Learning is the most powerful mechanism of cognitive development. This statement is universally valid for gifted children as well as for less proficient students. High intelligence may only lead to benefits if it is translated into domain-specific knowledge beforehand (
Weinert 2001). Knowledge may compensate for a lack of intelligence, whereas high levels of intelligence cannot make up for insufficient knowledge (
Schneider et al. 1989). The common understanding is that the combination of domain-general abilities such as intelligence and working memory as well as domain-specific knowledge contributes to academic and professional learning (e.g.,
Geary et al. 2017;
Ferrer and McArdle 2004;
Von Aster and Shalev 2007). However, the relative contribution to learning provided by these abilities is a debatable issue, as is the question of whether these contributions change over time or depend on the level of expertise.
1.1. The Influence of Domain-General Abilities and Domain-Specific Knowledge on Mathematics Achievement Depending on Developmental Changes and Age
Intelligence influences our abilities on every level of cognitive tasks. Generally, we associate good performance in mathematics with a high intelligence. However, several studies have found that someone with a moderate intelligence level can show great mathematic skills (e.g.,
Murayama et al. 2012;
Saß et al. 2017). In line with this,
Rajkumar and Hema (
2018) have found that mathematics achievement correlates positively with intelligence. Nonetheless, the majority of assessed undergraduate students (
n = 310) showed a moderate level of general intelligence. This raises the question of which abilities may predict mathematics achievement.
These changes appear to depend on the use of varying domain-general and domain-specific factors, the assessed age groups as well as different empirical analytical methods. For example, intelligence measured two years prior influences academic achievement (
Ferrer and McArdle 2004), whereas the intelligence of grade six students, who are merely two years older, cannot predict an increase of academic abilities until ninth grade and beyond the influence of their past abilities (
Gustafsson and Undheim 1992). Using autoregressive cross-lagged models,
Lee and Bull (
2016) found a stable inter-year influence of working memory on mathematics achievement in the following year. In the process, the relevance of previous performance in mathematics increased across all grades. Children with a higher capacity of working memory or updating reached higher achievements in mathematics. Modeling the latent increase shows that higher capacities of working memory or updating in kindergarten predict greater increases for mathematics when averaged across all ages. However, the increase of working memory and updating capacity is invariant across different grades. Neither kindergarteners’ gender nor sex, but rather their socioeconomic status, explain the variance of capacity.
Moreover, the predictive influence of various working memory components at different ages remains unclear. A recent study by
Liang et al. (
2022, Jun) shows that verbal working memory predicts fifth graders’, but not first graders’, mathematic performance. Nonetheless, the visual-spatial working memory plays a vital role for both age groups. According to
McKenzie et al. (
2003), children of different ages employ different strategies for simple mental arithmetic tasks: younger children almost exclusively use visual-spatial strategies, whereas older children apply a combination of phonological and visual-spatial strategies.
Allen et al. (
2020) have found an age-dependent relationship with an increasing influence of visual-spatial components as children get older.
Allen et al. (
2020) elaborate that for children of school age, the link between working memory and mathematics is essentially positive. However, the type of relationship as well as the cumulative acquisition of mathematic skills vary by age (
Li and Geary 2013;
Soltanlou et al. 2015;
Van de Weijer-Bergsma et al. 2015). As demonstrated by
Schneider (
2008),
Allen et al. (
2020) summarize that the age of the assessed children and adolescents is relevant for the expected extent of involvement of the particular components. Additionally, mathematical knowledge is acquired in relation to the individual mathematical domains and their related strategies. Consequently, the patterns of involvement of the different working memory components vary depending on students’ age and mathematical domains (
Friso-van den Bos et al. 2013). In a meta-analysis,
Friso-van den Bos et al. (
2013) have detected a link between working memory and mathematics for 4- to 12-year-olds. Although the correlation between working memory and mathematic abilities is stronger for younger children, the influence of verbal working memory increases with age. The visual-spatial working memory’s relevance has also been identified in other studies: deficits of the visual-spatial component have even proven to be relevant to the development of dyscalculia (
Mammarella et al. 2018;
Szűcs et al. 2013). However, the relationship between the central executive and mathematics differs. According to
Imbo and Vandierendonck (
2007), school children draw on resources of their working memory to solve simple arithmetic tasks. This load on their executive working memory resources resulted in worse performance while calculating.
Imbo and Vandierendonck (
2007) have found that this strain on their central executive leads to similar consequences for recollection abilities of children and adults. Thus, working memory resources are needed to recall information stored in the long-term memory.
Previous research revealed a relationship between the domain-general ability attention and mathematical skills.
