The Political Ideologies of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) Under the Marcos Regimes

Abstract

Using Demeterio’s modified ideological spectrum, this article examines the dominant political ideologies reflected in the pastoral statements of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) under the administrations of Ferdinand Marcos Sr. and Ferdinand Marcos Jr. Through a hermeneutic lens grounded in a two-dimensional spectrum, progressive–retrogressive and libertarian–authoritarian, the analysis reveals that under Marcos Sr., the UCCP adopted a conservative and authoritarian position. From 1973 to 1975, its pastoral statements issued general appeals for peace and human dignity, while avoiding direct criticism of the regime. However, by the mid to late 1970s, the UCCP began to exhibit signs of quiet resistance. In contrast, during the administration of Marcos Jr., the UCCP’s stance became more assertive and prophetic. These statements directly addressed issues such as human rights violations, environmental justice, and the defense of historical truth. In Demeterio’s spectrum, this contemporary position aligns with moderate progressivism, occasionally leaning toward radical progressivism, particularly in its advocacy for grassroots movements and democratic participation. This study is therefore significant as it illustrates the ideological transformation of the UCCP, from conservative restraint to active resistance, and underscores the capacity of religious institutions to evolve from passive complicity into agents of prophetic resistance.

1. Introduction

The Church has the power to encourage political participation, influence actions, and serve as the voice of the marginalized sectors in society. Previous literature claimed that the Church has influenced key events and policies in education (Klaiber 2009), law (Burkhardt 2011), economy (Wilson 2017), health (Basu-Zharku 2011; Rozier 2020), politics (Burkhardt 2011; Grzymala-Busse 2015; Kjølen 2017), and various other aspects that directly or indirectly exist and are experienced within a society.

In the Philippines, the Church is considered a highly influential institution. For instance, the Catholic Church played a significant role in the EDSA People Power Revolution in 1986. According to Maximiano (2018), the statement released by Jaime Cardinal Sin was one of the catalysts for the widespread protests against the Marcos dictatorship. Likewise, the Iglesia ni Cristo’s tradition of bloc voting is said to contribute significantly to the candidacy of many politicians in both local and national elections, making it a highly sought-after endorsement during campaign seasons (Tolentino 2010). The stance of various religious groups also holds considerable influence over major issues and proposed laws such as reproductive health, divorce, abortion, same-sex marriage, gender equality, the death penalty, and others (Bautista 2009; Collantes 2018; Cornelio and Dagle 2019; Doce 2018). This influence is rooted in the deep religious devotion of Filipinos, who are considered among the most religious people in the world (Merez 2018). Moreover, De Guzman (2025), drawing on findings from the Paw Research survey, highlighted that 73% of Filipino respondents said that religion is very essential in forging their national identity. Religious leaders also emerged as the most trusted personalities in the Philippines, according to the “Philippine Trust Index” study conducted by the EON Group (Cupin 2021).

However, while it is true that the Church remains an influential institution, it no longer holds the same power it once had during the Spanish colonial period in the Philippines. According to Canceran (2010), the transformation of religion through secularization has diminished the authority and traditional influence of the Church, thus granting people greater freedom to decide and express their individual beliefs and positions.

[S]ecularism shifts the focus from the institution to the people. The people exercise agency. In this sense, secularism opens the horizon for people to choose and decide on their own. Thus, religion is no longer controlled by organized religion but has been democratized through personal agency.

(pp. 128–29)

As a result, even though the Church continues to have a strong influence on the lives of Filipinos, the discourse on the separation of Church and State still prevails in the Philippines, especially on political matters. Many Filipinos today believe that the Church should adopt a more conservative and reform-oriented stance (Barry 2006; Xiao and Wang 2024) and that it should refrain from interfering in government decisions concerning its constituents (Batalla and Baring 2019; Napatotan et al. 2024; Youngblood 1978). This marks a significant shift from the Spanish colonial era, when pronouncements from Church leaders were often treated with the weight of law, to openly challenging the Church’s positions on key social issues. As Canceran (2010) observes, “[t]he official church wants to recoup its authority and to defend its tradition by asserting its prerogative in matters concerning religion and sexuality, but the people challenge and question them” (p. 129).

Although there are religions that speak out and get involved, the majority remain silent on political issues (Youngblood 1990), or they support and become instruments of the state’s wrongful practices (Chopko 2003). Abellanosa (2020) critiques this complicity, arguing that ecclesiastical elitism within the Church has perpetuated the misuse of its resources, power, and authority. Similarly, Cartagenas (2015) and Rufo (2013) point out that certain religious groups, rather than serving as advocates for the marginalized, are co-opted by politicians, businessmen, and elites to further their own interests, such as the case of former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo who provided financial and material favors to bishops amid her corruption scandal (Rufo 2013). This exposes the contradiction between their professed solidarity with the poor and their failure to challenge entrenched social inequalities, particularly the divide between urban and rural landed classes.

Despite the separation of Church and State, the silence of most religions on political matters in the country, and the decline of the Church’s authority due to secularization, the United Church of Christ in the Philippines has not ceased to regularly publish pastoral statements on various social issues as a symbol of their engagement with matters that affect the lives of every Filipino.

1.1. The United Church of Christ in the Philippines

The United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) is a Protestant church known for its active involvement in public discourse despite the ongoing heated debate on the separation of church and state. It is an ecumenical and evangelical church formally established on 25 May 1948, through the union of the United Brethren, Church of Christ (Disciples), Congregational, Presbyterian, and the Philippine Methodist Church. According to the World Council of Churches (n.d.), it is the largest and most widespread Protestant church in the Philippines. Rooted in its foundation as a peacemaking ministry, the UCCP seeks to embody the Church’s social ethics and respond to the violence in the country. This dual commitment to evangelism and social action reinforces its prophetic role in addressing pressing societal issues (Aguilan 2020). Moreover, its doctrinal identity is anchored in the historic Christian creeds, particularly the Apostles’ Creed and the Nicene Creed, which affirm the central tenets of the Christian faith namely, belief in God the Creator, Jesus Christ as Lord and Savior, the presence and work of the Holy Spirit, the gift of salvation, the hope of eternal life, and the call to unity with other faith communities (UCCP 2020; UCCP Identity n.d.). As a uniting denomination, the UCCP also practices a congregational-presbyterial polity that balances local autonomy with collective decision-making. While each congregation exercises self-governance, decisions are guided and structured through the leadership of church councils at both local and denominational levels (UCCP 2015).

Since its founding in 1948 up to the present, UCCP has actively released official or pastoral statements concerning various issues in Philippine society. According to former Senate President and member of the church, Jovito Salonga, the issuance of statements and resolutions by the UCCP is a testament to the faithful obedience of its believers to the Lord Jesus Christ (UCCP 1990). He further adds that these statements symbolize the church’s clear position, one that has been carefully studied, discussed, and rooted in the teachings and mission of Jesus. This also aligns with Youngblood’s (1990) description of Protestant churches in the country. According to him:

Protestant opposition in the Philippines is part of a worldwide reevaluation among Catholics and Protestants concerning the role of Christianity in dealing with unjust political, economic, and social structures that inhibit man’s full human development, particularly in regions of the world plagued by poverty and exploitation. Theologically, the reevaluation marks a shift away from the purely spiritual aspects of Christianity to greater stress on the social justice features of the Gospel. Politically, it represents a reaction to the failures of liberal democracy and developmentalism and the appearance of repressive regimes in much of the third world since World War II.

(p. 66)

Thus, despite accusations against the UCCP of being a “leftist,” which have caused division within the church and harm to some of its workers, its leadership seeks to guide its members in mission work and in building a meaningful and just society through the publication of pastoral statements (Tibus 2017; UCCP 1990).

The UCCP indeed has a long history of standing up for important national issues. However, research that focuses specifically on this aspect remains very limited, making it necessary to further develop the discourse to better contextualize the church’s engagement with the government and its involvement in pressing issues faced by the country—most of whose population is Christian and treated Christianity as an active force in political mobilization (Astorga 2006; Cornelio and Medina 2019; Crisostomo-Pilario 2022). It is also important to highlight UCCP’s stance on key issues in the Philippines, especially since only a few religious groups and faith communities today openly express political positions on social concerns.

1.2. The Marcos Sr. and Marcos Jr. Administrations

The administration of former President Ferdinand Marcos Sr. is widely regarded as one of the most controversial and consequential periods in Philippine history. His regime was notably marked by the declaration of Martial Law on 21 September 1972, announced midway through his final constitutional term. This political maneuver was justified by Marcos Sr. on various grounds, including the need to mediate escalating political unrest (Wurfel 1977), prevent alleged coup d’état and assassination plots (Youngblood 1990), and suppress a growing communist guerrilla movement operating in Manila since 1969 (Overholt 1986). Despite the authoritarian nature of this declaration, Marcos Sr. framed his regime as an exercise in “constitutional authoritarianism,” a term he appropriated to assert the legality and legitimacy of his rule (Turner 2011).

Initially, some political leftists supported the declaration due to promised political reforms and economic liberalization. However, by 1975, the Philippine economy began to deteriorate, burdened by the rapid increase in external debt (Youngblood 1990), which eventually contributed to a deepening political–economic crisis by 1981 (Overholt 1986). Alongside these developments, the regime was increasingly defined by widespread human rights violations, including political arrests, extrajudicial killings, and enforced disappearances (Chua 2023; Mendoza 2013; Taya 2008; van Erven 1987).

In response to the shift in the Philippines’ political climate, eight church leaders affiliated with the National Council of Churches in the Philippines (NCCP), including the Obispo Maximo of the Philippine Independent Church, the General Secretary of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines, the General Superintendent of the Iglesia Evangelica Metodista en las Islas Filipinas Church, the General Secretary of the Convention of Philippine Baptist Churches, the President of the Lutheran Church in the Philippines, the Senior Bishop of the United Methodist Church, the Head of the Philippine Episcopal Church, and the General Superintendent of the Iglesia Evangelica Unida de Cristo, signed a collective resolution expressing their concern for the nation’s welfare following Marcos Sr.’s declaration of martial law. These denominations underscored the urgent need to end the lawlessness and political machinations initiated by the government, which deprived the Filipinos of dignity and freedom (Rigos 1975). In the same vein, the United Methodist Church echoed this sentiment by condemning the suppression of civil liberties and framing their resistance as a theological response to the authoritarian rule (Zarsadiaz 2021). Furthermore, the Catholic Church’s influence and moral authority also emerged as a quiet yet formidable challenge to the Marcos administration. Its initial resistance to Martial Law was expressed through a pastoral letter addressed to the “Beloved People of God” in the Philippines (Rigos 1975), signaling a subtle but firm stance against authoritarian rule. This was followed by a series of pastoral letters in 1979 that directly criticized the government’s economic policies and human rights violations (Thompson 2023a; Youngblood 1987). Overholt (1986) also noted that in 1983, the Catholic Church initiated the publication of two newspapers aimed at proliferating the suppressed truths of the government, indicating a shift “from passive discontent to active opposition” (p. 1153).

