Reviewing the Complexity of Ecumenism and the Missio-Cultural Factors Promoting Church Cooperation in Mberengwa, Zimbabwe, and Beyond

Abstract

Regionally, nationally, and globally, new churches are formed. This continues to divide the church due to traditions, theological, doctrinal matters, and denominational practices. In Africa—and Zimbabwe in particular—the formation of neo-Pentecostal denominations and prophetic movements exacerbates antagonism and division among Christians, posing a threat to the unity of the Body of Christ. Consequently, it is necessary to explore ways in which churches can find one another to promote unity among Christians, and this raises the need for local ecumenism. Christianity and the church are always found in specific cultural settings. Church life is guided by both its understanding of mission and the cultural context it operates. As churches need to be united, there is a need to explore ways in which the church can navigate its mission and cultural dynamics to promote unity. This article investigates the challenges and the missio-cultural factors that facilitate ecumenism among the Karanga people in Mberengwa, Zimbabwe. Mberengwa, a rural district in Zimbabwe, predominantly Karanga, presents a unique context where diverse Christian traditions coexist, often with varying degrees of tension and cooperation. This article examines the extent to which the complexity of ecumenism affects church cooperation in Mberengwa, Zimbabwe, and beyond, thereby exploring the cultural and missional factors that can promote church cooperation.

1. Introduction

As Christianity continues to grow and diversify, ecumenism becomes both increasingly important and unavoidable. Due to Zimbabwe’s rich Christian heritage, local ecumenical engagement is particularly relevant in rural areas to promote the peaceful coexistence of churches from their diversified Christian traditions. Although the church is divinely established, it operates within the culture of the local people (Purves 2004). Ecumenical movements, like individual denominations, arise as part of human life and connections. “The church as an institution is fixed and static, but as a united body of Christ it moves, breathes, sings, laughs, and cries like a human being” (Modiega 2001, p. 419). The church in its ecumenical form still assumes human life to have painful moments of division and joyful times of unity. Although the church is rooted in the Bible, its life and some of its practices are influenced by the local indigenous cultures in which it operates.

Since the gospel is usually embedded in the local culture, ecumenism should be found doing the same. “Culture can be described as that which holds a community together, giving a common framework of meaning. It is preserved in language, thought patterns, ways of life, attitudes, symbols, and presuppositions, and is celebrated in art, music, and other activities” (Matikiti 2017, p. 140). Since the local churches in Mberengwa are found in a specific Karanga community, the form of Christianity and missional activities are influenced by the people’s attitudes and ways of life. It is essential to examine the relationships between Karanga culture and its connections with local ecumenical activities. Ecumenism is a complex matter due to the differences in the denominational backgrounds, traditions, and doctrines. However, the complexities can be navigated through the understanding of church mission and contextual realities of the local denominations, including the people’s culture and community needs. This article explores the missio-cultural factors that facilitate or hinder ecumenism in Mberengwa, a rural district in Zimbabwe. It argues that, in addition to the challenges that may impede church cooperation, there are valuable missional and cultural factors that can promote local ecumenism. This article is largely based on a literature review using journal articles, books, and dissertations that deal with ecumenism and African culture, and the Karanga culture in particular. The article begins by giving a short background of the Karanga, discussing the factors that are a hindrance to local ecumenism in Mberengwa, and then presents those that facilitate church cooperation.

2. The Karanga Culture

The Karanga of Mberengwa are a subgroup of the Shona people primarily found in the midlands and south eastern Zimbabwe. They are several Karanga cultural principles and values that align closely with Christian teachings. Despite their belief in ancestral veneration, many of their ethical and social values resonate with Christian principles. Some of the values include the value for family and communal lifestyle, where every member is duly respected and valued (Hove 2025). Karanga culture places strong emphasis on communal living, mutual aid, and the philosophy of “Munhu wese ihama yako” (every human being is your relative) (Hove 2025). This underscores the fact that human beings belong together. This encourages the aspect of hospitality and unconditional acceptance of one another. In Karanga culture, conflict resolution is handled through dialogue and communal mediation to promote forgiveness and reconciliation (Chivasa 2019, p. 161). Reconciliation and harmony are cherished as the basis for human and community flourishing. The matters of health and well-being are critical because the suffering of an individual affects the community at large. All the Karanga cultural principles are brought together by their kupira/mapira (worship), which unites the family, community, and spiritual world (the living dead) (Rutsate 2010). Karanga spirituality becomes the soul of the Karanga people. This resonates with the Christian teachings about brotherhood/sisterhood, generosity and hospitality, the church as the one body of Christ, and Christian worship and services that bring believers together.

