3. Results
Table 1 and
Table 2 show means, standard deviations, and correlations of manifest fluid intelligence and conscientiousness scale scores, WLE estimates of academic competencies in reading and math, and covariates. Students, on average, gained 0.51 scale points in reading (Cohen’s
d = .39) in SC2 and 0.46 scale points in SC3 (Cohen’s
d = .37). In mathematics, the average student gained 1.01 scale points (Cohen’s
d = .87) in SC2 and 0.74 scale points in SC3 (Cohen’s
d = .61). The standard deviations, however, suggest considerable inter-individual differences in competence gains in the two- and three-year intervals.
In both samples, fluid intelligence showed statistically significant associations with later assessed competencies in reading and mathematics, with small effect sizes in SC2 and medium effect sizes in SC3. Conscientiousness was positively related to reading competencies in both samples with small effect sizes, but only very small effect sizes for mathematic competencies in SC2. Whereas fluid intelligence and conscientiousness showed a small positive association in SC2, they were not statistically significantly associated in SC3. Overall, non-academic track students scored lower in fluid intelligence and reported lower levels of conscientiousness. In contrast, students with parents having more prestigious jobs scored higher in fluid intelligence but reported lower conscientiousness. In both samples, females were found to be slightly more conscientious than males, whereas differences between boys and girls in fluid intelligence were inconsistent across samples, with girls scoring higher in SC2 but not in SC3. In the following, we first report the results of our latent change score models that included fluid intelligence, conscientiousness, and the interaction thereof (unconditional models). In the second step, we report the models that additionally included the covariates school type, gender, and parental occupational prestige (conditional models).
3.1. Predicting Reading Competence
Unconditional models. The model fits of our models including the variables of main interest in this study were acceptable in SC2 and good in SC3 (see
Table 3 and
Table 4 for model fits and parameter estimates). Across both samples, fluid intelligence was most consistently related to reading baseline levels with large effect sizes (grade 4 in SC2 and grade 7 in SC3). Furthermore, fluid intelligence predicted competence gains in reading from grades 4 to 7 (SC2) and from grades 7 to 9 (SC3) with medium effect sizes. That is, in line with Hypothesis 1, students who scored higher in fluid intelligence showed both higher baseline levels and stronger increases in reading competencies across grades. Only partly in line with Hypothesis 2, conscientiousness was associated with baseline levels of reading competence in grade 7 (SC3) with a small effect size but not in grade 4 (SC2) and did not predict reading increases in both samples.
There was only one statistically significant interaction effect: In line with Hypothesis 4, scoring higher in fluid intelligence and reporting higher scores in conscientiousness resulted in stronger gains in reading competence across time in SC3 (see
Figure 21 and
Table 4; estimates for the simple slopes were 0.36 for −1 SD in conscientiousness and 0.43 for +1 SD in conscientiousness). The effect size of the interaction effect (standardized regression coefficient of .05) was very small and considerably smaller than the main effect of fluid intelligence (B = .20), whereas the main effect of conscientiousness was statistically non-significant. The interaction effect accounted for an additional explanation of 0.1% of the variance in reading competencies. When comparing the model fits of both models,
Table 5 indicates that the model with the interaction effect fitted the data worse compared to the model without the interaction effect. Furthermore, AIC and aBIC were slightly higher in models with interaction effects. We found no evidence for an interaction effect with regard to the baseline levels of reading competence in SC3, and no interactions at all in SC2. Thus, the results do not provide much support for our hypotheses that fluid intelligence and conscientiousness may interact in predicting (gains in) reading competencies.
Conditional models. When including the covariates school type, gender, and parental occupational prestige, the specified models including baseline levels and changes in reading competencies still showed an acceptable (SC2) or good (SC3) fit with the data (see
Table 3 and
Table 4). In terms of fluid intelligence, the results remained largely unchanged. Whereas estimates reduced a little bit in size, the overall pattern was supported in that fluid intelligence was associated with both the baseline level and competence increases across both samples. Effect sizes remained large in the conditional models. In stark contrast, we found no statistically significant association of conscientiousness with reading competence in both samples when including the covariates. Additionally, the interaction effect between fluid intelligence and conscientiousness was no longer statistically significant. Across both samples, school track and parental occupational prestige were statistically significantly related to baseline levels (medium effect sizes) and predicted gains in reading competence in both samples (small effect sizes). Gender was also related to baseline levels and change in reading in SC3, with girls showing higher baseline levels in grade 7 and stronger increases in reading from grade 7 to grade 9 than boys (small effect size). Follow-up exploratory multi-group analyses pointed to a very small interaction effect in girls visiting academic school tracks in SC3 (
B = .09,
p = .015) that, however, was not statistically significant at an alpha level of α = 0.01. That is, girls, but not boys, on academic school tracks had higher reading scores when having higher scores in both fluid intelligence and conscientiousness compared to girls with lower levels of conscientiousness.