In response, Marcos deployed political strategies to undermine and divide religious institutions. One such tactic was the imposition of taxes on Church-owned educational properties in 1973 (see Presidential Decree 73), a move without precedent at the time. Although a temporary stay of execution was granted in 1974 (see Presidential Decree 261), the constant threat of renewed taxation, along with looming legislation on divorce (Wurfel 1977), was a calculated effort to pressure Church leaders, divide their ranks, and weaken their collective stance against the regime. The Marcos Sr. administration also established population control policies through the formation of the Commission on Population (POPCOM), a political maneuver that faced strong opposition from the Catholic Church due to its moral and doctrinal stance on contraception and reproductive health (Akhter 1989; Herrin 2002). Apart from these subtle political tactics, the Church also faced deliberate persecution following the declaration of Martial Law. This included the arrest and detention of priests, nuns, and missionaries, raids on seminaries, convents, and churches, the closure of church-run media stations, and the deaths of lay church workers (Shoesmith 1979). The unresolved tensions between Catholic and Protestant church leaders and the regime became instrumental factors contributing to the ousting and eventual political exile of Marcos Sr. on 7 February 1986 (Batalla and Baring 2019; Cartagenas 2015; Youngblood 1987).

Furthermore, the ascent of Marcos Jr. to the presidency in the Philippines, nearly five decades after his father declared Martial Law, and 36 years after the People Power Uprising, marks a significant turning point in the country’s political history. The Marcos-Duterte alliance secured a sweeping victory with 59% of the vote, a triumph heavily fueled by digital propaganda that reframed Marcos Sr.’s regime as the Philippines’ so-called Golden Age (Talamayan 2021; Teehankee 2023). As Teehankee (2023) further explains, this political resurgence was made possible by a confluence of factors, including ethnolinguistic bailiwicks, strategic alliances among political dynasties and business conglomerates (Ayson and Reyes 2023; Heydarian 2022), rampant disinformation, authoritarian nostalgia (Talamayan 2021), and the enduring myths surrounding Marcos Sr.’s regime.

The reforms introduced by Marcos Jr. reflect the ideological aspirations of his father, as seen in the branding of his governance framework, Bagong Pilipinas (New Philippines), a clear echo of Marcos Sr.’s Bagong Lipunan (New Society) vision during his regime (Teehankee 2023). In a manner reminiscent of Marcos Sr.’s crony capitalism, the second Marcos administration has appointed economic elites to key government positions, expanded state-private sector partnerships, and pursued foreign investment as part of its broader post-COVID-19 economic recovery strategy (Ayson and Reyes 2023). Nevertheless, Heydarian (2022, p. 73) argues that the early years of Marcos Jr.’s presidency have been characterized by a form of “liminal authoritarian regression,” a political climate shaped by widespread disinformation and semi-competitive elections.

Within the evolving political landscape and resurgence of the Marcos family in the political arena, the role of religious institutions has become a point of contention once again. For instance, despite the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) reaffirming its stance of non-involvement in partisan politics, several Catholic bishops and priests openly expressed support for former Vice President Leni Robredo, the main opponent of Marcos Jr. in the 2022 presidential race. Their endorsement was justified by the Church’s assertion that Robredo embodied moral integrity and exemplified the qualities expected of a public servant (Itao 2022; Mondares et al. 2023). However, the moral authority of the Catholic Church appeared diminished when its support failed to translate into Robredo’s electoral victory (Itao 2022). In stark contrast, the Iglesia Ni Cristo, known for its practice of bloc voting, issued a full endorsement of Marcos Jr., a move widely regarded as having significantly contributed to his success in the presidential bid (Mondares et al. 2023). These accounts necessitate the need to reassess the Church’s positionality in contemporary political discourse, especially in the re-establishment of the second Marcos administration 20 decades later.

1.3. UCCP’s Pastoral Statements

As previously noted, the United Church of Christ in the Philippines has consistently issued pastoral statements on a wide range of social issues, serving as a testament to its active engagement with concerns that shape the everyday lives of Filipinos. These pastoral statements have been consistently issued since the regime of Marcos Sr. and continue to prevail under the administration of Marcos Jr. With this, we primarily focus on the statements published by the UCCP during the administrations of former President Ferdinand Marcos Sr. and current President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. Although the analysis is limited to the pastoral statements released by the UCCP during Martial Law and the first three years of Marcos Jr.’s term, the study still attempts to position these within the broader issues and phenomena of Philippine society. Nevertheless, a more comprehensive examination is needed, not only of the statements themselves but also of the processes by which church leaders formulate these statements, how they are received by the faithful, and how they are contextualized within the deeper cultural, political, historical, and social realities of Philippine society.

We also noted that while the examination of UCCP’s pastoral statements has been explored in some existing literature, these works have predominantly centered on theological interpretations and ecumenical analysis by framing the church’s role within missiological, ethical, and spiritual lenses. For instance, Tibus (2017) utilized UCCP’s General Assembly Statements to examine their missiological implications and denominational identity. Aguilan (2016) investigated the church’s theocentric and diaconic engagement in addressing environmental challenges in local communities, while Yuzon (1974) explored the theological-ethical assessments of the church’s social mission. In addition, Crisostomo-Pilario (2022) utilized theological rhetoric to assess UCCP’s political engagement during the administration of former President Rodrigo Duterte in accordance with the peace process.

Although these studies provide valuable insights into the spiritual and doctrinal dimensions of the UCCP’s pronouncements, the political implications of such statements remain underexplored, particularly how they function as public interventions in sociopolitical discourses. Thus, we deemed it justifiable to advance the earlier attempt of Gopez and Demeterio (2022) that examines the political ideologies entrenched in UCCP’s pastoral statements. We likewise emphasize that this article is only an initial step toward a larger effort to position the political ideology embedded in the UCCP’s official statements, and those of other religious groups, across different periods, with the aim of deepening our understanding of the church’s role in the nation’s political discourse.

2. Results and Discussion

2.1. The Stance of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) During Martial Law

By virtue of Proclamation No. 1081, former President Ferdinand Marcos Sr. declared Martial Law on 21 September 1972. He claimed that this declaration was a response to widespread violence and an emerging rebellion allegedly led by communist and leftist groups seeking to overthrow the government through armed struggle (Overholt 1986; Wurfel 1977; Youngblood 1990). However, instead of bringing peace, this declaration led to widespread human rights violations and the weakening of democratic institutions in the Philippines (Taya 2008; van Erven 1987). Although the Marcos Sr. administration claimed to prevent the spread of communism and maintain order following a series of bombings and unrest, in reality, the Marcos regime exercised control and power over civilians through grave human rights violations, including torture, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings.

Upon closer examination of the statements of the UCCP during Martial Law, it becomes apparent that the Church published almost no direct responses. Out of nine pastoral statements issued during this period, only one directly addressed Martial Law. It is also notable that UCCP’s political documents from the time show a lack of sharp analysis regarding major national issues under the Marcos regime. Most statements simply called for prayer rather than offering clear positions, progressive contextualization, or concrete resolutions. This silence is surprising, especially when compared to UCCP’s current bold stances on national issues. The Church’s lack of a direct, explicit position during the critical days of Martial Law aligns with what Demeterio terms “Conservative Authoritarianism,” marked by political silence and indirect responses, similar to his analysis of the Catholic Bishop’s Conference of the Philippines’ (CBCP) political ideology during the same period (Demeterio 2012).

However, upon closer examination of UCCP statements from 1973 to 1979, it is important to note that the Church engaged in quiet resistance against state control. Its indirect responses to government repression asserted its institutional independence despite the pressure to comply, remain silent, or risk harassment, co-optation, or surveillance.

The 1979 pastoral statement on policies and guidelines for church-related institutions incorporated as juridical entities under the General Assembly emphasized a clear institutional firewall against state interference. Amid widespread state repression and property confiscation, UCCP drew a legal and theological boundary by stating that only the Church, not the state or powerful individuals, could govern its ministries.

That the Charter of Incorporation of said institutions must be consistent with or supportive of the policies of the General Assembly of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines as contained in its Constitution and By-Laws or such rules and regulations as may be promulgated by the General Assembly or its Executive Committee.

(PS09)

During Marcos Sr.’s rule, cronies and private corporations loyal to the regime often exploited weakened institutions to acquire assets through coercion or at significantly undervalued prices (Wurfel 1977). The UCCP policy rejected this practice by demanding collective decision-making and formal approval, a safeguard designed to prevent manipulation from both internal collaborators and external political or economic pressures.

All real properties of Church-related institutions acquired from Mission Boards or through the instrumentality of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines shall not be sold, disposed of, or encumbered without the previous approval of the General Assembly or its Executive Committee.

(PS09)

At a time when government agents infiltrated civil society and NGOs, this clause served as a safeguard against attempts to install pro-government trustees or political proxies within UCCP agencies. It reinforced collective discernment and protected the institution from decisions driven by individual compromise.

Governing boards of such incorporated institutions and/or agencies must operate and/or conduct the affairs or business of said corporation within or under the general policies of the General Assembly of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines.

(PS09)

Whereas Marcos concentrated power in one man’s will, this policy reaffirmed that UCCP’s authority must flow from accountable Church bodies, not individuals acting independently or under political pressure. Any representative of the General Assembly, jurisdiction, or conference to a corporation or its Board of Trustees was required to represent the Church’s concerns and act on its behalf. While not naming Ferdinand Marcos Sr. directly, the 1979 UCCP statement was a quiet act of resistance, which sought to safeguard Church institutions from dictatorship-era manipulation, preserve assets, and ensure that faithful governance prevailed over authoritarian co-optation.

This quiet resistance is also evident in the 1974 Pastoral Statement on Responsible Parenthood and Family Planning. This statement critiqued the population control policies enacted by the Marcos Sr. administration, which aimed to promote economic development through demographic management. Central to this initiative was the establishment of the Commission on Population (POPCOM), tasked with studying demographic phenomena and crafting policy recommendations (Herrin 2002). While efforts to curtail population growth dated back to 1967, they intensified under Martial Law, with the government promoting contraception and sterilization, often in partnership with international agencies. This aggressive stance was further legitimized by the 1973 Constitution, which emphasized the State’s responsibility to achieve and maintain population levels that are most conducive to national welfare (Akhter 1989). In contrast, the Catholic Church consistently opposed such measures on ethical and moral grounds. The UCCP, however, took its stand based on traditional Christian ethics, stating:

For countless centuries, man lived a precarious existence upon the earth. He was threatened with extinction by wild animals, by famine, by pestilence, by disease, and by war. It is only within the last two centuries that overpopulation or the population explosion has become a threat to human beings. At least, the command God gave to Adam and Eve has been fulfilled: Be fruitful, and multiply, replenish the earth.