3. Challenges of Ecumenism in Zimbabwe

Since the arrival of missionaries in Zimbabwe, churches have continued to grow and spread from urban to rural areas, as well as the other way around, depending on where the church was founded. “People migrated from one missionary zone to the other areas for economic reasons, thereby carrying their denomination into the urban centres” (Hove 2025, p. 2). Across Zimbabwe, the denominational demographics include Roman Catholics 8.0%, Protestants 15.8%, Pentecostals 19.5%, Apostolic sects 33.9% and other denominations 6.9% (Zimbabwe ICDS 2017, p. 15). Other denominations account for churches such as the Seventh-day Adventists, the Jehovah’s Witnesses, Madzibaba, and Guta raMwari1. These variations among Christian denominations bring about a degree of competition and antagonism, a situation that creates a need for healing within the body of Christ. Werbner (2018, p. 201) argues that “Some Christians who seek unity and fellowship do so more or less uneasily in the presence of schism and competition, occasionally to the exclusion of those castigated as not ‘real Christians’”. Despite instances of cooperation through local fellowship and working together during funerals, church leaders compete for the numerical growth of church membership (Zwana 2009). Churches need to seek common brotherhood and sisterhood to engage in a more inclusive cooperation. Ideally, ecumenism fulfils the prayer of Christ that his followers should remain united (Jn 17:21). However, church unity is threatened by missionary legacy, denominational divisions, external support, competition, the rise of Neo-Pentecostalism and undermining African culture.

3.1. Missionary Legacy

As in many other places in the world, such as Africa as a whole and Zimbabwe in particular, the legacy of missionaries plays an important role in undermining efforts to establish local (grassroots) ecumenism. The country’s Christian heritage dates back to the 19th century, when the Western missionaries of the Roman Catholic Church, the Anglican Church, the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), the Evangelical Lutheran Church (ELCZ), and the Methodist Church established mission centres across the country. Like in other regions, the missionaries brought with them their own theological, ecclesial, and cultural traditions, which have shaped the development of Christianity in the country (Plaatjies van Huffel 2017). Local ecumenism is disturbed by missionary legacy caused by imported Western divisions, external support and colonial competition which undermine African culture. Moyo (2016, p. 89) argues that some of the missionary societies came to Africa with an ecumenical mandate but ended up divided by establishing their churches or denominations in Africa. This led to competition for converts and land for constructing mission centres caused missionaries to perpetuate denominational divisions. Denominational tradition and traits became associated with a specific region in Zimbabwe (Zwana 2009). These missionaries divided Zimbabwean regions and provinces into denominational zones, with the ELCZ taking over Mberengwa, Gwanda, and Beitbridge districts (Söderström 1984). Therefore, if one crosses into another province for any reason, he/she become a foreigner in the church because of denominational regional boundaries (Hove 2025). Former missionary churches continue to depend on their ‘mother churches’ where the missionaries came. They receive financial support and donations from these Western churches (Zwana 2009). For Zwana (2009), this has contributed to the failure of ecumenism in Zimbabwe since denominations want to remain loyal to their Western sponsors. Missionaries carried a colonial mindset of divide and rule; hence, this not only divides the church but also hinders local ecumenical engagement among denominations.

3.2. Denominational Divisions

Historically, denominational schisms in Europe were imported to Africa, cascading down to local ecumenical engagement. Both Catholics and Protestants embarked on great missionary projects, transplanting their divisions from Europe throughout the mission areas (Gous 1999). Gous further emphasises “the individualist spirit of the 19th century gave rise to the formation of various new churches as a result of even small differences” (Gous 1999, p. 51). Due to denominational divisions, the various churches competed for mission areas in Zimbabwe (Hove 2025). Like Western colonial governments in Berlin, the missionaries in Zimbabwe held the comity agreement of 1934 to resolve the competition among them, as well as allocated mission areas, imposing demarcations according to the colonial administration (Söderström 1984). This perpetuated the divisions in Western Christianity in Zimbabwe.

Denominational divisions are due to doctrinal, theological, and missional identities. Therefore, the division and allocation of mission areas were meant to protect the various denominational identities. The doctrinal differences and identities were jealously guarded to avoid “doctrinal dilution and the risk of shedding power and influence which may result in the loss of gains made over time” (Zwana 2009, p. 297). Hove (2020, p. 10) argues that:

The missionary-founded denominations seek to distinguish themselves from other local denominations, hence the escalation of divisions. Besides doctrinal differences, divisions are caused by, among other issues, the understanding and praxis in pastoral care, healing, church leadership, and the administration of sacraments.

Whenever people migrate from rural mission areas to urban centres, they move with their church or denomination to protect their doctrinal and theological differences, as well as their church traditions and practices. However, Moyo (2016, p. 93) asserts that the clergy, who know a great deal about theological differences and who dwell too much upon them, perpetuate denominational divisions more than the laity. One may argue that some members of the laity are not even aware of the doctrinal and theological differences that exist. According to Moyo (2016, p. 93), “Ministers are the ones who keep on defining how their denomination is different”. Hove (2020) argues that “the imported denominationalism and divisions among denominations are a hindrance to local ecumenism”. Without the Western national and denominational divisions, local ecumenism would be easily established.