In models with covariates, the explained variance increased from 23.5/25.1% to 27/28% in SC2 and from 39.6/39.7% to 42.5/42.5% in SC3 in the baseline and interaction models, respectively.
3.2. Predicting Mathematic Competence
Unconditional models. The model fits of our models including fluid intelligence, conscientiousness, and mathematic competencies were acceptable in SC2 and good in SC3 (see
Table 6 and
Table 7 for model fits and parameter estimates). Very much in line with what we found for reading competence, fluid intelligence was most consistently related to mathematic baseline levels (grade 4 in SC2 and grade 7 in SC3) and furthermore predicted competence gains in mathematics from grades 4 to 7 (SC2) and from grades 7 to 9 (SC3) with large effect sizes. That is, in line with Hypothesis 1, students who scored higher in fluid intelligence showed both higher baseline levels and stronger increases in mathematic competencies across grades. Additionally, in line with the results for reading competence, conscientiousness was neither associated with mathematic competence baseline levels nor changes in SC2. However, conscientiousness was associated with mathematic competencies at baseline in grade 7 (SC3) and predicted change in mathematic competencies from grade 7 to grade 9 (SC3) with small effect sizes. Thus, Hypothesis 2 can be confirmed in higher grades in SC3 but not in SC2. In both samples, we found no evidence for an interaction effect of fluid intelligence and conscientiousness on mathematic competence.
Conditional models. When including the covariates, model fits remained acceptable (SC2) or good (SC3, see
Table 6 and
Table 7 for model fits and parameter estimates). For SC2, the pattern of results remained fully stable with statistically significant and large effects of fluid intelligence on both baseline levels and competence gains in mathematics. For SC3, however, greater changes occurred in terms of conscientiousness. When covariates entered the model, conscientiousness was not a statistically significant predictor of baseline levels or changes in mathematic competencies anymore. At the same time, the amount of explained variance increased from 12.9/14% to 17.6/18.9% in SC2 and from 19.6/20% to 24.6/24.7% in SC3 in the baseline and interaction models, respectively.
4. Discussion
Research has identified students’ cognitive abilities and personality traits—especially conscientiousness—as important predictors of learning gains in school (
Heaven and Ciarrochi 2008;
Israel et al. 2019,
2022;
Spengler et al. 2016). However, comparatively little is known about whether students profit disproportionately from being both smart and diligent. In two large student samples from NEPS, we therefore investigated interactive effects between fluid intelligence and conscientiousness to predict students’ baseline competence levels and competence gains over a two- to three-year period in two domains—reading and mathematics.
Three main findings stand out: First, reasoning (assessed with a matrices test) as an indicator of fluid intelligence was consistently associated with competence levels in reading and mathematics and predicted competence gains therein across both samples. The effect of fluid intelligence remained completely stable even when controlling for possible confounders such as parental occupational prestige, academic track, and gender. In line with previous research, fluid intelligence varied in its relevance for competencies in different school subjects, exhibiting stronger associations with math than with reading test scores (
Brandt et al. 2020;
Meyer et al. 2019). Second, conscientiousness was associated with competence levels in reading and mathematics in grades 4 and 7 and also predicted competence gains in mathematics from grade 7 to grade 9. As in previous work (e.g.,
Brandt et al. 2020), effect sizes were very small. In stark contrast to reasoning, however, none of these associations remained statistically significant when considering the covariates. Third, and most importantly, evidence for interaction effects between fluid intelligence and conscientiousness was absent in SC2 and weak in SC3 with their different measures of conscientiousness. We found only one statistically significant interaction effect when predicting reading gains in the older sample from grade 7 to grade 9. Again, this interaction effect was very small and disappeared when covariates were included. These findings underscore the prominent role cognitive abilities, and fluid intelligence in particular, play in competence levels and gains. By contrast, conscientiousness showed rather small independent main effects, demonstrating the need to better understand why non-cognitive characteristics such as conscientiousness show inconsistent associations with students’ competencies especially when being assessed with standardized competence tests.