(PS02)

The 1974 statement took a more nuanced position, affirming the importance of moral discernment within marriage. It declared, “Whether marital sex relations shall serve the need for companionship or also the claim of parenthood depends on the concrete circumstances of the marriage at a given time” (PS02).

Rather than endorsing state-imposed reproductive targets, the UCCP emphasized individual responsibility and pastoral care, positioning the Church in subtle opposition to authoritarian approaches while upholding ethical autonomy. Upon closer examination, the UCCP espoused a progressive position that aligns with liberal ideologies, which destigmatize those who seek the benefits of medical science.

In its physical purpose, marriage offers a means to marital companionship for the expression of love and the nourishment of the one-flesh marriage union, and also a means for the majority of couples to express their love and fulfill their union in procreation (Gen 1:28). Through the gifts of medical science, these ends are more clearly seen to be separable in God’s intent. Both contribute to the completeness of the marital union, but neither is subordinated to the other.

(PS02)

This perspective stands in contrast to the 1973 pastoral letter issued by the Catholic Church, which focused less on population growth itself and more on the systemic injustices surrounding the allocation and distribution of resources (Catholic Bishop of the Philippines 1973). While both churches recognized the complexity of the issue, the UCCP interpreted population control not from a strictly conservative view, but as a matter of individual moral agency. It advocated educating couples with accurate information to empower their moral discernment. The UCCP also subtly critiqued the top-down approach of state agencies implementing national birth control programs, noting them as technocratic and coercive.

These programs were legitimized by the 1973 Constitution, which emphasized the state’s obligation to maintain population levels conducive to national welfare. The Church, by contrast, asserted moral agency and resisted authoritarian control over family life and reproductive choices. Even within a conservative theological framework, the Church’s response reflected a quiet but principled opposition to the state’s coercive methods.

While overpopulation is a great danger to the nation as a whole, too many babies may be catastrophic for an individual family. It may frustrate the possibility of further education for the father; it may ruin the mother’s health or sanity; and it may make it impossible for the children to receive the care and education that will enable them to develop their God-given capacities and be assets to society.

(PS02)

The statement further underscores the role of medical knowledge in empowering ethical decision-making:

The new knowledge of reproduction and contraception underscores the responsibility of the couple to make parenthood or its postponement matters of ethical and caring decisions.

(PS02)

The pastoral statement emphasizes the importance of actively engaging with communities to educate and support the less privileged. It encourages collective reflection to promote a genuine concern for the poor without moralizing or shaming those seeking progress. Furthermore, it acknowledges that advancements in science and medicine must always be grounded in ethics and compassion:

For positive efforts by competent persons in giving sound family planning information and materials to underprivileged families who come to church-related hospitals, clinics, community centers, and other social agencies. This counsel would be given as a matter of routine, as other needs are met.

(PS02)

The 1974 “Statement on Responsible Parenthood and Family Planning” reflects a dual perspective. Specifically, it upholds conservative values by affirming marriage, family, and moral responsibility while also adopting a socially progressive stance by endorsing contraception, ethical freedom, and public education. In the context of Martial Law, this statement offered a thoughtful and socially responsive alternative to the government’s coercive population policies (Akhter 1989; Herrin 2002). It demonstrates how religious institutions can adapt their teachings to address contemporary challenges while remaining true to their ethical foundations.

Two years after the declaration of Martial Law in 1972, the UCCP began issuing statements that, while still measured, increasingly reflected growing concern over the socio-political climate in the country. One of the earliest and most telling signs of this shift appeared in the Church’s critique of economic exploitation and the unchecked rise in multinational corporations. Although not a direct indictment of the Marcos regime, these statements hinted at the structural inequalities and authoritarian tendencies embedded in state policies.

We are alarmed by the rapid growth of multinational corporations in the Philippines. We are particularly concerned about the adverse effect of the Philippine-Japan Treaty of Commerce and Navigation. We therefore call on the appropriate authorities and knowledgeable citizens to be most vigilant and to share their thinking as widely as possible, so that the people can participate in making decisions that affect their livelihood and their future.

(PS03)

Additionally, the 1978 Epistle to the Christians of Today articulated the Church’s critique of unfair labor practices, lack of public consultation, and environmental degradation that reflected a political climate more concerned with attracting foreign investment than upholding the rights and welfare of Filipino workers.

The preferential treatment accorded multi-national Corporations resulting in the exploitation of our natural resources for the benefit of these foreign interests; and the irreparable damage inflicted on our environment due to the uncontrolled operations of agricultural and industrial corporations.

(PS08)

These critiques implicitly highlighted the authoritarian nature of the regime, which encouraged economic development at the cost of democratic participation and environmental stewardship (Overholt 1986; Youngblood 1990). Alongside its economic critiques, the UCCP also began to express alarm over the increasing politicization and subservience of the military under Martial Law. The Church lamented the erosion of military professionalism and its transformation from an apolitical safeguard of the Republic into a tool of oppression. However, the military has become subservient to Marcos Sr.’s authority, stripping off its intended role as an apolitical force of the state. This concern is articulated more explicitly in a 1974 statement, which tactfully raises the need for electoral integrity and freedom of speech:

Announcement has been made that there might be another referendum within a month or two. Whenever it may be and whatever the issues are, we request the President that he reassures us that there is freedom of speech so that voters can discuss the issues intelligently. Our people should be encouraged to speak out their minds candidly. Furthermore, to help give maximum assurance to our people that fairness and freedom are truly respected, we suggest to the President that the conduct of the coining referendum be entrusted to an independent body composed of citizens whose integrity is beyond reproach, such as the retired justices of the Supreme Court.

(PS03)

This appeal, while cautious, shows the Church’s deep unease with the shrinking space for democratic deliberation and growing authoritarianism. While early statements were pastoral and tentative, by 1978, the UCCP began issuing more forthright declarations of systemic injustice. The Epistle to the Christians of Today captures this transition with moral clarity:

Under the regime of Martial Law, the military has a big hand in the carrying out of government programs. We pray that they will have the strength equal to the task. We are deeply concerned by the fact that many of those being detained have not been charged in court. We appeal for a more speedy dispensation of justice. Furthermore, we express disapproval of any maltreatment of citizens, believing that every individual, however lowly and humble he may be, is a child of the Heavenly Father.

(PS08)

The violation of basic human rights of the greater majority of our people, including the right of food, clothing and shelter; The enslavement of the greater majority of our people, producing crippled beings, not creatures of God, enmeshed in a culture of silence.

(PS03)

The phrase “culture of silence” evokes not only repression by the state but also the Church’s own prior complicity through inaction. This marks a significant shift from neutral moralism to active confession. The Church’s evolution started with its 1975 Statement on Cultural Communities Affairs, where sin is framed not just as individual wrongdoing but as institutionalized oppression:

The Church makes a firm stand against forces of underdevelopment, especially among the cultural communities. Such a condition is sin and people manipulating such factors to further their greed at the expense of the people are sinners in any language.

(PS05)

The UCCP clearly aligns itself with liberationists by acknowledging systemic sin and naming oppressors. This reflects a maturation in opposing structures that dehumanizes, eventually reaching its peak in 1978 The Statement on the Mindanao Situation which explicitly calls the Church to stand with the oppressed:

Church take a firm stand in its concern for justice for both Christians and other cultural communities, thus paving the way for development.

To stand for and with the Muslims as a people searching for their identity and direction in history; to assist in the process of building-up a people in their struggle for peace where genuine dialogue can take place on an equal relationship between the oppressor and the oppressed.

(PS07)

Theologically, this echoes the biblical Exodus, a movement from bondage to liberation:

Only when the Body of Christ moves from its position of status quo to its high calling for exodus based on its vision for the last quarter of the century can it be transformed and transforming as well.

(PS07)

This call to exodus signals the Church’s decisive break from passive coexistence with authoritarian rule toward active participation in social transformation (Cartagenas 2015; Holden 2014; Reyes 2018). From 1974 to 1978, the UCCP’s pastoral statements reveal a steady progression from cautious observation to courageous confrontation. Initially focused on moral appeals and institutional integrity, the Church gradually embraced a liberationist posture by identifying structural sin, aligning with marginalized communities, and confronting the excesses of Martial Law. Nonetheless, this transformation was not immediate nor uniform. The early restraint, while understandable under an authoritarian regime, may have inadvertently legitimized state violence and corruption. Scholars such as (Demeterio 2012; Thompson 2023a) warn that excessive caution in such contexts can contribute to the normalization of injustice. Yet, the later pronouncements reveal a Church that learned from its silence and eventually chose to speak with clarity and conviction.

On closer look, the UCCP’s initial response to the declaration of Martial Law in 1972 can be understood within the context of its conservative institutional orientation and the internal divisions among its leaders and members. Like the CBCP, which initially welcomed the stability Martial Law promised amidst national unrest, the UCCP also refrained from outright condemnation. Instead, it adopted a cautious stance, offering pastoral statements that emphasized peace, order, and prayers for human dignity, an approach reflective of what scholars describe as critical cooperation with the regime (Rigos 1975; Thompson 2023a; Youngblood 1978). This is particularly evident during the early years of Martial Law, where many church leaders across denominations practiced a “wait and see” approach, hopeful that the regime would stabilize national governance. However, growing distrust of the Marcos administration’s authoritarianism, systemic injustice, and human rights abuses began to erode this cooperative posture. By the mid- to late-1970s, a shift within both Catholic and Protestant churches became more visible. Some members, including liberal and activist factions within and outside UCCP, refused to remain silent in the face of escalating repression (Rigos 1975; Youngblood 1978). While the UCCP as an institution avoided direct denunciation of the regime, several of its six public political statements subtly expressed concern over military abuse, lack of due process, environmental degradation, and economic exploitation.

This dynamic of institutional restraint amid growing grassroots dissent reflects what Barry (2006) has termed “conservative church reformism.” The Church hierarchy largely maintained a cautious and measured approach, hoping to preserve ecclesiastical unity and avoid direct confrontation. Meanwhile, more progressive voices within the Church began to challenge the legitimacy of Martial Law, particularly as state violence intensified and civil liberties deteriorated. As Youngblood (1978) points out, the conservative tendencies of the institutional church, reinforced by authoritarian decrees, compelled state actors to monitor church activities closely. Despite this surveillance, UCCP liberals and lay activists continued to speak out, often using the limited channels available to voice opposition.