3.3. External Support and Funding

Most of the missionary-founded churches in Zimbabwe and the Mberengwa district, like the ELCZ and the Methodist churches, are still connected to the so-called mother churches, and they continue to be identified with their Western counterparts. They also depend on these mother churches for theological and financial support. Although some African churches were not keen on continuing to receive mission funding (Kekana 2012, p. 73), others are sustained by this support. The designated monies cannot be used in conjunction with other local denominations because certain missionary-founded denominations receive direct financial support for specific mission projects from the overseas mother or sister churches upon request. The sister denomination keeps track of the funds used for ministerial training and other church departmental initiatives. Ecumenism is hampered as a result of the denomination losing its autonomy when collaborating with other local denominations. According to Zwana (2009, p. 301), Western counterparts perpetuate patronage and dependency by supporting sister churches (missionary churches), which makes it difficult for local ecumenical cooperation. This leaves the local denominations without autonomy to run their affairs, including in matters of ecumenical engagement.

3.4. Competition and Growth

Historical rivalries and competition between denominations have hindered ecumenical cooperation in Mberengwa. In 1934, the missionary societies divided Zimbabwe into missionary zones to prevent continuous denominational competition and crisis of clashes because of ‘sheep stealing’2 (Söderström 1984). Denominationalism is fertile soil for competition and growth. For that reason, local denominations would compete in holding discipleship and “evangelism programmes separately in the same community” (Hove 2020, p. 184). Contemporary Christianity has a tendency towards individualism and competition that generates animosity, jealousy, and envy (Hove 2024). According to Zwana (2009, p. 297), “the spirit of competition manifested by the scramble for numerical and other forms of growth, while admittedly viewed as a stimulant for expansion…”. This retards the spirit of local denominational cooperation. Churches strive to outdo each other in ministry, to attract membership from other local denominations, and to demonstrate growth and viability.

Competition remains one of the challenges of missionary legacies that hinders cooperation among local denominations in Mberengwa. According to Moyo (2016, p. 93), the clergy are the catalyst for denominational divisions as they emphasize keeping denominational boundaries and differences. These boundaries mark denominational are set on denominational doctrine, tradition, and identity. Missionaries tried to resolve the challenge of competition by establishing a missionary board. Maxwell (2024, p. 71) posits that

Competition for territory between missionary societies was institutionalized with the founding of the Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference (SRMC) in 1903. The body sought to promote Protestant missions to the colonial state and stimulate a fraternal spirit amongst missionaries.

Although the missionaries attempted to resolve the issue of denominational competition, it continued as denominations grew. It is worsened by the movement of people from one region to another, especially for business and employment opportunities. They end up congregating and establish their denomination in the area, which was formerly designated for another denomination during the missionary era. Competition is also fuelled by the growth of new churches founded by local people. These denominations constitute the popular Pentecostal and prophetic movements (Hove 2025), which attract members from the traditional mainline denominations. Maxwell (2024, p. 77) argues that the growing presence of Pentecostals further divided the churches and society in Zimbabwe. They engaged in competitive evangelism that seeks to dominate schools and media platforms to lure the young generations (Maxwell 2024). Their prophecies and healing miracles lead to accusations of ‘sheep stealing’ or ‘fishing from the pot,’ as they do not make disciples but rather depend on members from other denominations for their growth.

3.5. The Rise of the Neo-Pentecostal and Prophetic Movements

Although the missionary-founded churches have problems with the African Independent Churches (AICs) and Pentecostal churches, further challenges of division are posed by the rise of various charismatic ministries and prophetic movements in Zimbabwe. They are the fastest-growing church movements in Africa and Zimbabwe in particular (Manyonganise 2024). “Some founders emerged from Zimbabwe and Nigeria, with many Zimbabweans trained under prominent West African preachers who were well-known for performing miracles” (Marimbe 2024, p. 3). These began in the urban centres and spread to rural areas like Mberengwa. They are popular for their prosperity theology which promises healing, deliverance, and economic prosperity to their adherents. Kobia (2018, p. 25) asserts that:

The Catholic, Anglican, Lutheran, Reformed, Methodist, Disciples, and others—find themselves engaged in a multitude of unfamiliar and heretofore uncultivated relationships with emerging Pentecostal and charismatic communities, including African Initiated Churches, so-called mega-churches…

The major challenge concerning working together with these denominations is that some of them are founded by members of the mainline denominations and that they continue to build their membership through literal transfer from other denominations (Moyo 2016). Their critical dimension focuses on the unique African perspective on Pentecostalism, characterised by a belief in various forms of spirits and powers (Marimbe and Ndawonde 2024, p. 4). Their understanding of being and doing church is far different from that of the traditional mainline denominations (Moyo 2016). They are known for being led by the power of the Holy Spirit to cast out demons and other spirits believed to be causing sickness and economic suffering. According to Hove (2024, p. 6), “Spiritualisation of the economic challenges coerced the members to seed as they easily relate it to the African traditional beliefs”. This appeals to Africans who believe that every form of suffering has a spiritual connection and that to escape such misfortune requires that rituals of appeasing or exorcism of spirits need to be done.

