrating on its natural and impersonal attributes (Tan 2012). This is very different from Mencius, who considered Heaven to be the moral basis of human nature and ethics.
Xunzi criticized superstitious interpretations of Heavenly omens. He insisted that moral order arises from human initiative—ritual systems, social norms, and the guidance of sages—rather than from direct cosmic bestowal (Q. Liu 2013; Slater 2018). Even though he had a different idea about human nature, Xunzi was still a Confucian thinker who laid special stress on virtue, rituals, and moral traditions. While Mencius thought human nature had a natural Heavenly spark of goodness inside, Xunzi saw moral authority as external. He argued that people create and shape moral standards through deliberate learning and social refinement. Heaven’s “pattern” is stable and intelligible, but it is not invested with moral agency. Therefore, it could neither “prompt” nor “guide” individuals toward goodness.
Consequently, Xunzi’s stance actually rejects the literal reading of TYQZ as a divine prompting in human hearts. Instead, he integrates Heaven into a broader vision of cosmic order. Humans need to understand this order rationally and adapt to it through self-cultivation. By emphasizing external norms over innate moral impulses, Xunzi redefines Heaven’s role in Confucian discourse. Heaven’s patterns (the Way of Heaven) do not dictate moral choices, while humans are responsible for creating and maintaining moral life. By emphasizing human initiative over divine guidance, Xunzi opens new avenues for reconciling cosmic order with ethical development. Therefore, the reshaping of the relationship between Heaven and humanity demands a radical re-evaluation of TYQZ.