In line with propositions from investment theories (e.g.,
Ackerman 1996;
Cattell 1943,
1987) and previous empirical evidence (e.g.,
Deary et al. 2007;
Lechner et al. 2019), levels and gains in competencies result as a consequence of a continued investment of a student’s fluid intelligence into a specific subject area. As fluid intelligence enables people to solve complex problems and new demands using different aspects of reasoning, strong associations with standardized competence tests are expectable and well documented (
Brandt et al. 2020;
Israel et al. 2019;
Meyer et al. 2019). Our findings support these findings and expand them by showing that fluid intelligence not only predicts competence levels but also predicts competence gains over time at various stages of secondary schooling.
Investment theories further suggest that specific personality characteristics modify how people invest their time and effort in intellectual pursuits and thereby contribute to individual difference in competence gains (
Ackerman 1996). Whereas previous research supported this notion, for instance, in terms of openness and interest (e.g.,
Lechner et al. 2019;
Strobel et al. 2019), we made the claim that conscientiousness is also important by helping students to invest continuous effort into the learning process and thereby convert their cognitive potential into actual competence gains. The support for this assumption in our study was, however, weak. We found one very small interaction effect only between fluid intelligence and conscientiousness predicting reading gains from grade 7 to grade 9. Although this effect pointed in the direction that conscientiousness can amplify positive effects of fluid intelligence on competence gains, it disappeared when considering gender, school track, and parents’ occupational prestige differences. In the following, we discuss four possible explanations for why conscientiousness and fluid intelligence did not interact systematically in our study.
First, we assessed competence gains with standardized achievement tests and not school grades. Meta-analyses found strong associations between conscientiousness and grades (
Mammadov 2021;
Poropat 2009), and some previous research found synergistic interactions between conscientiousness and fluid intelligence in predicting school grades in eleventh graders (
Bergold and Steinmayr 2018). However, associations between conscientiousness and standardized achievement tests are often clearly weaker than those with school grades (e.g.,
Brandt et al. 2020). In this regard, it is important to realize that school grades and standardized achievement tests are not mutually interchangeable indicators of achievement. Instead, they are only weakly related and reflect partly distinct influences (e.g.,
Borghans et al. 2016;
Hübner et al. 2022;
Lechner et al. 2017). Even though standardized competence tests, as used in NEPS and similar educational studies, do assess curriculum-based content similar to what is required from students in class, not all of this content is explicitly taught in class. In turn, not everything that is taught in class and reflected in grades is assessed in standardized competence tests (
Brookhart et al. 2016;
Willingham et al. 2002). Grades reflect how well a student worked during the school year and learned the material presented in class, so that continuous learning efforts pay off. It appears that previous continuous learning efforts cannot be generalized to less familiar testing situations where students are confronted with slightly different materials and content as with standardized achievement tests. The limited evidence for interaction effects indicates that this is also true at higher levels of fluid intelligence.
At the same time, in contrast to grades, standardized achievement tests within the NEPS are without consequences for students’ educational careers, reducing the motivation for persistent test preparation. Future studies should, thus, study interaction effects between fluid intelligence and conscientiousness using high-stakes assessments such as standardized learning level assessments at the end of middle school or college admission tests.
Second, fluid intelligence and students’ academic competencies were assessed using objective tests, whereas conscientiousness was measured via students’ self-reports on two different short scales. Although self-reports provide important insights into the inner states of a person (e.g.,
Vazire 2010), other reports can add complementary information particularly with regard to the behavioral aspects of personality such as conscientiousness (e.g.,
Brandt et al. 2021). Because the students rated their conscientiousness in the classroom in the NEPS assessments used in our study, it is reasonable to assume that the students evaluated their conscientiousness with the conscientiousness of classmates in mind. Students very high in conscientiousness surrounded by highly conscientious peers might underestimate their conscientiousness, whereas those low in conscientiousness might overestimate their score in a context of rather unconscientious peers. Further analyses should therefore try to disentangle reference group effects in self-ratings that might attenuate the association of conscientiousness with standardized achievement test scores.