This internal tension between conservative restraint and prophetic resistance came to a head following the assassination of Senator Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Jr. in 1983. Although UCCP did not explicitly condemn Martial Law in its early statements, the political climate shifted dramatically after Aquino’s death (Aquino 1984; Bello 2007; Caralde 2016). As Thompson (2023b) observes, it was not only the brutal nature of the assassination that provoked outrage, but the fact that it targeted a prominent member of the elite, in broad daylight, symbolizing the regime’s utter disregard for legal norms. This moment became a catalyst for broader ecclesiastical opposition, including more explicit engagement from previously hesitant institutions like the UCCP.

Despite the absence of an overt institutional denunciation of Martial Law from UCCP during its peak years, the statements from 1973 to 1979 reveal a posture of quiet resistance. These pastoral communications expressed concern over authoritarian governance, state militarization, suppression of civil liberties, and socio-economic inequality. While not confrontational, the statements reflected efforts to preserve institutional autonomy through calls for legal safeguards, due process, and independent electoral oversight. The subtle statements allowed the UCCP to function as a moderate institutional resistor, operating within the limited margins of acceptable dissent and contributing to the preservation of civil society space during a period of intense state centralization.

This positioning aligns with Demeterio’s (2012) ideological spectrum, which classifies the UCCP’s early Martial Law stance as falling within “conservative authoritarianism.” However, a closer analysis of its language and political implications suggests an evolving resistance that was shaped by both internal theological reflection and external socio-political pressures. The shift from pastoral diplomacy to structural critique is evident in the 1978 Epistle to the Christians of Today, which spoke of enslavement, violation of basic human rights, and a culture of silence, all of which point to a growing willingness to confront the regime’s abuses.

Further, insights from Nilsson and Jost (2020) help contextualize the ideological behavior of religious institutions under authoritarian rule. They argue that authoritarianism is context-dependent, shaped by societal conventions and obedience to dominant authority figures. Within this framework, institutional conservatism may function to justify existing systems, not necessarily out of direct ideological alignment, but often due to risk aversion or the absence of viable alternatives. Their research also emphasizes that although authoritarianism and conservatism often intersect, the two are not identical. Not all conservatives are authoritarian, and certain authoritarian tendencies may arise less from right-leaning ideology than from a broader inclination to submit to power structures perceived as legitimate. This nuance helps explain the UCCP’s gradual evolution. While the Church began with a conservative orientation, divided leadership, and institutional caution, it eventually adopted a more critical stance, especially as conditions worsened and external legitimacy for the regime began to wane. The UCCP’s later statements reflect a maturation, where sin is understood not merely as personal failing, but as structural oppression, aligning with the liberationist notion of the Church’s duty to stand with the marginalized. By naming structural sin, aligning with oppressed communities, and cautiously confronting authoritarian abuses, the UCCP ultimately fulfilled its role as a moral witness during a time of fear and repression. Yet, this transformation was neither immediate nor absolute. Its early hesitation underscores the inherent tension that churches face when balancing spiritual care with political responsibility. Nevertheless, the Church’s later declarations reaffirm an essential conviction, that in order to remain faithful to the gospel, the Church must speak truth to power even when that truth is costly and dangerous.

2.2. UCCP’s Ideologies During the Marcos Jr. Administration

Thirty-six years after the fall of the Marcos Sr. regime, history took a pivotal turn with the electoral victory of his namesake, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., in the 2022 Philippine presidential election. This return to power marked not only a political realignment but also reawakened longstanding anxieties over the legacies of dictatorship, impunity, and disinformation (Heydarian 2022; Talamayan 2021; Teehankee 2023). Within this context, the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) has emerged as a consistently critical voice, issuing 27 pastoral statements from June 2022 to April 2025. These statements are all political in nature, addressing a wide array of issues including transitional justice, the enduring legacy of the Duterte administration, the policies of Marcos Jr., threats to human rights and defenders, the integrity of electoral democracy, and persistent injustices affecting women, workers, indigenous peoples, and the environment.

The ideological orientation of the UCCP during the Marcos Jr. administration maintained its moderately progressive ideology, demonstrating a careful balance between the necessity for change and the advantages of the existing political order. This perspective is supported by the discourse analysis conducted by Gopez and Demeterio (2022), In earlier years prior to pandemic period, the UCCP showed a moderate commitment to addressing injustice and state violence, but its ideological stance transformed into a more liberal-libertarian approach during the pandemic period which placed the UCCP at the crossroads of liberalism and progressivism, while also deliberately distancing itself from both authoritarian accommodation and revolutionary radicalism prior to the pandemic.

This moderate progressive frame remains visible in the UCCP’s critiques of Marcos Jr.’s governance, particularly in light of Heydarian’s (2022) assertion that the early years of Marcos Jr.’s presidency have been marked by a liminal authoritarian regression. The state exhibits a facade of democratic processes alongside autocratic practices by situating the Philippines within what comparative politics scholars describe as a hybrid or electoral autocracy, although recent analyses suggest that Marcos Jr. has not yet displayed overt authoritarian tendencies (Heriot 2025). These contemporary observations echo longer-term critiques of the country’s incomplete democratic transition, such as the unresolved questions of national identity, the persistence of a politicized military, chronic failures in electoral governance, and the resilience of oligarchic clans (Miranda et al. 2011). This contradiction underscores the need for a nuanced political evaluation. For instance, the Global State of Democracy Framework highlights mid-range democratic performance of the Philippines in representation, rights, and participation, but persistent weaknesses in rule of law, civil society, and anti-corruption measures, even as electoral participation remains robust (International IDEA 2025). Freedom House’s (2025) classification of the Philippines as “partly free” reflects this ambivalence wherein formal institutions endure, but they are increasingly undermined by disinformation, elite capture, and weak accountability. Within this contested landscape, Marcos Jr.’s restrained approach toward urgent concerns, particularly his silence on Duterte-era human rights abuses, raises alarms about the gradual erosion of democratic accountability.

The UCCP emphasizes the urgent need for accountability, as demonstrated by its pastoral statement regarding the arrest of former president Duterte and its ongoing commitment to addressing the legacy of human rights violations (see

Table 1. UCCP pastoral statement on Duterte’s arrest.

Code

Statement

PS34

The fate of Rodrigo Duterte serves as a significant cautionary tale for those who would dare to misuse their authority. The Scriptures present a stern admonition in Exodus 22:22–24. “One must not subject any widow or orphan to mistreatment. If you choose to mistreat them, and they raise their voices in distress, I will undoubtedly heed their pleas. My anger will ignite, and I shall bring forth retribution upon you, resulting in your wives becoming widows and your children left without a father.” We implore our authorities to let justice run its course. We beseech our constituents to maintain a watchful and resolute stance in our faith and prayers, trusting that justice will soon be delivered to the victims. In support of the thousands of victims of terror and violence, we join the cry for justice and accountability.

). This focus includes shedding light on unresolved extrajudicial killings associated with the drug war, the persistent red-tagging of church leaders, and the ongoing perjury charges against clergy members, all of which signify a broader systemic issue. The UCCP’s persistent advocacy suggests that it views the Marcos Jr. administration not as a departure from the past, but rather as a continuation of an entrenched cycle of impunity that spans from the Marcos Sr. dictatorship, through Duterte’s authoritarian governance, and into the current political landscape. The Church’s frequent references to Martial Law and the abuses of the past, particularly in its official responses to President Marcos Jr.’s State of the Nation Addresses, election results, and calls for justice and human rights, underscore its steadfast refusal to separate contemporary issues from their historical context. For the UCCP, engaging with the Marcos Jr. presidency means confronting a legacy, not merely addressing an individual leader.

The pastoral statements (see

Table 2. UCCP pastoral statements on democracy and accountability.