4.2. Excavated Texts and the Evolving Paradigm of Heaven and Humanity

Building on insights from the transmitted early Confucian texts, newly excavated Warring States-era texts reveal additional layers of how thinkers of early China conceived the Heaven–human relationship. The manuscripts proposed ideas on moral cultivation and the source of moral authority. They also investigated the interplay between cosmic sanction and human agency. Often, these views parallel or overlap with Confucius, Mencius, and Xunzi. Occasionally, they move in different directions.19 Following Confucius, these manuscripts usually convey deep reverence for Heaven. Much like Mencius, the texts regard Heaven as the source of moral potential while stressing the need for active cultivation. Some also share Xunzi’s view of Heaven as an impartial order, one that can be understood through natural and ritual laws. Nevertheless, the discourses of excavated texts were so diverse that they testified to a range of attempts, in that era, to articulate the Heaven–human relationship—yet no single interpretation emerged as the definitive orthodoxy. They jointly contribute to charting the evolving discursive space within which TYQZ was alternatively validated, elaborated upon, or redefined.
The Guodian corpus notably reaffirms a vision of moral agency that is initiated by Heaven, yet ultimately depends on the individual’s capacity to cultivate virtue. The most notable example is the text commonly referred to as Xing Zi Ming Chu 性自命出 (Nature Derives from Decree; hereafter XZMC). The title itself suggests a discussion of xing (human nature) arising from ming (Heaven’s mandate), thus explicitly linking the notion of cosmic sanction or decree with the constitution of human nature. The text investigates how moral qualities come to be expressed in the human agent. It contends that even though we come equipped with inborn tendencies—either emerging from or patterned by the Mandate—these natural gifts are not sufficient on their own to guarantee moral excellence (P. Meng 2008). The basic premise is that Heaven’s endowment (ming) forges the biological and psychological structure within us. This basis is necessary for the cultivation of moral virtues. This notion runs parallel to Mencius’s emphasis on nurturing one’s innate goodness.
Meanwhile, the Guodian slip Qiong Da Yi Shi 窮達以時 (Poverty or Success Is a Matter of Timing; hereafter QDYS) shows how reflection on “Heaven” and “human” was framed in terms of their distinct functions or “domains” (fen 分). The text opens with a famous line: “There is Heaven, there are humans; Heaven and humans each have their own domain (you tian you ren, tian ren you fen 有天有人, 天人有分).” The corollary to the opening motif is that humans cannot fully control cosmic forces. In many passages, ming (mandate/fate) is likened to the context or situation in which a person is born. Yet QDYS does not reduce human life to fatalism. One cannot alter the circumstances of one’s epoch, but one can exert effort in the moral domain (R. Li 2008). While Heaven governs timing, the text insists on ethical consistency: “Virtue remains the same regardless of fortune.”20 According to the text, humans cannot forcibly alter the cosmic environment, which is Heaven’s domain. Nevertheless, one can respond by “turning inward” to cultivate virtue, sincerity, and ethical conduct, which are within humanity’s domain (Liang 2003; Li and Ouyang 2015). Thereby, one can attain what might be construed as a more tranquil or rational stance amid uncertainty. The manuscript concludes with the exhortation, “Thus the gentleman diligently returns to himself (dun yu fan ji 敦于反己).” This idea parallels Mencius’s emphasis on inner cultivation (nei xiu 内修).
The Guodian approach appears less committed to presenting Heaven as an inherently moral will than Mencius. Within QDYS, tian is often understood as a neutral cosmic viewpoint determining the conditions for human life (Liang 2019, pp. 198–99). In response, humans should adapt to these conditions through moral prudence by concentrating on what they can control. In this respect, the Guodian outlook resembles Xunzi’s idea of “Heaven’s constancy,” though it hesitates to draw as clear a line as Xunzi does between the moral sphere and the purely natural sphere. Researchers point out that Xunzi transforms the concept of “Heaven as fate,” found in QDYS into “Heaven as nature” and thereby proposes the principle of distinguishing Heaven’s domain from humanity’s realm (Liang 2006). This emphasizes that individuals should focus on moral cultivation regardless of external circumstances, as success or adversity is ultimately determined by uncontrollable “time” (objective conditions). As a result, the moral practice shifted from passively accepting the primacy of external circumstances to actively cultivating virtue and willpower (Li and Ouyang 2015; Y. Song 2020).