The neo-Pentecostal movements, also referred to as mega-churches or prophetic movements, are found and led by prophets believed to have supernatural powers to solve people’s problems by spiritual means (Hove 2024). They are not only criticized by other denominations and theologians for their prosperity theology, but also for their false promises to their followers. This leads to the manipulation of victims of circumstance, especially those who are sick and suffering from social and economic challenges, such as those who face financial crises. Magaya and Makandiwa assert that they alleviate spiritual poverty and the economic turmoil in Zimbabwe by driving out demonic spirits (Chibango 2016). Their prosperity theology is regarded “as an impetus for delusion, individualism, hogwash, wicked, heretical and damaging” (Dada 2004, pp. 95–105). Besides, they are blamed for “sheep stealing” or “fishing in the dish” through presenting spectacular miracles and the prosperity gospel instead of converting new members for the body of Christ. Gukurume (2022, p. 30) contends that, rather than focusing on life after death, the fourth wave is characterised by a heavy emphasis on the miraculous and prophetic amassing of financial prosperity in the present. Therefore, the literal transfer of members from the mainline denominations to the neo-Pentecostal and charismatic movements has caused a spate of inter-denominational criticism, straining the possibilities of local ecumenical cooperation ideal for the spread of the gospel and identity of the church of Christ (Moyo 2016). Such criticism is spread in general conversations and sermons in particular.

4. Undermining African Culture

The gospel needs contextualisation, and ecumenism as one of the means of spreading the gospel, it needs to be compatible with local culture. According to Mamo (2017, p. 149), “contextualization is about effective communication of the gospel”. Unfortunately, most missionaries are known for undermining African culture. Pali (2016, p. 73) argues that “the missionary attitude towards African values was one of incomprehension, contempt, and intolerance; consequently, the quality of the transmission of the gospel was compromised and damaged the African image”. Among other issues, missionaries neither understood nor regarded the significance of the value of African culture and attachment to family and communalism (Hughes and Naidoo 2022, p. 153). Hughes and Naidoo (2022, p. 158) further argue that “Since the individual was divorced from the community, the community cannot influence and hold individuals to account for their shared Christian values”. By undermining the principles of African cultural values, the missionaries missed the opportunity to enrich Christian growth, especially in rural areas like Mberengwa, where culture adapts slowly to new phenomena. Not only did this hinder ecumenism, but it also hindered the spread and acceptance of the gospel in general. Hughes and Naidoo (2022, p. 158) argue that “the missionaries’ separation of the African communal values and the imposition of individual values prevented this new clan from forming”. In the African context, individuals are connected to the community for accountability, as well as for the flourishing of the individual and the community. On the one hand, missionaries undermined African culture, while on the other, missionary-founded churches criticized the African Initiated Churches (AICs) and Pentecostal denominations for their beliefs in demons, exorcism, witchcraft, and faith healing (Marimbe 2024). These practices are aligned with both African culture and Jesus’ ministry and hence are usually part of Christian life and ministry. On the one hand, spiritual challenges, healing, and casting out of evil spirits are central in African culture and religious practices; on the other hand, these activities constituted part of Jesus’ ministry. Adapting to such central beliefs in African culture would bring churches together rather than dividing them.

5. The Missio-Cultural Factors

The issue of local ecumenism can be effectively addressed only if churches in the community recognize their diversity and work towards fostering denominational unity through their understanding of their mission and local cultural principles. In this case, local denominations can connect the church’s mission with Karanga cultural values, helping them promote church unity while serving their communities.

5.1. Karanga Family Life

Mberengwa is in the Midlands province, with more than ninety percent of the people being Karanga-speaking people who are also found in Masvingo and some parts of the Midlands province. The Karanga is a culture closely related to the broader Shona dialect in Zimbabwe. Some of the Karanga cultural values revolve around the importance of the family as the foundation of the community. Central to Karanga culture and religion is the unity among the members of the family and community, including reconciliation, hospitality, health, and social well-being (Hove 2020). In Karanga culture, family refers to husband, wife, and children, as well as all the husband’s and wife’s relatives. They all have specific roles to play in family life and rites of passage such as birth, marriage, and death (Hove 2020). While husband and wife look after their children, they are also responsible for caring for, bringing up, and disciplining their children’s siblings. In addition, they assume various responsibilities as brothers and sisters and uncles, and aunts in their families. Aunts and their children are crucial during marriage ceremonies and funeral rituals (Shoko 2007, p. 19). Grandparents, aunts, and their children (vazukuru) play critical roles in the mediation of family disputes. The family is formed by marriage and the birth of offspring. Among the Karanga, people marry in the locality and generally among the people they know, except for a few who become connected through education and work. They are acquainted with each other’s familial and religious backgrounds. In some mainline denominations in Mberengwa, like the ELCZ and the Methodist church in Zimbabwe, there are no strict rules when it comes to marriage. Although they encouraged their members to marry within their churches, they also accept marriages outside their denominations. Marriage and marriage rituals and proceedings are known to bring families together, despite cultural and religious barriers. Marriage rituals have religious significance that brings the dead and the living relatives of the married people together (Hove 2020). There are rituals such as lobola (bride wealth) and mapinzo (welcoming the bridegroom), where cattle and goats are slaughtered. The bride wealth and the killing of a goat or beast (shedding of blood) and eating together during marriage rituals are meant to unite the families in marriage (Gelfand 1966, p. 108). Among the Karanga, this cultural heritage knows no denomination. Influenced by their culture, church members are not bound to marry within their denominations; hence, they marry across their denominational lines (Hove 2025). In such cases, marriage has become just one means of influencing ecumenism at home, in the community, and at large. Families from different denominations begin to build an ecumenical relationship during marriage rites and wedding rituals. After a marriage, they invite each other to conferences and, hence, they learn to live and worship together (Hove 2020). It is a part of the Karanga culture to live, work, and worship together, and this means that marriage and family life lead to the crossing of denominational boundaries. It is common among the Karanga that after marriage, the wife joins the husband’s family and denomination to demonstrate loyalty to the marriage and family. Therefore, the husband’s denomination tends to gain more members than the wife’s denomination. Affirmation of the family cultural heritage also serves as an affirmation of human diversity and human dignity (Tesfai 1995, p. 13). The church’s recognition of its people’s own cultures marks the roots of a postcolonial ecumenical engagement and dispels tensions, thus promoting church unity in the local community.