Code	Statement
PS18	Latest nuisance suit is another vain effort to further their persecution of Church leaders by putting the lives of bishops, church workers, and members in danger by prejudice, misrepresentation, incitement to hatred and filing of baseless charges, coupled with malicious red-tagging. We urge our Church members to thwart the destructive schemes of those who have filed the perjury case with the apparent goading of the State and its agencies and forces who are intolerant of dissent and afraid of the truth. Pray for our Church’s leaders and members, whose lives are in danger and whose personal and family lives are ruined by reckless and ill-motivated accusations of criminal acts.
PS29	Psalm 82:3–4 calls us to “Defend the weak and the fatherless; uphold the cause of the poor and the oppressed. Rescue the weak and the needy; deliver them from the hand of the wicked.” In this spirit, we, the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP), raise our collective voice to demand the immediate release of Ptr. Jimie Teves Sr., Jodito Montesino, Jaypee Romano, Jasper Aguyong, Rogen Sabanal, Rodrigo Sabanal, Rodrigo Medez, and Elesio Andress, also known as the Himamaylan 7. These individuals have been wrongfully imprisoned, falsely accused, and subjected to ongoing persecution for their unwavering commitment to genuine land reform, social justice for the national minorities, and lasting peace. Let us not passively witness their plight but actively work and pray for their release, for the strength and perseverance of their families, and for the restoration of truth and justice in our land. We believe that God is a God of justice, mercy, and truth, and we trust that, in time, those who seek to do His will and stand with the oppressed will be vindicated. These actions are not just attacks on the truth but also direct assaults on the Church’s mission to serve the oppressed, as Christ Himself did. As UCCP, we stand as a beacon of light in the darkness, proclaiming: injustice will not prevail.
PS34	The fate of Rodrigo Duterte serves as a significant cautionary tale for those who would dare to misuse their authority. The Scriptures present a stern admonition in Exodus 22:22–24. “One must not subject any widow or orphan to mistreatment. If you choose to mistreat them, and they raise their voices in distress, I will undoubtedly heed their pleas. My anger will ignite, and I shall bring forth retribution upon you, resulting in your wives becoming widows and your children left without a father.” We implore our authorities to let justice run its course. We beseech our constituents to maintain a watchful and resolute stance in our faith and prayers, trusting that justice will soon be delivered to the victims. In support of the thousands of victims of terror and violence, we join the cry for justice and accountability.
PS10	For his first 100 days in office, we expect the incoming president to listen to the voice and heed the urgent demands of the most vulnerable and oppressed sectors of our society: the poor and disadvantaged farmers of the land, the exploited workers, the dispossessed urban poor families, the overburdened migrant workers, the browbeaten fisherfolks, the deprived youth and the ill-treated women in society. “Speak up for those who cannot speak for themselves, for the rights of all who are destitute.” Speak up and judge fairly; defend the rights of the poor and needy” (Proverbs 31:8–9).
PS11	In the past, we have not only seen and heard, but more so experienced first-hand the atrocities committed by our leaders especially during the Martial Law years under the Ferdinand E. Marcos Sr. presidency. Because of this, your people painfully learned the lessons of oppression and tyranny leading us to decide to put an end to such leadership through your inspiration and power, peacefully wielded by your people through the People Power revolution. perhaps we have forgotten the lessons of the past, for if the recently-conducted elections were truly without fraud, we can say that we have chosen the son and namesake of the oppressive and tyrannical leader of our country’s Martial Law years to now lead us. Forgive us, dear God, for forgetting the precious lessons of the past, for not being able to enlighten and fully guard the hearts and minds of our sons and daughters and thereby allowing them to be exposed to lies and distortions of truth, leading them to choose again another Marcos who believes that the time of his father’s leadership, those years that we were under Martial Law, was a “Golden Age” of our country’s prosperity, a great lie perpetuated to distort and change the truth. We ask for courage to be able to continue to speak out the truth in behalf of those who cannot speak for themselves and, as the prophet Isaiah strongly reminds us, to fast by loosing the chains of injustice, untying the cords of the yoke and setting the oppressed free.
PS12	Within the perspective of recent history where popularity of political leaders from dynastic families and rising into the top positions of the country, the majority of youth lack of adequate knowledge and understanding of the dark years of Martial Law from 1972 to 1986, allowed the proliferation of fantasy coated perception of the realities contingent on the Philippine society. The state’s tendencies to revert back to repressive and totalitarian governance, should make the Church vigilant and enable the Church members to hold fast to their faith imperatives along with the principles of international human rights law, affirm and emphasized the necessity of such a universal framework of legal accountability for the violation of human dignity and rights. Despite our staunch advocacy for respect and protection of human rights and upholding human dignity both past and present, there still exists violations, such as illegal arrests, red-tagging, and various forms of denigration of the Church, its leaders, church workers and the laity. In the purview of the continuing state policies from Duterte to Marcos Jr. government, the Church decry and laments these prevailing situations:
PS14	What is concerning is the alignment of these voices with the coercive and tyrannical powers in society, which proves to us the continuing existence of the clerico-fascist attacks reminiscent of Martial Rule as imposed 50 years ago today (21 September 1972).
PS21	President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and his family have been living extravagant lifestyles for the past 11 months while the majority of Filipinos wallow in extreme poverty and hunger as a result of skyrocketing inflation, low wages, and insufficient social services. Without taking tangible steps to end long-standing abuse patterns and ensure justice for previous human rights crimes, President Marcos’ talks lack credibility. He needs to show more than just platitudes about democracy and the rule of law. President Marcos needs to do more than just issue statements about democracy and the rule of law to demonstrate a genuine commitment to human rights. Hitherto, all his election campaign promises remain to be empty rhetoric and his avowals mere bombast words. Marcos Jr’s initiative to achieve genuine and long-lasting peace has not yet been seen. As of yet, there has been no evidence of the government’s willingness to pursue peace negotiations with the NDFP as a viable option for bringing about peace and stability in the nation. Instead, he has carried on his predecessor’s harsh counter-insurgency campaign to crush resistance and prop up power. The Marcos Jr. government has, in fact, bolstered its red-tagging against perceived enemies and critics.
PS23	This 21st of September 2023, we join the nation in commemorating the 51st year of the Declaration of Martial Law. The nightmarish experiences of one-man rule taught us to defend and value democracy and declare that never again should our civil liberties be imperiled, our human dignity violated and human life desecrated. In the same statement was emphasized that UCCP is against the perpetuation of a one-man rule in the country; that it is for the immediate restoration of all the civil and political liberties of the citizens; and that it is for the immediate dismantling of the machinery of Martial Law in the country. Our faith in the God of justice and peace is the strong foundation of our ethical response we have been expressing in the many challenging historical junctures of our society and the world. More so, we admonish our faith communities to keep abreast of the laws and the State’s instrumentalities violative of the constitutional rights, civil liberties, equity and social justice. We have been subjected to the Anti-Terrorism Law (ATL) implemented by the various departments of the government particularly by the Department of Defense, the Department of Justice, the AFP and the NTF-ELCAC. This embodies the “One Nation Approach” an inti-insurgency strategy that is now being strengthened by additional funding by the various government offices such as the Department of Education, and other branches of government. All these are vestiges of Martial Law that still remain in our country and these will continue to be used to persecute and oppress persons, institutions and organizations that are critical of government policies. However, victims and survivors do their share of advocacy for protection of human rights, and giving humanitarian services to marginalized communities and struggling sectors of society.
PS25	As the country marks the 52nd anniversary of the imposition of Martial Law, the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) joins the Filipino people in commemorating this historic day. The UCCP restates its conviction that Martial Law is fundamentally bad. It blatantly disregards the rule of law, democracy, human rights, and justice, amply demonstrating a corrupt system of government. In the face of repressive systems that oppress people and violate their inalienable rights to live in peace and completeness, the UCCP never wavers in its prophetic mission. The UCCP Constitution and By-Laws, Article II, Section 5, Declaration of Principles, states that “the fundamental values of love, justice, truth, and compassion are at the heart of our witness to the world and our service to the Church. As a well-known hymn tells us, let us “learn the lessons of the past and not repeat history.” Although foreign dominance and colonization have played a significant role in our history, it is also a tale of rebellion and fight against oppression. History can teach us important lessons that we can apply to our decisions and actions in the present when we see it through the eyes of faith.

) highlight a persistent trend of impunity and repression. In connection to the heed for accountability against the former president Duterte, the statement calls Marcos Jr.’s silence regarding abuses from the Duterte era and his symbolic rehabilitation of authoritarianism. The UCCP critiques the Marcos Jr. administration not merely as a new presidency but as one that inherits and perpetuates legacies of impunity, disinformation, and historical distortion. This is exemplified by the burial of Marcos Sr. at the Libingan ng mga Bayani and the political trajectory that facilitated Marcos Jr.’s rise to power, elements that the UCCP views as part of a broader orchestration of historical distortion. This perspective is echoed by Talamayan (2021) and Teehankee (2023), who discuss the Marcos-Duterte alliance during the 2022 elections that resulted in a sweeping victory, capturing 59% of the vote, significantly bolstered by digital propaganda that reimagined Marcos Sr.’s regime as the so-called Golden Age of the Philippines, alongside widespread disinformation propelling authoritarian nostalgia.

To support the statements in the ongoing repression, Church harassment, and political persecution, linking Marcos Jr.’s silence with Duterte’s legacy of militarized counterinsurgency, current threats to Church workers, communities, and human rights defenders, the evolving political landscape, and the strategy of the UCCP have also shifted (see

Table 3. UCCP pastoral statements on the 2025 elections.

Code	Statement
PS32	We must also remember the people’s demand for the prosecution of the Marcos family, accountability for their crimes, and the return of the nation’s stolen wealth. Yet, they remain unrepentant. Worse, Ferdinand Marcos Jr. was elected president despite complaints of massive election fraud and other irregularities. Once again, the people were deceived by political rhetoric about good governance—without the track record to support it. As long as corrupt politicians and government officials enrich themselves rather than serve the people—collaborating with big businesses and foreign corporations for personal gain while ordinary Filipinos suffer from poverty and inadequate public services—real change will remain elusive. As long as a few wealthy families control most of the land while many farmers and workers remain impoverished, and as long as urban laborers continue to face unjust conditions—low wages and job insecurity—wealth and power will remain concentrated in the hands of the few, while the majority of Filipinos struggle.
PS35	This election presents a vital opportunity to dismantle systems that perpetuate inequality and embrace a future built on genuine representation, particularly for marginalized and underrepresented sectors. Genuine change requires a fundamental reconfiguration of the political landscape. We must move beyond empty promises and address entrenched inequalities and injustices with concrete actions. We urge the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) to take decisive action in investigating and disqualifying bogus party-lists—especially those backed by traditional political elites or involved in red-tagging, harassment, and other electoral violations. These deceptive practices erode the integrity of the democratic process and suppress the voices of those most in need of representation. Genuine participation from marginalized communities is not only a democratic imperative—it is essential to building a just and equitable society. The United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) calls on all voters to carefully examine the platforms of candidates and to hold them accountable beyond election day. We urge you to support leaders who are genuinely committed to serving the people, upholding the Constitution, and advancing the common good—especially those who stand firmly against political dynasties and the misuse of the party-list system. The UCCP reaffirms its commitment to active political engagement—advocating for justice, peace, and a truly democratic Philippines.
PS36	Voting dynastic candidates has several negative consequences: it limits competition and accountability; concentrates power, potentially fostering authoritarianism; prioritizes personal gain over public good; exacerbates inequality; and hinders transparency and anti-corruption efforts. This concentration of power undermines democratic governance and equitable development. The hijacking of the Party-list system by traditional politicians undermines its intended purpose: to represent marginalized sectors. Instead, it becomes a tool for these politicians to consolidate power and resources, further exacerbating inequality and hindering genuine representation. Proverbs 29:2 (When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice) and Micah 6:8 (act justly and to love mercy) guide our electoral choices. As Christians, we are called to responsible citizenship, choosing leaders embodying integrity, accountability, transparency, and commitment to the common good. Matthew 25:31–46 reminds us of our responsibility to care for the least among us, extending to our political choices. We must elect leaders who champion the poor and vulnerable.

). As Crisostomo-Pilario (2022) argues, the UCCP initially engaged Duterte through peace-building, particularly around peace negotiations with insurgents. However, as Duterte’s governance became more openly repressive, the UCCP’s discourse transitioned into a more explicit witness that condones the state of impunity. This transition illustrates the moral responsibility of faith communities resisting authoritarianism (Crisostomo-Pilario 2022), a posture that not only critiques the abuse of power but envisions an alternative moral order grounded in human dignity, justice, and solidarity. Importantly, this turn is not a rupture in the UCCP’s institutional identity but a reactivation of its historical memory. Aguilan (2020) provides crucial historical context for understanding this trajectory. He notes that during the Martial Law era, the UCCP initially adopted a cautious stance, but over time it was spurred by direct repression, grassroots exposure, and theological reflection. The critical co-optation later led to strong resistance against the growing injustice and a bolder critique of authoritarianism. This history of resistance continues to shape the UCCP’s current engagements and position. The Church’s invocation of Martial Law in its statements under both Duterte and Marcos Jr. serves as a form of collective memory work, positioning the institution as a custodian of historical truth and a bulwark against authoritarian amnesia, consistent with the released statements on the Martial Law regime. The UCCP’s prayer statement regarding President Marcos Jr.’s inaugural State of the Nation Address illustrates the Church’s enduring commitment to a moderate-progressive political stance, in line with its historical trajectory. Drawing on scriptural imperatives such as Isaiah 58:6 and Proverbs 31:8–9, the prayer denounces nostalgia for authoritarianism, electoral disinformation, and social neglect. It calls on the faithful to “speak up for those who cannot speak for themselves” and to “set the oppressed free.” In alignment with this message, the statement critiques not only the Marcos Sr. regime but also underscores the rise in the party-list system as a mechanism that has been co-opted through the patronage of the authoritarian presidency, thereby undermining its intended purpose of genuine representation and advocacy for those in need. The UCCP’s pastoral responses, therefore, do not emerge in a vacuum. They are part of a historically informed, ideologically consistent, and theologically rooted resistance to systemic violence, political impunity, and historical revisionism.