Another Guodian manuscript, Wuxing 五行 (Five Conducts),21 deepens the view that Heaven’s moral essence is activated in the human heart but needs continuous, skillful cultivation. The text provides a systematic account of five cardinal virtues. 22 Rather than treating these virtues as ordinary social norms, it presents them as dynamic embodiments of the relation between Heaven and human beings. It emphasizes that while these virtues are rooted in xing (human nature), they must be consciously actualized through learning and practice. The text repeatedly emphasizes self-cultivation, which reveals an important idea about human responsibility. Heaven provides the potential rather than a pre-determined destiny. Humans are seen as morally accountable for their choices (L. Guo 2007; J. Li 2015). The Wuxing text is particularly clear that the junzi 君子 (exemplary person) attains De-virtue through moral cultivation that involves manifesting all Five Conducts within and carrying them out in a timely manner. This process brings about the “virtuous conducts (de zhi xing 德之行)”—virtues that take shape from within an individual—and their harmonious integration, consequently establishing moral integrity by aligning with Heaven’s Way (Brindley 2019).23
The Tsinghua Bamboo Slips text Xin Shi Wei Zhong 心是謂中 (The Heart Is Called the Center; hereafter XSWZ) also probes into the relationship between Heaven and humanity by introducing the saying “Heart and Heaven must be two aspects” (bi xin yu tian liang 必心與天兩). This idea stresses the heart’s subjective agency. It highlights the need to recognize and practice a proper measure. The text presents an alternative to the passive view of human destiny. It proposes that individuals possess agency in shaping their fate through the heart’s cognitive and practical functions. The heart can discern and implement external norms and laws. This framework positions the heart as both a cognitive center and an active participant. Together with Heaven, it plays a role in determining life’s outcomes (Z. Liu 2024). By cultivating inner tranquility and thereby grasping measure, people become better at foreseeing future developments, ultimately boosting their control over destiny. The approach combines personal moral cultivation and a rational rethinking of the Heaven–human relationship. XSWZ demonstrates how thinkers in the late Zhou period revisited the Mandate of Heaven through such a rethinking. They balanced it with personal effort and affirming humanity’s active role in the cosmos. Likewise, other texts within the Tsinghua corpus, such as Zhi Bang Zhi Dao 治邦之道 (The Way of Governance), Zhi Zheng Zhi Dao 治政之道 (The Way of Governing the State), and Wei Tian Yong Shen 畏天用身 (Fearing Heaven, Using the Body), reject the idea of attributing triumph or failure solely to Heaven’s mandate or good fortune. Instead, they strongly emphasize the value of human initiative.
Scholars argue that the thought of XSWZ may have exerted a significant influence on Xunzi’s concept of the division between Heaven and humanity (Yang 2021, p. 173). Although XSWZ aligns in certain respects with Xunzi’s viewpoint, it also exhibits notable differences. For instance, tian in XSWZ is primarily seen as fate. In contrast, Xunzi views tian as a natural entity. Additionally, tian in XSWZ often appears alongside gui鬼 (ghosts), embodying mystery and existing beyond human control. On the other hand, Xunzi’s Heaven follows a regular and predictable order (chang 常). Thus, the idea of distinguishing Heaven and humanity in the late Zhou period did not take a simple, straight course. Instead, it developed in multiple directions, advancing in parallel and intersecting in significant ways. In this context, Cao Feng argues that XSWZ introduces a novel concept of fate (Cao 2019). The text recognizes that chance and opportunity play important roles in life. Nevertheless, it emphasizes that our fate is not pre-determined or fixed. The heart has the power to influence our destiny or even determine crucial outcomes, including life and death. This view on fate pushes the pre-Qin emphasis on human subjective initiative to its zenith. According to Cao, XSWZ played a positive role in both the rise in monarchical power during the mid to late Warring States period and the liberation of the individual mind and body (Cao 2019).
Newly unearthed manuscripts illuminate the conceptions of the Heaven–human relationship among thinkers during the Warring States period, thereby furnishing the critical intellectual context required for a reinterpretation of the phrase TYQZ. These texts conceptualize the role of Heaven not as determinative, but rather as foundational in nature. Heaven may provide the seed of virtue, but realizing this potential depends on intentional self-cultivation. Only by internalizing qualities such as wisdom, benevolence, righteousness, and propriety can one attain true virtue. These early texts paved the way for subsequent philosophical developments and influenced later Confucian thinkers like Mencius and Xunzi. Thus, their perspectives are in line with the “guidance” interpretation of TYQZ, which suggests that Heaven’s influence is meaningful only when individuals respond through self-reflection and sustained effort.