Third, the interaction effect emerged only in the older sample covering competence gains from grade 7 to grade 9 in SC3. This might indicate that synergistic effects of conscientiousness are more likely in more demanding learning environments. In college student samples, interaction effects occurred more consistently than in younger samples, suggesting that students benefit from being both highly able and conscientious (
Beaujean et al. 2011;
Di Domenico and Fournier 2015;
Ziegler et al. 2009). In young adults in vocational training, however, no statistically significant interaction between self-control (a facet of conscientiousness) and fluid intelligence was found (
Schmidt et al. 2020). Comparing school and college settings, they differ strongly in how structured they are. In less structured environments, expectations on behavior are less clear, giving individual differences more room to become more visible and have more potential to create differences in academic performance (e.g.,
Barrick 2005).
Fourth, although personality traits are relatively stable constructs across time, they do change particularly through adolescence and young adulthood (
Mõttus et al. 2019;
Roberts and DelVecchio 2000). Although traits such as conscientiousness are assumed to mature when students get older, previous research pointed to temporal dips in these maturational patterns in early adolescence (e.g.,
Luan et al. 2017;
Van den Akker et al. 2014). That is, students who are more conscientious at baseline are potentially less conscientious at T2. Such decreases in conscientiousness potentially diminish associations with competency gains.
Limitations and Outlook
Besides the strength of this study in using two large, longitudinal datasets from the NEPS to study competence gains with standardized competence assessments, some limitations call for further research. First, we used short (SC2) and ultra-short (SC3) assessments of conscientiousness in both samples. Although ultra-short measures of conscientiousness have shown comparable criterion validity to longer measures, for instance, in terms of associations with academic performance indicators (e.g.,
Poropat 2009;
Rammstedt et al. 2021;
Thalmayer et al. 2011), they usually cannot capture the full breadth of the construct. By contrast, the narrower construct of reasoning was measured with 12 items, resulting in a better construct coverage and higher reliability. Despite reasoning being a strong indicator of fluid intelligence (e.g.,
Nisbett et al. 2012), it also cannot capture the full conceptual breadth of the construct. Short measures may (over)represent specific facets of the global trait and do not allow for facet-level analyses. The latter point is important because previous research suggested that different facets differ in their predictive validity for academic performance (e.g.,
Corker et al. 2012;
Kretzschmar et al. 2016;
Noftle and Robins 2007). In high school, particularly aspects of conscientiousness that tap into aspects of achievement striving and diligence are more related to academic performance than a student’s orderliness as per
Bergold and Steinmayr’s (
2018) study. This was also true for interaction effects: Although both the two-item short scale and the four-item short scale fielded in NEPS SC3 and SC2, respectively, do cover the industriousness/productiveness facet of conscientiousness, they also contain content related to orderliness/organization. The short nature of the scale meant that we could not test for potential differential effects of these conscientiousness facets (see, e.g.,
Rammstedt et al. 2018, in this journal). Relatedly,
Ziegler et al. (
2009) found facet-specific synergistic interaction effects in low- and high-performing college students. Achievement striving interacted with cognitive abilities in the low-performing group only. The authors explain this finding with the different motivational and behavioral pattern underlying different facets of conscientiousness. Future studies should investigate interaction effects of fluid intelligence and conscientiousness in competencies in standardized tests using longer inventories and test whether facet-specific interaction effects can be found.
We used standardized achievement tests to assess students’ competencies free of teachers’ subjective evaluations. These tests are developed especially for use within the NEPS, based on students’ curriculum, and evaluated in terms of their quality, for instance, regarding test fairness, item difficulties, and reliability. Although tests were reported as fair and reliable, the authors claim that not all competence levels were captured equally well (
Kock et al. 2021;
Scharl et al. 2017,
2021). In particular, whereas low performance in reading and mathematical skills was accurately measured, tests were less precise in assessing high-performance students. Potentially, conscientiousness amplifies the effect of fluid intelligence on competence gains only at high-performance levels as interaction effects were found more consistently in college student samples than in younger samples (
Beaujean et al. 2011;
Di Domenico and Fournier 2015;
Ziegler et al. 2009). Future studies should test this.
Finally, although we used longitudinal data and controlled for important covariates, our study design is correlational in nature, prohibiting causal inferences. At the same time, the timing when constructs were assessed within the NEPS differed somehow between constructs, limiting the comparability of effect sizes between constructs. Future studies should replicate findings using same-distanced measures.