In recent years, the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) has articulated its political position through its pastoral statements, which interpret national events through the lens of justice, liberationist ethics, and socio-political critique (see

Table 4. UCCP pastoral statements on justice, human dignity, and solidarity.

Code	Statement
PS13	It was the ongoing harassment and intimidation in Mindanao where UCCP was linked with communists along with the Iglesia Filipina Indepediente. In this pastoral statement, our Church continues to uphold that, “The UCCP is not, never was, and will never be a communist.” The present repression experienced by the Church from the state is alarming. It even moves now inside the circle of our church workers. The Church that trains and entrusts God’s flock is now attacked by her shepherd. The shepherd who is supposed to protect the flock from wrong teachings and expected to continue the mission of God is now allowing misinformation and allegations to destroy Christ’s identity. It causes a scattering of speculations within our community of faith that clouded our minds by forgetting our identity as a church. We are standing here like Paul, the Prophets, and Jesus Christ who are being accused with so many allegations without any proof, just because of the faith that is anchored in God’s mission. Thus, let us remember that we must be aware and mindful that no shepherd will allow its flock to be destroyed and scattered.
PS19	Despite political and economic class distinctions, the quality of life of the commoner or ordinary citizen is put into question. They, in the echelons of political and economic power assume that they represent their constituents’ interests and advocate for their needs and concerns. They do budget planning, and oversight of government agencies. It is time, an occasioned time to make amends and change; The call of laborers, employees and all those who are paid below decent living wages. Should be acted now!
PS33	Many Filipino women confront the harsh reality of systemic poverty on a daily basis. Insufficient salaries, along with the high cost of essential goods, result in families struggling to meet their most basic needs. Access to fundamental social services like healthcare, education, and adequate housing remains unattainable for many women, further intensifying their vulnerability. Widespread corruption in our government misappropriates resources that may mitigate these adversities, exacerbating the cycle of poverty and inequality. Moreover, the covert menace of human rights abuses, illustrated by the recent fabricated accusations against UCCP clergy and laypersons in Southern Tagalog, renders women vulnerable to violence, discrimination, and exploitation. These injustices against advocates for the vulnerable constitute a direct assault on the fundamental structure of our society. The fortitude and bravery exhibited by these women, reflecting the resilience of women in the Bible, motivate us to persist in our struggle. Call to address the roots of the armed conflict: We urged the government of the Philippines and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines to go back to the negotiation table to address the deep-seated issues fueling conflict in the country. Let this International Women’s Day be a day of renewed commitment to building a more just and compassionate Philippines, a commitment fueled by the memory of those who fought and died for this very ideal, and inspired by the enduring strength of women throughout history and faith. The UCCP remains steadfast in its unwavering commitment to pursuing justice and abundant life for all.
PS31	Many Filipinos lack access to affordable healthcare, education, and social services, making it harder for them to escape poverty even in times of economic growth. This is exacerbated by natural disasters and climate change. The Philippines’ vulnerability to typhoons, earthquakes, and other natural disasters disrupts livelihoods and disproportionately affects the poor, undermining economic growth at the local level. As concerned Christians, we cannot turn a blind eye to the cries of the poor. The Scripture reminds us: “Whatever you did for one of the least of these brothers and sisters of mine, you did for me” (Matthew 25:40). This is a time for action, compassion, and solidarity. We must challenge the structures of oppression and advocate for a society that values justice and upholds the dignity of every human person. To the faithful, we urge you to embody Christ’s love by caring for one another, especially the least among us. Support community-based initiatives, advocate for fair labor practices, and share your resources with those in need. Let us stand united in demanding systemic changes and fostering a culture of justice, equity, and compassion.
PS26	The Church acknowledges the systemic oppression that Indigenous Peoples have faced, including displacement, militarization, and the exploitation of their resources by corporations and state actors. The prophetic accounts in the Old Testament denounce systemic injustice and exploitation, as reflected in Isaiah 10:1–2: “Woe to those who make unjust laws, to those who issue oppressive decrees, to deprive the poor of their rights and withhold justice from the oppressed of my people, making widows their prey and robbing the fatherless.” Amos 5:24 challenges us with the words, “But let justice roll down like water and righteousness like an ever-flowing stream.” These scriptures challenge the Church to confront the injustices experienced by Indigenous Peoples, including land dispossession, discrimination, and cultural suppression. As the UCCP marks October as Indigenous Peoples Solidarity Month and designates every third Sunday as Indigenous Peoples’ Sunday, we urge all churches, faith communities, and civil society organizations to advocate for the rights and welfare of Indigenous Peoples. Together, we must raise awareness, promote dialogue, and support initiatives that uphold the dignity and rights of our Indigenous brothers and sisters. As we stand with them, we pray for the day when justice and peace prevail in their communities, allowing them to live in harmony with their land, free from exploitation and oppression. In the spirit of faith and solidarity, we will continue to walk with Indigenous Peoples on their journey toward liberation, justice, and healing until all people experience life in its fullness.
PS28	The United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) is deeply saddened by the reality that many Filipinos have lost their homes, livelihoods, lives, and even hope for a better future. This situation highlights that the most vulnerable among us are disproportionately affected by these calamities. We extend our heartfelt gratitude to our local churches and conferences that have initiated relief operations to respond to the urgent needs of our brothers and sisters affected by the storm. However, our call for accountability from our government remains steadfast, particularly regarding the lack of disaster preparedness and risk mitigation planning. Delayed disaster responses, especially in rescue efforts, expose the deep-rooted neglect within our systems and the urgent need for change.
PS30	We join the expressions of support extended to her and her family, from Philippine and Indonesian advocates, and the international community. We remember Mary Jane Veloso’s prolonged years in Indonesia. Holy One, with the lighting of Advent candles, we also ignite our prayers for Mary Jane Veloso and her family. Accept these candle-prayers. Even as the world awaits the labors of these migrants, we affirm their dignity, in asserting the promotion and protection of their human rights, throughout their migration journeys. While waiting for loans and paperwork, migrants also look forward to providing for their families’ daily needs and dreams. Waiting for their next meals, clean homes, child and elder care, families of foreign domestic workers labor for their family-employers. Waiting for their next meals and products, gig drivers deliver for these appetites. While anticipating their next port of call, seafarers service ships and vessels. Ready for the fashion and technology trends, factory workers strive for the consumers. Building everything from ships to skyscrapers to sporting arenas, construction workers and engineers connect people and places.

). These pronouncements represent a shift from isolated interventions to an integrated praxis, where reflection informs ethical engagement and political responsibility. For instance, the 2023 Labor Day statement invokes scriptural texts such as James 5:4 and Amos 5:11 to affirm the dignity of workers and critique exploitative economic systems. The 2025 International Women’s Day message grounds gender justice. Similarly, its 2024 Indigenous Peoples’ Month declaration denounces land dispossession and militarization, integrates stewardship (Genesis 2:15) and justice (Isaiah 1:17), reflecting postcolonial and contextual commitments. The Church’s 2024 call for disaster accountability reframes environmental neglect as political violence and structural sin. Its 2025 statement on Mary Jane Veloso situated migration and incarceration of solidarity underscoring the Church’s advocacy for the marginalized.

The Church’s focus on critical issues such as environmental degradation, disinformation, and the erosion of democratic principles represents a significant expansion of the church mission. These challenges are not merely social concerns; they are profound crises where systemic harm and moral decay converge, affecting the very fabric of society. In addressing these issues, the UCCP critiques not only state inaction but also the deeper structural injustices that underpin these societal failures. The UCCP pastoral statements articulate a stance that is both contextually relevant and courageously assertive. It underscores the idea that structural imbalance is not an isolated problem; rather, it is intricately linked to the broader decline of democratic values. This erosion is largely backed up by the elite, whose influence and interests perpetuate inequity and unfair practices, further exacerbating social disparities. Through its bold pronouncements, the UCCP calls for a collective awakening to these interconnected crises and advocates for a renewed commitment to justice, equity, and environmental stewardship. The UCCP’s ideological stance under the Marcos Jr. administration reaffirms its moderate-progressive identity. It strategically resists authoritarianism while maintaining institutional credibility. Grounded in historical memory (Aguilan 2020), animated by prophetic witnessing (Crisostomo-Pilario 2022), and sharpened through nuanced ideological reflection (Gopez and Demeterio 2022), the UCCP positions itself not merely as a spiritual institution but as a transformative agent of justice, historical accountability, and democratic witness. Through its pastoral statements, the Church calls for intergenerational resistance, urging its members to confront the repetition of authoritarian logics and to engage actively in safeguarding truth, justice, and participatory democracy.

2.3. The UCCP’s Political Ideology Under Marcos Sr. and Marcos Jr. Through the Lens of Demeterio’s Modified Spectrum

The political role of religious institutions during periods of authoritarian governance has long been a subject of scholarly interest. In the Philippine context, the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) provides a particularly salient case for examining the intersection of theology, politics, and historical memory. This analysis employs Demeterio’s (2012) modified political spectrum to assess the ideological positioning of the UCCP under the administrations of Ferdinand Marcos Sr. (1972–1986) and Ferdinand Marcos Jr. (2022–present), tracing the Church’s evolution from conservative restraint to progressive prophetic engagement.

Under Ferdinand Marcos Sr.’s declaration of Martial Law in 1972, the UCCP initially adopted a cautious, non-confrontational posture. In its early pastoral statements (1973–1975), the Church refrained from directly criticizing the regime. Instead, it issued general appeals for peace, human dignity, and national stability. Out of nine pastoral statements issued during this period, only one made direct reference to Martial Law, and even this avoided explicitly naming the regime or its abuses. This pattern is characteristic of what Demeterio identifies as conservative authoritarianism—a position that supports the existing order while upholding social control and the authority of the state.

The early UCCP responses reflect what Barry (2006) and Youngblood (1978) describe as “critical cooperation”—a posture adopted by many religious institutions seeking to navigate the risks of authoritarian repression while preserving internal unity. Institutional survival, risk aversion, and hope for national order influenced this passive stance. Moreover, internal divisions within the UCCP further reinforced institutional conservatism, limiting its capacity for overt political engagement.