The mission of the church is meant to be to build the church as a family and community of believers. However, the mission is not only confined to conversion and personal salvation of humanity but also building unity among the churches and relationships with people of other faiths, striving to address the socio-economic and political needs of the communities through prophetic diakonia and caring for the Mother Earth. This can be more easily achieved when people of faith work together despite differences in traditions and doctrines. The great commission is a call to bring together people into discipleship and the household and community of God. Jesus said, “Go therefore and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son and the Holy Spirit” (Mt 28:19). Those who follow the call to be disciples become a family and community of believers. They belong together under “one Lord, one faith, one baptism, one God and Father of all” (Eph. 4:5–6). “Through Baptism with water in the name of the Triune God, the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit, Christians are united with Christ and with each other in the Church of every time and place” (WCC 2013, p. 24). The church becomes truly one family and a community of God’s people, just like the family and community that are all-inclusive. The oneness in God should be translated into the life of the church of Christ (Jn 17:21). Family unity and church communion in Christ are part of the church’s mission in every local community. The church’s union in Christ leads to unity among churches of different cultures and knocks down the denominational boundaries between different communities (Purves 2004). People have a vertical relationship with God and a horizontal connection in their relationship with one another (Mhaka 2010). Despite their differences, Christians are called to be united with Christ and God and united with one another as a family. This understanding of the Karanga culture and mission imperatives helps shape a more inclusive local ecumenism. Local denominations may find one another as members of the family of God through the leaders with a vision towards church unity and intentionally hold meetings, workshops, and conferences together as a way of working together to promote unity.

5.2. Health and Well-Being

Health is a big issue globally, and particularly in Zimbabwe, especially given the prevalence of HIV, Malaria, and intermittent outbreaks of cholera. The church, government, and people in general struggle with issues of health, which can be life-threatening. Like many Africans, the Karanga believe that sickness and suffering are caused by evil spirits, witchcraft, and sorcery, to punishment from the ancestors and God, as well as natural causes (Maenzanise 2009). For that reason, families work together to find the causes of disease and ways to treat it. This is done by consulting n’anga (traditional healers) and prophets, as well as modern medical facilities such as clinics and hospitals. Anything that can bring life and health is tried. A n’anga is believed to be a diviner and fortune teller, and mediator between the living and the ancestors (Maenzanise 2009).

Among the Karanga community, n’anga (traditional healers) and prophets are important people endowed with healing powers (Morekwa 2004). They are consulted by members of the community across denominations. This denominational crossing is part of ecumenism, influenced by the local culture. In addition, an n’anga is commonly known to be a healer (Shoko 2007). Although the n’anga or traditional healers are known for healing, they are known as specialists on spiritual illness and mental disorders (Sorsdahl et al. 2010). Among the Karanga, no one can be allowed to suffer and journey alone; the family and members of the community come along to support an affected person with their resources and presence. Although this is common, not every member of the church consults a n’anga. Some of the mainline denominations and Pentecostal churches demonize n’anga and discourage their members from being associated with them. The n’anga is believed to belong to the demonic world. While health concern brings people together and may promote ecumenism, the issue of n’anga renders it ineffective due to resentment among Christians.