5. Tian You Qi Zhong Through the Lens of Heaven–Human Interaction

Different interpretations of the phrase TYQZ demonstrate a fundamental shift in how early Confucian thought understood the Heaven–human relationship. As explored in the preceding sections, the Zuozhuan’s portrayal of TYQZ can be traced to an earlier worldview wherein Heaven exercises considerable authority over human affairs. In this view, Heaven was not only a divine force responsible for distributing blessings or calamities but also played a crucial role in shaping moral and political outcomes. Many passages in the Zuozhuan explicitly convey the idea that Heaven watches over moral conduct, intervening with favor or censure when it sees fit. Indeed, the text’s accounts of conflicts, diplomatic actions, and power transitions indicate a profound cosmic engagement with political results (H. Guo 2021). In the historical context, TYQZ is usually regarded as Heaven’s literal “bestowal” of moral awareness or right intention, which indicates that Heaven takes part in, or at least facilitates, crucial turning points. While the older theistic view upholds Heaven’s status as an external force, subtle indications of a transitional outlook start to surface. The Zuozhuan’s repeated warnings about the danger of ignoring or misinterpreting Heaven’s messages suggest that divine endorsement is never unconditional. Rather, it must be continually earned through upright conduct. This shows that even in the Zuozhuan’s relatively ancient setting, there is an emerging emphasis on human responsibility for responding to Heaven’s implied guidance (H. Guo 2021).
During the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, Confucian thinkers gradually transformed the concept of Heaven. They reshaped it into a principle that embodied and promoted moral values, which was perceived through human agency (Fu 2024). This transition did not happen abruptly. Rather, it reflects ongoing debates about cosmic endorsement, personal effort, and the often delicate interplay between the two factors. These debates center on whether Heaven actually bestows moral qualities or instead guides people along the path of moral self-cultivation. For Confucius, whose teachings form the foundation of much later Confucian thought, Heaven’s moral will is discernible in the natural order and in the patterning of history. Still, it leaves ample room for human initiative and does not dictate every human action. Confucius, therefore, often referred to Heaven to affirm his purpose or moral uprightness, but equally emphasized the vital importance of personal cultivation in the virtue of benevolence.
By the time of Mencius, this emphasis on personal responsibility gained further clarity. Mencius developed a moral psychology that defended the inborn goodness of humanity. He portrayed Heaven as playing an essential role in both endowing that goodness and supporting human moral efforts. Mencius’s notion that Heaven nurtures virtue without mechanically determining human action resonates with the “guidance” interpretation of TYQZ. Here, Heaven does not just impart virtue to people who remain passive. Instead, Heaven creates an environment and endows humans with the faculty for ethical development. As a result, Mencius understood the role of Heaven as supportive rather than forceful or controlling, which paves the way for real moral autonomy. This perspective increases the distinction between what Heaven provides and what humans are responsible for. While Heaven’s moral encouragement is still central, the main responsibility falls even more heavily on the individual person. Freed from a strictly theistic interpretation, the phrase TYQZ now serves as a compact way to describe the flow of moral impetus from its cosmic origin into the human heart.
A contrasting perspective among early Confucians was presented by Xunzi, who did not subscribe to the notion of divine moral prompting. In his view, Heaven remains aloof from human concerns, so it falls to us to achieve moral ends via sustained effort—building rituals, legislating laws, and creating institutions that refine society (Q. Liu 2013). Xunzi found it improbable that Heaven would “entice” or “lure” human hearts towards goodness. According to him, moral order is artificial rather than natural. It emerges from the sagely understanding that human nature’s inherent impulses require deliberate cultivation and shaping. Although he never addresses the phrase TYQZ in the works that survive, it is safe to say he would reject any idea that Heaven directly imparts moral attributes to people. This skepticism regarding Heaven’s active moral role underscores a significant tension within Confucian thought. It mainly concerns the extent of cosmic forces’ involvement in nurturing human virtue. Is their role active cultivation, or are they just a passive background for human ethical development?
Still, the most decisive influence on mainstream Confucian interpretations of TYQZ came from Mencius and, later, Han commentators. In the tumult of the Warring States and the dawn of the empire, interpreters combined ethical teaching with cosmic theory. In their discussions about legitimate government, they argued that rulers needed Heaven’s approval and divine mandate. Against this background, references to TYQZ shifted towards describing Heaven more generally as a moral principle that encourages goodness in people, although Heaven’s cosmic power to punish or reward was still acknowledged. Moreover, the textual scholarship of the Han era was shaped by large-scale projects of commentary, systematization, and canonization. Scholars wrote voluminous annotations on the Classics. In these notes, they wove moral lessons into the structure of the cosmos. Under their influence, the originally more “theocentric” phrase TYQZ began to be glossed through references to moral or educative processes, reflecting a broad intellectual shift that placed didactic responsibility on rulers and ministers to cultivate virtue in accord with Heaven’s moral orientation. Post-Han commentators reinterpreted TYQZ to mean “Heaven guides humans to actualize their inherent goodness.” This interpretation aligns well with the existing beliefs about leadership. Rulers and ministers were duty-bound to reflect upon their conduct. They were obliged to correct their attitudes and uphold benevolence. Heaven encourages people to act morally and righteously. Still, individuals are responsible for their own actions.
These changes in how TYQZ was understood greatly affected how later thinkers talked about the moral duties of rulers under the Mandate of Heaven. According to the older view that Heaven “bestows” moral authority, a sovereign could claim Heaven’s support with little regard for personal responsibility. But when Heaven is understood to “guide” or “prompt” the sovereign, it means the ruler’s success hinges on responding to such guidance by implementing morally upright policies, sincerity, and caring for their subjects. In a word, the tension is between the idea of Heaven as a generous giver of virtue and the idea of Heaven as an instigator who demands moral effort. In political discourse from the Han onward, the phrase TYQZ increasingly functioned as rhetorical evidence that Heaven stood behind the morally just side. Heaven only “prompts” a ruler or population to fulfill moral obligations. It does not guarantee success. The moral responsibility lies firmly in human hands. Since moral introspection becomes the focus, a ruler could lose Heaven’s support if he neglects or contradicts the virtue Heaven is “guiding” him to uphold. Dynastic transitions were still partly explained by cosmic endorsement. However, textual commentators, historians, and philosophers stressed that Heaven-sent guidance was never enough on its own. The rulers need to correctly interpret signs, listen to moral advisors, and practice benevolence. Any failure in these aspects can break the bond between Heaven and humanity.
Viewed through this lens, TYQZ is more than just a classical expression. It represents the gradual intertwining of cosmic order and human ethical striving. Many scholars agree that Heaven’s patterns reflect the moral principles by which society should be governed. Yet, they differ on Heaven’s precise role: does it directly impart virtue, or merely point humans toward discovering it ourselves? The rhetorical power of appealing to an active, personal Heaven never entirely subsided. Nevertheless, the predominant direction turned towards a moral principle that requires introspection, earnest learning, and disciplined perseverance.