However, by the mid to late 1970s, the Church began to exhibit signs of quiet resistance. Key pastoral documents—such as the 1974 Statement on Responsible Parenthood and Family Planning and the 1978 Epistle to the Christians of Today—signaled an ideological shift. These statements critiqued state-imposed population control policies, military subservience, environmental degradation, and systemic injustices, albeit in a measured tone. While avoiding direct confrontation with the regime, these documents affirmed institutional autonomy, moral agency, and social justice.

This progression is especially evident in the Church’s evolving discourse. The 1975 Statement on Cultural Communities Affairs framed underdevelopment and social marginalization as “sin,” thereby recasting injustice not merely as a social ill but as a church concern. The 1978 Statement on the Mindanao Situation further developed the tone by invoking the Exodus narrative and calling the Church to align itself with oppressed cultural communities. These declarations marked a significant departure from conservative authoritarianism, while there were only a limited number of pastoral statements issued during the period of Martial Law, it is crucial to understand that these do not signify complicity or support for the prevailing regime. Rather, they were shaped by the restricted avenues for expressing dissent, particularly in contrast to the greater opportunities afforded by social media.

In contrast to its cautious stance under Marcos Sr., the UCCP has adopted a more assertive, prophetic role during the administration of Ferdinand Marcos Jr. Elected in 2022 amid widespread disinformation and the revisionist rehabilitation of his father’s legacy, Marcos Jr.’s presidency has been characterized by what political analysts such as Heydarian (2022) term “liminal authoritarianism”—a regime that maintains formal democratic structures while eroding civil liberties and accountability.

In response, the UCCP has issued over two dozen pastoral statements between 2022 and 2025, articulating clear positions on historical revisionism, human rights, red-tagging, environmental justice, and democratic accountability. These statements consistently denounce disinformation campaigns that whitewash the abuses of Martial Law, affirm the sanctity of historical truth, and call for the protection of marginalized communities. Unlike the subtle language of the 1970s, these more recent documents are explicit in naming systemic injustices and authoritarian tendencies, drawing upon scriptural references Isaiah 58:6 (“to loose the chains of injustice”) and Proverbs 31:8–9 (to “speak up for those who cannot speak for themselves”) as moral imperatives for resistance.

In Demetrio’s framework, this contemporary perspective aligns closely with moderate progressivism, occasionally veering towards progressive radicalism, especially in its support for grassroots movements and human rights organizations. The UCCP consistently positions itself as a moral force within civil society, actively participating in public discourse, advocating for electoral integrity, and confronting the decline of democratic norms. This engagement has been further enhanced by the rise in social media, which offers new avenues for democratic resistance against authoritarianism.

UCCP has embraced a liberationist orientation that integrates memory, justice, and historical responsibility. The emphasis on “speaking truth to power” is now central to its ecclesial identity, a significant departure from the restrained, apolitical tone of the 1970s. This shift also reflects what Nilsson and Jost (2020) describe as the context-dependence of authoritarian tendencies. The UCCP’s ideological transformation illustrates how conservative institutions can evolve into progressive agents of resistance when catalyzed by socio-political crises and theological introspection.

The ideological trajectory of the UCCP across the two Marcos administrations reveals a dynamic interplay between the Church’s conviction, institutional survival, and political responsibility. While the Church’s early response to authoritarianism under Marcos Sr. was marked by restraint and conservative authoritarianism, it gradually evolved toward quiet resistance, embracing the church’s mission by the late 1970s. Under the administration of Marcos Jr., the UCCP has demonstrated political consciousness, grounded in historical memory and public accountability. Viewed through the lens of Demeterio’s modified spectrum, the UCCP’s transformation underscores the potential of religious institutions to evolve from passive complicity to active resistance. In doing so, it highlights the enduring relevance of confronting the moral crises of both past and present authoritarian regimes (see

Table 5. Summary of Marcos Sr. vs. Marcos Jr., UCCP then and now.

Dimension	Marcos Sr. Era (1972–1986)	Marcos Jr. Era (2022–Present)
Political Environment	Military rule, suspension of civil liberties, direct repression	Electoral democracy with authoritarian regression, disinformation, red-tagging
UCCP Position	Conservative Authoritarianism → Quiet Resistance	Moderate Progressivism
Church Response	Institutional protection, quiet resistance, moral appeals	Public denunciation of injustice, advocacy for historical truth, human rights
Theological Lens	Emphasis on institutional order, indirect references to injustice	Liberationist ethics, structural sin, biblical justice
Role in Civil Society	Defensive autonomy, internal focus	Active engagement, coalition-building, prophetic witness

).

3. Materials and Methods

We analyzed pastoral statements of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) issued during the Martial Law era (21 September 1972–20 August 1983) and the first three years of the second Marcos administration (30 June 2022–5 May 2025). We sourced the statements published between 1 April and 31 May 2025 from UCCP’s official website, accessible at https://www.uccpchurch.com/. As presented in

Table 6. Pastoral statements of UCCP during the Marcos Sr. administration from 21 September 1972 to 20 August 1983.

No.	Title	Publication Date	Category	* Code
1	Emphasis of the Whole Church	7–8 December 1973	Social	PS01
2	Statement on Responsible Parenthood and Family Planning	31 May–5 June 1974	Political	PS02
3	A Statement on Martial Law and Expression of Concern on Related Issues	20 May 1974	Political	PS03
4	Statement of Petition to the United Presbyterian Church, USA Regarding the Disposition of the Property on Guerrero Street, Malate, Manila	5–7 December 1974	Social	PS04
5	Statement on Cultural Communities Affairs	19–20 May 1975	Political	PS05
6	On the Church and Development	21–26 May 1978	Social	PS06
7	On the Mindanao Situation	21–26 May 1978	Political	PS07
8	Epistle to the Christians of Today	21–26 May 1978	Political	PS08
9	Statement of Policies and/or Guidelines for Church-Related Institutions that are Incorporated as Judicial Entities of the General Assembly	12–14 July 1979	Political	PS09

* The last column served as the set of codes used as a reference for the analysis in this paper.

and

Table 7. Pastoral statements of UCCP during the Marcos Jr. administration from 30 June 2022 to 20 May 2025.

No.	Title	Publication Date	Category	* Code
1	Our Commitment to Manifest God’s Kingdom Goes On: A Pastoral Statement on the Inauguration of President-Elect Ferdinand R. Marcos Jr.	30 June 2022	Political	PS10
2	A Prayer-Statement on the 1st State of the Nation Address of President Ferdinand R. Marcos Jr. of the Council of Bishops	25 July 2022	Political	PS11
3	Let Freedom, Justice, and Peace Blossom in our Minds and in Society, Uphold Human Dignity and Protect Human Rights	21 September 2022	Political	PS12
4	Statement of Support United Church Workers Association West Visayas Jurisdiction	21 September 2022	Political	PS13
5	Pastoral Admonition to the UCCP Faithful	21 September 2022	Political	PS14
6	East Visayas Jurisdictional Area Statement on Red-Tagging of SWLC & NELBICON Church Workers	24 September 2022	Political	PS15
7	A Pastoral Statement on Continuing Solidarity with Indigenous Peoples and in Celebration of the Reformation Month	20 October 2022	Political	PS16
8	A Pastoral Statement in Commemoration of International Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and Celebration of Advent and Christmas	10 December 2022	Political	PS17
9	Statement on the Harassment of Church Leaders and Members via Perjury Case and Red-Tagging	31 January 2023	Political	PS18
10	An Ode to the Cry and Struggle for Decent Living Wages: International Labor Day	1 May 2023	Political	PS19
11	Let Freedom, Justice, and Peace Reign in Our Land: A Pastoral Statement on the Commemoration of the 125th Philippine Independence	12 June 2023	Political	PS20
12	Let the Truth be Head: A Pastoral Statement on Marcos Jr’s 2nd State of the Nation Address 2023	20 June 2023	Political	PS21
13	Statement of Solidarity: Stop the Attacks	13 July 2024	Political	PS22
14	A Pastoral Statement on the Commemoration of the 51st Year of the Declaration of Martial Law in the Philippines	21 September 2023	Political	PS23
15	A Call for Continuing Vigilance	10 December 2023	Political	PS24
16	Steadfast in Faith, Unwavering in Prophetic Mission: A Pastoral Statement on the Commemoration of the 52nd Year of the Declaration of Martial Law in the Philippines	19 September 2024	Political	PS25
17	In the Spirit of Faith and Solidarity: A Statement on the Observance of the Indigenous People’s Month	17 October 2024	Political	PS26
18	Perseverance and Hope Amidst Persecution: A Pastoral Statement on the Release of Rev. Nathaniel Vallente	30 October 2024	Political	PS27
19	Beyond Resilience: A Call for Accountability and Action in the Face of Disaster: Statement on the Series of Disasters and the Importance of Government Accountability	2 November 2024	Political	PS28
20	The Chains Shall Break: A Church’s Persistent Call for the Immediate Release of Ptr. Jimie Teves Sr. and the Himalayan 7	16 November 2024	Political	PS29
21	Burning and Blazing Candles: A Prayer for May Jane Veloso, with Migrants and their Families	18 December 2025	Political	PS30
22	A Pastoral Statement on Poverty, Corruption, and Injustice	21 January 2025	Political	PS31
23	Mind the Lesson of EDSA People’s Power as you Cast Your Votes: A Pastoral Statement on the 39th Anniversary of the EDSA People Power Revolution in the Context of 12 May 2025 Midterm Elections	24 February 2025	Political	PS32
24	Empowering Women, Arousing Change: UCCP Statement on International Women’s Day	24 February 2025	Political	PS33
25	A Cry Heard and Answered: A Statement on the Arrest of Former President Rodrigo Duterte	15 March 2025	Political	PS34
26	A Call to Justice: Statement on the 2025 Midterm Elections	16 April 2025	Political	PS35
27	A Call to Righteous Leadership: A Unity Statement of UCCP United Metropolis Church Recognized Organizations in the Midterm Elections	26 April 2025	Political	PS36

* The last column served as the set of codes used as a reference for the analysis in this paper.

, the UCCP released a total of nine (9) statements during the first Marcos administration. In contrast, it issued twenty-seven (27) statements under the second Marcos administration, which is three times the number during the Marcos Sr. era.

We classified each collected statement according to the following primary themes: (1) religious, (2) social, and (3) local and national politics. Since our study centers on the political ideologies of the UCCP, we selected only the statements categorized under local and national politics to serve as the primary texts for our analysis.

Table 8. Number of political documents released by UCCP during the Marcos Sr. regime.