During moments of health crisis, members of different denominations visit the sick and offer prayers and, if need be, they contribute to sending the sick person to the hospital. The mainline denominations like the ELCZ, with its mission hospitals Mnene, Masase, and Musume in Mberengwa, would share its resources with the sick and their loved ones across the denominational divide. Besides provision of health services, during hospitalization, the patients and their loved ones receive pastoral care through word, prayers, and counselling from the hospital chaplains. Some of the church members cross their denominational boundaries by consulting AICs and neo-Pentecostal prophets who are believed to address their social and spiritual challenges (Shoko and Chiwara 2013). Like n’anga, prophets are believed to be endowed with supernatural powers to diagnose the causes of illness and suffering and prescribe remedies (Shoko and Chiwara 2013). Among the Karanga, prophets are believed to specialize in addressing illnesses emanating from chivanhu (African worldview), “such as appeasing the ancestors, fighting avenging spirits, exorcising the spirit of witchcraft and related phenomena” (Chitando 2009, p. 34). This is the oneness in Christ that helps members of the church recognise each other’s distinctiveness but also remain united (Gibbons 2012, p. 114). No community is self-sufficient, but every community depends on gifts and provisions from others. In matters of health, there are people with special gifts from God to help others in their community. Such people need to be given their space and allowed to enrich the community through their gifts.

Part of the church’s mission is seeking well-being, health, and lives and relationships that embrace humanity and creation. The church follows the mission of Christ, who was concerned with the sick and the marginalised. This is reflected in Lk 4:18–19, in which Jesus states that “The Spirit of the Lord is on me, because he has anointed me to proclaim good news to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim freedom for the prisoners and recovery of sight for the blind, to set the oppressed free, to proclaim the year of the Lord’s favour”. Christ aimed at giving an abundant life (Jn 10:10). He engaged in a holistic ministry of bringing a healthy body as well as spiritual and social health. Jesus Christ went about healing the sick and restoring the marginalised and those who were oppressed (Ac 10:38). He even called his followers to go out and heal the sick and cast out evil spirits (Mt 10:8). Not only did He restore them to bodily health, but also to healthy relationships. He brought back to life those who were dead, and he brought back to society the lepers who lived outside the cities. Therefore, the issues of individual bodily health and healing are a matter of concern for the church (De Rosny 2006, p. 105). Christ welcomed the poor, tax collectors, and sinners to restore their dignity as human beings in the community.

The church uses several approaches to issues of health. Those from Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal churches and the AICs continue to address issues of health from a spiritual point of view. The belief system adopted by these denominations affirms the traditional belief in the existence of ancestors, aliens, witchcraft, and angry spirits that can cause harm to individuals and the community (Shoko 2007, p. 55). These denominations’ emphasis on the spiritual origin of diseases is linked to Paul’s epistle writings. “For our struggle is not against flesh and blood, but against the rulers, against the authorities, against the powers of this dark world and the spiritual forces of evil in the heavenly realms” (Eph. 6:12). The devil is the source of evil spirits that cause people sickness and suffering. The role of the pastor and the prophets is to heal the sick and cast out evils (Shoko 2007, p. 54). For this reason, they hold special healing and deliverance sessions as part of their liturgy. During the sessions, demons and evil spirits are exorcised. Those who are sick are healed and have their relationship with God restored. Prophets are believed to be able to provide rituals of protection from further attacks from evil spirits. This approach is in line with the African worldview and that of the Karanga in particular. Ecumenical engagement helps in developing an appreciation of diversity and the recognition of different gifts among the churches in Mberengwa. For the church to undertake holistic ministry, it should be able to cross its denominational boundaries in social ministry in the community. To promote local ecumenism, there is no need to demonise other churches and religious movements in this ad hoc ecumenism.

5.3. Worship

Worship is part of the Karanga culture. Families used to come together for ancestral veneration rituals. The type of Christian worship reflects those communities’ life and culture. There is communal engagement and hospitality involved in traditional worship. People slaughter beasts, brew beer, and share meals. There is singing, beating of drums, and dancing, celebrating God and the ancestors (Shoko 2007). The church has adopted the use of some of the traditional instruments, such as drums and rattles (Matikiti 2017). When people are converted to Christianity, they carry over part of their traditional worship practices and instruments with them. Nenjerama (2025) demonstrates that the United Methodist church in Zimbabwe effectively integrated traditional instruments of worship such as ngoma (drum), mbira (thumb piano), and hosho (rattles). These instruments for worship are used across denominations, shared, and even exchanged among the local congregations. The form of local ecumenical engagement in the form of sharing resources goes beyond sharing worship instruments to human and financial resources. This is necessary in this age of globalisation when the church becomes a home to people from different places. However, it is known that when people meet, they share cultural practices. Since worship brings people together, it is one of the cultural factors that can be utilised in promoting local ecumenism in Mberengwa.

5.4. Reconciliation

Reconciliation is one of the key tenets of Karanga culture in Zimbabwe. It is important because differences, misunderstandings, and conflicts are easily generated among people. Relationships are broken time and again due to social/religious and economic matters, but it is reconciliation that brings together alienated individuals in a family or community (Lartey 2003, p. 65). In African culture and Karanga culture, reconciliation is central, as antagonism not only disturbs harmony among people but also disturbs the ancestors in the spiritual realm. Reconciliation is usually done through mediation by a third party to avoid confrontation between the parties concerned that may lead to an escalation of the conflict (Lartey 2003). Among the Karanga, it is the work of the grandparents, aunts, and cousins, depending on the conflict within the family (Hove 2020). In the Karanga community, the reconciliation role is assumed by muvakidzani (a neighbour) or sahwira (close friend) to one or both parties in conflict, or by the sabhuku (headman) and sadunhu (chief). It paves the way for the prevention of strife and promotes peaceful co-existence in families and communities. Reconciliation provides unity, healing, and overcomes divisions (Mhaka 2010). Where there is reconciliation, there is a process of forgiveness that leads to the ultimate healing of the victims.