6. Conclusions

Tracing the concept of TYQZ reveals a fascinating evolution, which illustrates how early Chinese thinkers understood the relationship between Heaven and humanity. During the Shang dynasty, the focus was on divination. The Western Zhou period then shifted to ethical conduct. Subsequently, early Confucianism offered more refined ideas. This shows a clear shift in how Heaven’s role was perceived. Initially, ancient Chinese texts portrayed Heaven as a mighty external force. It exercised direct influence over human affairs. Its power was manifested through ancestral spirits, favorable signs, or by granting approval to rulers. Over time, however, the importance of morality grew. People started to believe that virtue and ethical actions were better ways to connect with Heaven. These were considered more effective for establishing a bond with Heaven than just rituals or sacrifices.
By the era of Confucius, Mencius, and Xunzi, the concept of tian had become significantly more focused on morality. This change placed a greater emphasis on human responsibility. People concentrated on developing their character ethically and believed that performing virtuous deeds helped them align with the cosmic order. Excavated texts from the Warring States period reveal that many different voices in early China discussed and debated how much influence cosmic approval had versus how much individual effort mattered. Their collective viewpoint highlights that while Heaven might approve or guide, a person’s fate ultimately depends on their own efforts and moral determination. These perspectives provided the groundwork that influenced how Confucian ethics developed over time.
The evolution of the concept of Heaven and its relationship with humanity provides the background needed for the exploration of the phrase TYQZ. This paper explores scholarly discussions on ancient Chinese views of Heaven and morality by tracing how scholars over time interpreted the phrase TYQZ. Focusing on hermeneutics, the study combines philological analysis, interpretive methods, and philosophical insight. The main questions are whether Heaven confers something or beckons humans to discover it, and whether the right to be moral comes from an external cosmic rule or grows within us. Philologically, the varied readings of TYQZ across texts highlight the interpretive richness and intellectual ferment, where scholars grappled with the phrase’s implications for cosmic and human roles. Historically, the tension reflects a shift from the ritual-based understanding of Heaven in the Shang and early Zhou to the virtue-centered Confucian model. This offers a clearer picture of how moral self-improvement, a main part of Confucian thinking, grew from earlier religious or cosmic beliefs. Philosophically, the contributions of thinkers like Confucius, Mencius, and Xunzi demonstrate how Confucian thought sought to reconcile cosmic sanction with human initiative. As a result, it developed a moral philosophy that strikes a balance between external norms and internal cultivation.
Far from being relegated to the margins of historical inquiry, debates surrounding the interpretation of TYQZ have sparked fresh readings of early Confucian texts and lively discussions within the field of ethics. This ongoing dialog leaves a lasting impact by prompting a reconsideration of the interplay between nature and nurture. It also highlights how the ideas of Heaven have helped define the scope of Confucian moral thought. These inquiries show why this short but meaningful classical phrase is still so interesting. It represents a long history of Chinese civilization thinking about the connection between the human heart and the Heavens above.

Funding

This work was supported by the Major Project of National Social Science Fund (24&ZD245), the MOE Key Projects of Philosophy and Social Sciences Research (2024JZDZ038), and the Fundamental Research Funds for the Central Universities (S20240030).

Institutional Review Board Statement

Not applicable.

Informed Consent Statement

Not applicable.

Data Availability Statement

The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article. Further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