Administration	Number of Documents	Number of Political Documents	Number of Political Documents Analyzed
Marcos Sr.	9	6	6
Marcos Jr.	27	27	27
Total number	36	33	33

presents the total number of political documents issued by the UCCP.

We employed the modified ideological spectrum of Demeterio (2012) as the hermeneutic lens for analyzing the thirty-three UCCP documents (see Figure 1). Originally developed by German theorist Slomp (2000), the spectrum was later modified by Demeterio in his 2012 study on the political ideologies of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) from 1968 to 2010. This ideological framework has since been utilized in various theses, dissertations, and scholarly works, including the article by Felicilda and Demeterio (2019) on F. Sionil Jose’s Rosales Saga, the article by Pascual-Capulla and Demeterio (2023) examining four works from Sining Saysay (“Martial Law in the Philippines,” “Filipinos Unite to End Martial Law,” “Ramos-Estrada Administration,” and “Restoration of Democracy Continues”), and the study by Gopez and Demeterio (2022) on the political stances of the CBCP and UCCP during the Duterte administration.

This ideological spectrum is composed of two dimensions—the x-axis and the y-axis. The x-axis describes the ideological continuum from progressive (which advocates for social transformation) to retrogressive (which reflects a desire to restore or preserve a prior sociopolitical order). The y-axis, on the other hand, maps the range from authoritarian ideologies—characterized by a high valuation of centralized state authority—to libertarian ideologies, which emphasize the primacy of individual freedoms. Similarly, this spectrum contains eight political ideologies with distinct differences, which are illustrated in

Table 9. The eight ideological positions based on the description by Gopez and Demeterio (2022).

Political Ideology	Definition	Example
1. Radical Libertarian	Favors rapid and profound progressive change while valuing freedom and the individual.	Democratic socialism based on Marxist thought where after the proletarian revolution, society is to be governed by a mass democracy.
2. Radical Authoritarian	Favors rapid and profound progressive change while valuing social control and the state.	Communist ideology based on the Leninist interpretation of Marxist thought, where after the proletarian revolution, society is to be governed by a dictatorship.
3. Liberal Libertarian	Favors calculated and controlled progressive change while valuing freedom and the individual.	Classical liberalism, which believes that the state oppresses individuals and thus its power and control must be limited.
4. Liberal Authoritarian	Favors calculated and controlled progressive change while valuing social control and the state.	Contemporary liberalism, which holds that the state is still needed to regulate and organize individual activities and initiatives.
5. Moderate	Strikes a balance between the need for change and the benefits of the current order.
6. Conservative Libertarian	Favors the current order while valuing freedom and the individual.	Ideology of right-leaning liberals in Europe and North America.
7. Conservative Authoritarian	Favors the current order while valuing social control and the state.	Fascism, as a form of right-wing authoritarianism.
8. Reactionary	Favors a retrogressive or backward-moving form of change.

.

To systematically determine the dominant political ideology reflected in the UCCP’s statements across the two historical periods under study, we employed a multi-step analytical procedure grounded in the framework of the modified ideological spectrum. First, we identified significant socio-political events that contextualize each period, providing a historical lens through which to interpret the statements. Second, we developed concise summaries of each document to capture its central themes and dominant ideologies. Third, we analyzed the position of each statement in relation to the axis of change (x-axis), assessing whether it advocates for progressive transformation or reflects a retrogressive inclination. Fourth, we examined the extent to which each statement values state authority versus individual agency, in accordance with the vertical (y-axis) dimension of the spectrum. Finally, we synthesized these interpretive assessments to characterize the prevailing ideological orientation of the UCCP in each period, thereby enabling a comparative evaluation of its political stance over time.

While Demeterio’s spectrum has already been used in analyzing pastoral statements from religious organizations, it is necessary to acknowledge the limits of this framework when applied to theological discourse. Demeterio’s spectrum, while effective for situating ecclesial pronouncements within a continuum of political ideologies, does not encompass the sacramental, ecclesiological, or pastoral dimensions that constitute the fullness of the Church’s mission. For this reason, the present analysis should be understood primarily as a political-philosophical mapping, rather than as a comprehensive theological evaluation. By making both the usefulness and the limitations of this framework explicit, the study aims to uphold methodological transparency and rigor while avoiding the reduction in theological commitments to political categories. Nevertheless, pastoral statements should be understood not only as theological expressions but also as political interventions. While they arise from a religious institution and are framed in theological language, their content often engages directly with questions of power, justice, and governance. In this sense, the UCCP’s pastoral statements operate at the intersection of faith and politics, embodying both ecclesial witness and socio-political critique.

4. Conclusions

The trajectory of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) from the Martial Law era under Ferdinand Marcos Sr. to the present administration of Ferdinand Marcos Jr. reflects a significant ideological and institutional shift. During the Marcos Sr. regime, the UCCP initially adopted a position of cautious conservatism marked by institutional restraint and limited public engagement with political matters. However, in response to escalating state violence, systemic injustice, and grassroots pressure, the Church gradually shifted toward a more prophetic stance. By the late 1970s, its pronouncements had moved from moral appeals and institutional safeguarding to the articulation of structural critique and solidarity with marginalized communities. This progressive shift has redefined the public role of the Church from being a passive moral figure to an active agent of political and social transformation.

Moreover, UCCP’s historical transformation laid the foundation for its contemporary posture under the Marcos Jr. administration. In contrast to its hesitant engagement during the early Martial Law years, the UCCP has emerged as an assertive, moderate-progressive institution. Through a consistent stream of pastoral statements, it has engaged critically with the socio-political realities of the present administration. These statements do not merely oppose authoritarian tendencies; they draw upon theological reflection, historical memory, and ethical discernment to expose the continuities of impunity, disinformation, and socio-economic marginalization across successive regimes from Marcos Sr. to Duterte, and now to Marcos Jr.

The development of the pastoral statements also posed important implications, especially in the Church’s persona and theological trajectory. First, the evolution of UCCP’s statements reveals its institutional resilience and maturation, an outcome shaped by the socio-political turmoil it encountered since the 1970s. Its transformative involvement is a testament to the Church’s survival and evolving consciousness in social realities. Second, UCCP’s pastoral statements can serve as a compelling model of how churches in the Global South and postcolonial contexts can negotiate their principled resistance without compromising their institutional identity. UCCP successfully positioned its authority for public accountability and solidarity, without forfeiting its mission and political co-optation, to challenge inequitable power structures. Third, the consistent voice of the UCCP throughout the decades demonstrates the ecclesiastical legitimacy of the Church in voicing out advocacies and being an active player in the public sphere despite its diminishing authority.

The Church’s ideological location, as identified by scholars such as Gopez and Demeterio (2022), remains rooted in a moderate-progressive framework committed to democratic accountability, human rights, and systemic justice while consciously distancing itself from both authoritarian accommodation and revolutionary extremism. Its resistance is strategic and theologically grounded, reflecting a praxis that integrates scriptural imperatives, liberationist ethics, and contextual analysis. Far from being a rupture, the UCCP’s current posture represents a deepening of its historical commitment to justice, solidarity, and prophetic witness.

Given the limitations of this study, which is confined to a descriptive analysis of pastoral statements, we underscore that our primary intent is to trace the ideological shifts in the UCCP’s pronouncements rather than to evaluate the Church’s value based on its participation in political activism. Hence, future research may extend this inquiry by examining the extent to which the UCCP’s articulated positions are translated into concrete action. This can be pursued through qualitative methods such as interviews, institutional case studies, and ethnographic fieldwork to gather deeper insights into the lived expressions of the Church’s prophetic commitments. It is also crucial to assess whether these stances are driven primarily by an internalized theological and prophetic mission or shaped, at least in part, by external political or social pressures. Furthermore, situating the Church’s praxis within its broader institutional mission—including the legacy and ideals of figures such as Martin Luther King Jr.—will help evaluate the coherence between its stated values and its lived witness.

At the same time, given that the study is grounded on Demeterio’s political-philosophical spectrum and does not engage in sustained theological or ecumenical analysis, future research may complement an approach by drawing from Catholic social teaching and Orthodox perspectives on church-state relations. This would provide comparative depth, situating the UCCP’s prophetic witness within a wider Christian tradition and opening up dialogue with broader theological discourses on ecclesial engagement in contexts of authoritarianism and democratic fragility.

While maintaining prophetic distance from centers of power, the UCCP should continue engaging in principled and critical dialogue with state institutions to advocate for human rights, democratic accountability, and structural reforms. This balanced posture affirms the Church’s historical role as a watchdog, constructively critical yet never adversarial or complicit.

The Church’s engagement with marginalized sectors, particularly laborers, women, indigenous peoples, and victims of state violence must deepen beyond rhetorical advocacy. Tangible interventions such as legal aid, psychosocial support, accompaniment, and community-based empowerment are essential. A praxis-oriented mission that integrates pastoral care with systemic transformation will affirm the UCCP’s dual identity as both sanctuary and agent of justice, further solidifying its moderate-progressive ideological position.

Future research may also move beyond purely political mapping or solely theological analysis by adopting an integrative approach to engage both religious and political frameworks that fully account for the Church’s holistic mission and its multifaceted role in society. While the ideological spectrum employed here provides a useful lens for political analysis, it relies on secular categories that may not adequately capture the Church’s sacramental and evangelizing dimensions. Frameworks such as Gaudium et Spes, Evangelii Nuntiandi, and Centesimus Annus offer valuable resources for balancing the Church’s prophetic witness with its primary mission of evangelization and sacramental life. Incorporating these perspectives lies beyond the methodological scope of the present study, but subsequent scholarship may profitably employ them to complement political-philosophical analysis and to situate the UCCP within a wider ecumenical discourse, including Catholic and Orthodox perspectives on church-state relations.

Additionally, further research should also help contextualize the ideological behavior of religious institutions under authoritarian rule. Scholars argue that authoritarianism is context-dependent, shaped by social conventions, historical memory, and patterns of obedience to dominant authority figures. Examining how these dynamics influence religious discourse and action will contribute to a deeper understanding of how institutions like the UCCP navigate the tension between resistance and political accommodation in repressive or liminal democratic regimes. Such research may also trace the UCCP’s historical trajectories, particularly during the decades between the Marcos regimes, when its prophetic outlook underwent significant transformation. By stressing the influence of ecumenical and liberationist currents, it would further clarify the sources of this shift. Scholars can also offer a fuller account of how the UCCP’s prophetic witness has been reshaped across time through the interplay of socio-political context and evolving theological commitments.

Finally, given the intensifying ecological and socio-economic crises facing the Philippines, the UCCP is encouraged to expand its theological agenda to more explicitly include environmental justice and sustainability. This could involve the development of climate justice ministries, promotion of alternative economic models, and the integration of creation care into its public theology and institutional programs.