When it comes to conflict management and resolution, community leaders play an important role in mediation and reconciliation. This may mean a call to a community court where punitive or restorative justice will be required. Punitive or restorative justice requires local courts to punish the offender, bringing him or her to peace with the victim (Schreiter 2013). Where it is applied, restorative justice allows the offender to “pay back” for the offence, which is then forgiven (Shaanika 2017). Reconciliation through restorative justice “therefore creates a room where mercy, truth, justice, love and peace meet together (Ps 85.10)” (Shaanika 2017, p. 29). This involves the promotion of dialogue and peace between the two parties, with restoration acting as a sacrifice or restoration of what the victim has lost. In the modern day, reconciliation is related to justice and human rights (Schreiter 2013). Justice is meant to address issues of human rights and the reconciliation of communities and states.

Reconciliation means to recognise and acknowledge conflict and division among human beings and churches. Division may be because of misunderstandings that cause harm to human and institutional relationships. Church divisions compromise the “credibility of the gospel” (Matthey 2013, p. 51). Visible disunity preaches conflict to the world and humanity (Atzvi 2013). This is why reconciliation is a central aspect in both church mission and ecumenical engagement. The church should always be on a mission of reconciliation, just as Jesus came to reconcile the world to God (2 Cor 5:18). The church should seek to resolve differences that separate the followers of Christ. Reconciliation involves both being a church and an ecumenical project, and both should be inclusive. It may take the form of interchurches and interfaith dialogue and engagement then it may move on to deal with community and national healing and reconciliation. Without religious reconciliation, it will be difficult for the church to engage in its mission.

There is no reason why Christians should become exclusive or arrogant, thinking that they are better qualified than others for the task of promoting reconciliation. Also, when sharing this task with people of other faiths, Christians must be aware of their distinct identity, how central the ministry of reconciliation is in their confession of Christ as Lord and Saviour, and consequently as an integral dimension of the mission that God has given the church (Nordstokke 2013, p. 116).

Reconciliation requires humility, an appreciation of both human and religious weaknesses and limitations, and a recognition of the significance of the other. Reconciliation brings a profound form of ecumenism and being church together and serving the community.

Ecumenism itself is a form of reconciliation. To achieve its mission of reconciliation, the church should be united. Jesus called for reconciliation to begin with brothers and sisters, meaning those who were his followers. Those in Christ are brothers and sisters, the children of God. The need to treat each other with love and respect to bring about reconciliation. They should seek to heal their historical differences and to fulfil the unity which Christ proclaimed. Since reconciliation is a gift of God, it should be sought through prayer and shared within the church and outside the church with the community (Atzvi 2013, p. 30). This can be done by worshipping together and sharing the good news of salvation, including the Word and the sacraments. Through such fellowship, the church can walk together in the love and unity of Christ. This brings healing of past wounds and differences and promotes the spirit of forgiveness and cooperation. Churches should find ways of cooperation and solidarity in a pluralist religious and cultural context. The church should initiate creativity because of the empowerment of the creative Spirit of God. The church should be prepared to handle local religious, social, and political conflicts in society.

5.5. Hospitality

Hospitality is one of the central values in African culture. Showing hospitality is believed to bring blessings carried by visitors who are fed and well cared for (Obiefuna and Kanu 2013, p. 7). Hospitality includes caring for one’s kin, neighbours, and strangers. A relative or neighbour without food or resources is supported by his/her family and community. “Extending a hand of friendship was always symbolised by sharing food, hence the proverb ‘Hukama igasva hunotozadziswa nekudya’ (No relationship is complete unless the parties end up dining together)” (Chimuka 2001, p. 35). In the community, no one is allowed to suffer alone or go unfed. This is mutual hospitality as exemplified in Karanga culture. When one needs food, he/she is assisted by members of the family and community. For that reason, “there is a very strong sense of sharing and solidarity and belonging” (Obiefuna and Kanu 2013, p. 7).