Notes

1
During the development of various schools of thought in the pre-Qin period, the concept of tian presents a diverse, rich, profound, and esoteric range of meanings, including the physical sky, the entirety of nature, natural laws, spiritual essence, moral principles, metaphysical concepts, historical patterns, and even roles such as a judge that determines and a bearer that sustains. The interactive relationship between tian and ren reflects the multifaceted aspects of human existence, encompassing the roles individuals play as intellectuals, religious figures, moral agents, social beings, aesthetes, and political actors, thus forming a complex and multi-faceted structure of meaning. The exploration of the relationship between Heaven and humanity has been the common aspiration of ancient Chinese scholars and thinkers. For more on this, see Zeng (2009) and Zhang (2024).
2
Slingerland (1996, p. 567) states, “The role of ming (variously translated as ‘fate,’ ‘destiny,’ ‘mandate’) in early Confucian thought has been subject to a range of interpretations. From its literal meaning of ‘command’ or ‘order,’ and its predominant pre-Confucian use as the revocable ‘mandate’ bestowed by Heaven (tian) upon the rulers of a particular dynasty, it had evolved by the time of the Confucian Analects into a force that plays a role at the level of the individual.” Sarah Allan (2007) further contextualizes this evolution by tracing the term tianming (“celestial mandate” or “Mandate of Heaven”) back to astronomical and cosmological origins in Shang and Zhou sources. She proposes that the Shang high deity, Shangdi—probably identified with the pole star as ruler of the Heavens—bestowed the early dynastic ming (“mandates”). Tian, the sky, was the location of Shangdi and other ancestral spirits, and came to be used as a broader euphemism for Shangdi or, more expansively, for Shangdi and the totality of celestial phenomena and spirits he governed. By the Western Zhou period, Zhou kings began to ground their right to rule in astronomical phenomena they read as “celestial mandate” from Shangdi. It was then that tianming emerged, merging the older dynastic decree with an overarching cosmic order.
3
Qing scholar Liu Fenglu 劉逢祿 triggered a significant controversy by highlighting inconsistencies between the Zuozhuan and the Chunqiu. Though not originally Liu’s concept, it reflected the New Text school’s stance that the Tso shih was not necessarily a direct commentary. Han-era New Text scholars had argued that the Zuozhuan might be more closely related to the Guoyu 國語, rather than to Confucius’s revision of the Annals. Kang Youwei 康有為 expanded the notion, alleging that Liu Xin 劉歆 forged the Zuozhuan for Wang Mang’s 王莽 political goals. Later scholarship offered various counterarguments based on textual, philological, and astronomical analysis. Bernhard Karlgren dated the Zuozhuan to around 468–300 BCE, thus refuting any claim of forgery, while Japanese scholars arrived at conflicting conclusions about its compilation date. Another theory from William Hung placed the Zuozhuan in the reign of Emperor Hui (195–88 BCE), attributing it to Zhang Cang 張蒼. The debate, however, continues with no definitive consensus. For more on this, see Loewe (1993, pp. 69–71).
4
According to Qu Bingrui 曲柄睿 (Qu 2021), the relationship between Heaven and humanity formed the cornerstone of pre-Qin historical philosophy. These explorations include three overlapping aspects: the Mandate of Heaven (cosmic destiny), Way of Heaven (natural principles), and Theory of Dao. Rather than distinct doctrines, these concepts interacted dynamically, reflecting early Chinese attempts to reconcile human agency with perceived cosmic forces while addressing fundamental questions about fate, natural order, and existential meaning in a universe governed by both discernible patterns and mysterious will.
5
Zhu Hanmin 朱漢民 (H. Zhu 2023) argues that by the Shang period, Di and Tian had already become historically intertwined, so the Western Zhou’s belief in tian effectively incorporated the ancestral worship practiced by the Shang people.
6
The sentence in question appears in Cai Zhong Zhi Ming 蔡仲之命, one of the so-called “Old Text” chapters of the Shangshu. It is generally agreed that the “Old Text” chapters were deliberately forged in the early fourth century A.D. (Loewe 1993, p. 377). Nonetheless, the same sentence—and a closely related expression—also appears in the Zuozhuan and the Guoyu, indicating that the saying had already circulated at an earlier time.
7
Zhu Hanmin compares the Western Zhou people’s belief in tian with the Christian concept of God. In Christian tradition, God is conceived primarily as a non-material spiritual being: “God is spirit.” God possesses none of the physical attributes of matter—intangible, immaterial, and invisible. In contrast, the Western Zhou notion of tian encompassed both the natural cosmos (sun, moon, stars, and meteorological elements) and a personalized, conscious will. Hence, tian functioned as an ultimate ruler that was simultaneously a physical and spiritual unity (H. Zhu 2023).
8
Luo Xinhui 罗新慧 (Luo 2012) argues that the Zhou idea of the Mandate of Heaven (tianming) inherited and adapted Shang beliefs rather than rejecting them entirely. The intermingling of rationality and irrationality remained the overall state of the Zhou intellectual superstructure after their “spiritual awakening.” By the Spring and Autumn period, tianming shifted from exclusive royal legitimacy to a tool for regional lords, reflecting both rational governance and lingering mystical elements. Complementing Luo’s perspective, Zhao Fasheng 趙法生 (Zhao 2020) believes that “the Chinese civilization before the Axial Age was still in the religious period, and the changes in late Shang and Western Zhou did not eliminate religion.” He considers those changes as “a revolutionary transformation of natural religion in Shang dynasty and a new creation of ethical religion, which bred the humanistic spirit of Western Zhou and produced a new supreme god (Heaven) as well as developed a new interpretation of Heaven’s will—matching one’s virtue with that of Heaven.”
9
A survey by Guo Haitao 郭海濤 reveals around 3107 recorded events in the Zuozhuan, of which 168 (approximately 5.4%) refer to the relationship between Heaven and humans (including nature-human and deity-human interactions). Guo divides the time span into two periods: from Duke Yin to Duke Xuan, and from Duke Cheng to Duke Ai. The survey shows that in the first 132-year span (from Duke Yin to Duke Xuan), there are 844 events, with 97 (about 11%) involving the Heaven–human relationship. In the second 123-year span (from Duke Cheng to Duke Ai), there are 1263 events, 71 (around 5%) of which touch on Heaven–human affairs (H. Guo 2021).
10
These two statements are found in commentarial discussions on the events of Duke Xi 16 and Duke Zhao 18, respectively.
11
Although the earlier commentators did not explicitly identify you as having the meaning “to give,” “to grant” or “to bestow,” it is apparent that the commentators understood TYQZ to indicate that Heaven imparts goodness—in other words, that Heaven has taken on a benevolent intention. Following this interpretation, TYQZ signifies that Heaven grants blessings to people and watches over them with its favor.
12
As Wang Su reads zhong 衷 as shan 善 (goodness), an interpretation supported by relevant passages in the Shangshu (e.g., in the chapter of Gaoyao Mo 皋陶謨, hezhong 和衷 is equated with “harmonizing in goodness”), he reinforced the idea that Heaven’s role is fundamentally oriented toward moral cultivation. Since the Zuozhuan and Guoyu also use zhong as “righteousness” or “goodness,” later Confucian scholars treated zhong as a virtuous interiority, guided or nudged toward realization by Heaven. In modern commentaries, nevertheless, zhong is understood more literally as “heart” or “inner disposition.” Interpreted this way, TYQZ means that Heaven guides or influences human hearts towards moral paths (Karlgren 1972, pp. 139–41; Takezoe 2008, p. 616).
13
The terms you shan 誘善 and you xian 誘賢 appear as early as in the Da Dai Liji 大戴禮記 (Record of Rites Compiled by Elder Dai). The expression youjin zhongxian 誘進忠賢 is found in the Qianfu Lun 潛夫論 (Comments of a recluse), a philosophical and political treatise written during the Later Han period.
14
Confucius’s understanding of the Heaven–human relationship can also be discerned and further explored in sources such as Aigong Wen 哀公問 chapter of the Liji 禮記 (The Book of Rites), the Yao 要 chapter of the silk manuscript of the Yizhuan 易傳 (Commentaries on the Yi), and the Shanghai Museum Bamboo text Lubang da han 魯邦大旱 (The State of Lu Suffered a Great Drought). For more discussions on this, see L. Guo (2009).
15
Chao Fulin 晁福林 (Chao 2006), by analyzing Confucius’s praise for the “King Wen” poem in the Poetry Commentary from the Shangbo Bamboo Slips, argues that Confucius acknowledged Heaven’s supreme majesty and divine power while attributing transcendent spiritual authority to King Wen.
16
Roger T. Ames (1984) suggests that Confucius’s notion of tian, in certain respects, reminds us of the Western concept of a personal, transcendent God. In Confucius’s human-centered philosophy, tian retains traces of personification and is seen to consciously intervene in human affairs. In contrast, Tu Wei-ming denies personal conception of Heaven due to his monistic view of reality (S. Song 2010). Thus, Tu’s “Heaven” is not “a personal God” or “an omnipotent creator” (Tu 1989, p. 69). Nevertheless, Ames also points out that while the Western tradition insists on a sharp divide between God and mankind, Confucian thought advocates the unity of Heaven and humans. This fundamental divergence has a far-reaching influence, shaping differing religious outlooks in both cultural traditions.