In Karanga culture, sharing food is highly valued. When food is prepared, more than enough is made to share with unexpected visitors. No one books a meal, but will nonetheless be given food on arrival. Food is a source of life and union among the Karanga. When one receives food, their life is sustained. During marriage rites, people eat together as a symbol of love and unity. “The spirit of sharing constitutes new relations that more easily permit forgiveness and new beginnings” (Nordstokke 2013, p. 118). In some cases, food is used as a symbol of reconciliation if there has been a dispute. It promotes a communal spirit in which the relationship is strengthened. In a postcolonial approach to ecumenism, the church needs to seriously consider the local culture of hospitality that is more inclusive than exclusive. It can be reinforced by the way the church welcomes and accommodates members from different denominations. Through hospitality, it will be easier to share our faith, worship, and the Lord’s Table. “The table allows people to meet face-to-face, with names and identities, with their stories and anxieties” (Nordstokke 2013, p. 118). There is appreciation of every member in communion with Christ and with one another as the church. “First, it is a coming (communion), and secondly, a going (sharing), so long as the going is intrinsically understood as a demand to share that which we have become (“christs”) (Nkwocha 2016, p. 4). Hospitality fulfils the law of love demonstrated by the illustration of the Good Samaritan (Luke 10:25–37). He used his goods to attend to the needs of a “stranger” who was in danger and met his needs. He gave up his life for the other. “The Good Samaritan shared his three ‘T s, ‘time, treasure, and talent,” almost himself, just as Christ did” (Nkwocha 2016, p. 8). Hospitality means loving an alien or stranger as we love our own family (McCormick 2018, p. 77). This is experienced when the church is prepared to open its doors and give services to the poor and the vulnerable in communities, despite their denominational and religious background. The church that is driven by the spirit and mission of reconciliation is hospitable. It is ready to welcome and accommodate its membership and work with other denominations.

Genuine hospitality accommodates all people of faith in mission. “Being missional means open, inclusive, spirit-bound, eschatological, and trying the future in the vision “abundance of life” (Joh 10:10), (Kalliath 2011, p. 62). This is acknowledging that God’s love and call to salvation welcome all. There is neither Jew, Greek, alien, nor heathen before God (1 Cor 12:13, Col 3:11). The nature of inclusion needs to reflect the true hospitality of a church. Whatever the church shares with another or gives in service to the community should be a sign of acknowledgement that these gifts come from God for all God’s people (McCormick 2018, p. 111). Hospitality evokes the spirit of willingness to share money, space, time, and even our food with those around us (Nkwocha 2016). Hospitality will remain a symbol of communality, love, brotherhood, and sisterhood of the people of God, where there is generosity and sharing. Such hospitality also works in a mission where the church meets the needs of the community. Hospitality in mission requires crossing religious and denominational boundaries.

Practical hospitality in the church is signaled by its being welcoming in fellowship and the Eucharistic communion. Local churches can achieve full communion by accepting the same sacraments and ministry, confessing the same faith, and partaking in the same Eucharist (Plaatjies van Huffel 2017, p. 6). The church should follow the footsteps of Christ, who practiced hospitality throughout his ministry. Jesus demonstrated hospitality when he fed five thousand (Mt 14:13–21), when changing water into wine (Jn 2:1–10), and at his last supper (Mt 26:17–30). A regular celebration of the communion table creates a spirit of love and belonging rather than waiting for special occasions (Hendricks 2012). Dialogues and joint declarations held at international levels make huge strides in conciliar ecumenism, but sharing the table may permanently affect the life of ordinary Christians at a local congregation level. “However, Eucharistic hospitality includes food but extends to every human need” (Nkwocha 2016, p. 8). Ecumenism at a local level should include Eucharistic hospitality and tangible expressions of solidarity among the churches (WCC 2013. Sharing the body of Christ in communion means accepting his invitation into his kingdom and inviting others to his kingdom. Since Christ invited all to be forgiven, the church can practice tolerance and forgiveness through practicing Eucharistic hospitality that is inclusive. He frequently dined with his disciples, sinners, and tax collectors (Lk 15:1–2). In Zimbabwe and Mberengwa in particular, church membership is somehow fluid because Christians visit or join one church to another for various reasons. Some, because of fellowship, employment, or marriage, join other churches to become more active, while others seek healing and miracles. The same people easily meet in fellowship at a local level, and hence, they should not be excluded from the celebration of the Lord’s Table.

6. Conclusions

To heal from its historical and current divisions, the church should consider integrating its theological, missional, and local cultural practices that bring people together rather than separating them. The article acknowledges the complexities caused by various impediments such as missionary legacy, denominational divisions, competition, and undermining of African culture. This is also acerbated by the operations of churches and people of other faiths, which need local ecumenical engagement and interfaith and interreligious dialogue. This makes the issues of local ecumenism a difficult terrain. Despite the challenges and complexities highlighted, this article reveals some opportunities for local ecumenism in Mberengwa in the form of bringing into dialogue between some of the missional practices and the local cultural practices that may shape local ecumenism. Some of the Karanga cultural practices resonate well with Christian ethics built on love and service to one another. These are the principles that can enable the churches to work together and fulfil their mission, especially in working together to address local socio-economic and political challenges. Local churches are encouraged to embrace their traditional, doctrinal diversity and mission calling to build unity. This article argues that the combination of missional and Karanga cultural factors could facilitate meaningful cooperation among the local denomination. This can also be explored in other cultures and places around the world. Not everything about the Karanga people’s culture is bad and incompatible with Christian ethics and practices. Some of the cultural principles and values may be useful for the life of the church, as argued in the body of this article.