17
The interpretations of Mencius’s concept of tian vary widely. Y. Song (2020) argues that Mencius “contains several passages describing Heaven as a willful being whose intention is difficult to comprehend yet holds great power over human beings.” Turner (2023) challenges the traditional readings of tian in the Mencius. In his view, it should not be understood as a metaphysical entity, a human-like deity, or simply a natural force. Instead, he argues that “tian is to be understood as ‘tradition’ whereby humans in their process of becoming humans contribute to and invigorate it as successive generations carry it on into the future.”
18
Back (2016) examines the Confucian concept of tian with respect to the ethical life of human beings. By proposing the dual aspects of “moral economy” and “contingency,” he distinguishes Confucius’s “ethics of faith” from Mencius’s “ethics of confidence.” In his view, Confucius embraced contingency as inherent to ethical life and accepted moral uncertainty. Mencius, however, rationalized moral economy as inevitable, attributing apparent failures to external conditions.
19
Wang Zhongjiang 王中江 (Wang 2011, p. 137), upon reading the Shangbo Bamboo text Lubang da han, criticizes the modern oversimplifications of historical progress reflected in the view of a straightforward shift from religion to philosophy and the shift from a theocentric worldview to humanism. He believes that actual intellectual change was driven by multiple, overlapping currents and back-and-forth adjustments, not a one-way progress.
20
Y. Song (2020) points out that “the basic attitude in the QDYS is not far removed from that in the Mengzi, in which willful Heaven is said to decide the uses of worthy people”. In his view, “both texts tell us to keep our minds off the uncontrollable and focus on what can be controlled, namely our virtue.”
21
The standard academic translation of wuxing in Warring States thought is “five phases,” which emerged around the fourth to third centuries BCE. It interprets all natural phenomena as relationships among five fundamental elements: water, earth, metal, wood, and fire. The Guodian Wuxing text, however, is an exception. This might be because the concept of wuxing was still evolving. The Guodian text presents wuxing not as natural processes, but as moral qualities. Reflecting this, Scott Cook (2012) translates it as “Five Conducts,” highlighting its focus on virtues or moral behaviors.
22
The five cardinal virtues refer to benevolence (ren 仁), justice (yi 義), propriety (li 禮), wisdom (zhi 智), and sagacity (sheng 聖).
23
Pang Pu 龐樸 (Pang 2000) outlines three models of the Heaven–human relationship in the Guodian manuscripts. First, Separation (Heaven and humans distinct): In QDYS, fate (“Heaven”) governs human rise and fall via era, chance, and social forces beyond individual control. Second, Unity (“Heaven and humans one”): In Wuxing, moral virtues (ren, yi, li, zhi, sheng) are both “Heaven’s way” realized in the human heart and “human ways” that embody cosmic order. Third, Ambiguity (neither one nor two): In XZMC, human nature and emotions stem from a heavenly decree yet unfold entirely within human social life. Similarly, Guo Lihua 郭梨華 (L. Guo 2009) also finds that while all three texts, Wuxing, XZMC, and QDYS, emphasize the refinement and cultivation of virtue in the human realm, they differ in their understanding of tian. Wuxing highlights a moral, principle-based tian; In XZMC, tian retains a more natural dimension; and QDYS presents a purely fatalistic view of tian. Together, these represent three post-Confucian trends in theorizing the Heaven–human relationship.

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Wang, C. Divine Bestowal or Moral Guidance: The Interpretations of Tian You Qi Zhong 天誘其衷 and the Heaven–Human Relationship in Early Confucian Thought. Religions 2025, 16, 822. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16070822

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Wang C. Divine Bestowal or Moral Guidance: The Interpretations of Tian You Qi Zhong 天誘其衷 and the Heaven–Human Relationship in Early Confucian Thought. Religions. 2025; 16(7):822. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16070822

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Wang, Cheng. 2025. "Divine Bestowal or Moral Guidance: The Interpretations of Tian You Qi Zhong 天誘其衷 and the Heaven–Human Relationship in Early Confucian Thought" Religions 16, no. 7: 822. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16070822

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Wang, C. (2025). Divine Bestowal or Moral Guidance: The Interpretations of Tian You Qi Zhong 天誘其衷 and the Heaven–Human Relationship in Early Confucian Thought. Religions, 16(7), 822. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16070822

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