Shalev et al. (
1995) have found that children with dyscalculia show significantly more attention problems than their averagely performing peers. Attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder and mathematics disorders occur comorbidly in school age with a prevalence of 18.1% (
Capano et al. 2008). In addition, inconsistent response times and commission errors (incorrectly marked non-target letters) in a continuous attention performance test were found to predict math performance (
Lindsay et al. 2001). In particular, visual attention in kindergarten was found to be a good predictor of later mathematical ability. Results of
Poltz et al. (
2022) show that domain-general cognitive abilities (non-verbal intelligence, visuospatial working memory and visual attention) explain a small but significant proportion of children’s tendencies to spontaneously focus on numerosity.
Likewise, the type of instrument chosen for assessing working memory performance appears to influence the predictive relevance of measurement models. Researchers may distinguish between simple and complex span measures (see
Engle 2010) or they may follow requirements of the dual-task paradigm. As span measures are the preferred method when examining children (
Allen et al. 2020), they were used in the present study.
1.2. The Influence of Domain-General Abilities and Domain-Specific Knowledge Depending on the Different Specific Mathematics Achievements
The description of the interaction between domain-general and domain-specific performance seems to be interesting. The strength of the influence varies depending on the sample’s age as well as the complexity of the mathematical demands (e.g.,
Fuchs et al. 2010;
Lee and Bull 2016). Corresponding with the longitudinal study conducted by
Geary et al. (
2017), the relevance of past mathematical abilities for following mathematical competences increases with age. Numerical knowledge and arithmetic abilities are crucial for all ages, whereas fractional knowledge is defining for older grades. For younger grades, compared to older age groups, domain-general abilities are more important than domain-specific knowledge. On the other hand, domain-general abilities and domain-specific knowledge are equally relevant for older grades. With a particular focus on the visual working memory,
Wang et al. (
2022) demonstrate that the spatial working memory is involved in different ways depending on the degree of difficulty of open mathematical problems. Whereas the spatial working memory is rather associated with solving simple open mathematical problems, spatial visualization is linked to the solving of more difficult open mathematical problems. Earlier studies have already indicated the varying correlation of spatial working memory with simple and difficult mathematical tasks for closed(-ended) mathematical problems. Increasing difficulty of mathematical problems increases the demand of spatial visualization abilities (
Manger and Eikeland 1998;
Penner 2003). Similarly, depending on the specific mathematical branch that is being assessed,
Liang et al. (
2022 Jun) have found differing influences of the verbal and visual-spatial working memory on elementary school children’s mathematical abilities.
According to
Raghubar et al. (
2010), existing inconsistencies tend to be explained by features of the specific task and constructs of the working memory component. Assessing the link between different mathematical problems and the executive function,
Best et al. (
2011) interpret that solving problems depends on the students’ choice and application of a strategy as well as their self-monitoring. Calculating requires less executive control because, as
Best et al. (
2011) suggest, it rather relates to the retrieval of factual information. The result that the performance given in different developmental stages relates differently to executive function is addressed and assessed in several studies (
Imbo and Vandierendonck 2007;
McKenzie et al. 2003;
Rasmussen and Bisanz 2005). It becomes evident that children’s age relativizes this connection. This permits the assumption that younger children access their working memory more strongly than older children when solving mathematical problems. Therefore, the sample’s age appears to play a significant role for the explanation of inconsistencies in the findings.
1.3. Predictive Links between Working Memory and Mathematical Processing
Before having a look at the links between working memory and mathematical processing, we will summarize results that highlight the connection between working memory and so-called elementary cognitive tasks (
Carroll 1993). These tasks are referred to as “elementary” because they merely require basal cognitive processes instead of specific knowledge, such as mathematic knowledge, or prior experience. The assumption is that everyone should be able to solve elementary cognitive tasks successfully, provided they have enough time. Only a small number of mental processes have to be performed in order to reach the correct solution (
Goecke et al. 2021). Nonetheless, as
Goecke et al. (
2021) list, different cognitive processes are involved: (sustained) attention, initial perception of stimuli, encoding, coding, updating and retrieval from working memory, reaction setup and execution of a motoric reaction (
Ackerman and Kyllonen 1991;
Kyllonen and Christal 1990).
Regarding working memory, all theories assume that there is a limited capacity to the working memory. In other words, the possible amount of information that can be stored and processed by the working memory is limited (
Baddeley 2012;
Conway et al. 2008;
Cowan 2005). This limitation is reflected in the working memory’s capacity, which is used to explain individual differences (
Cowan 2010). Limits of this capacity are assumed to be the cause of low performance in cognitive tasks such as reasoning and decision-making.
Wilhelm et al. (
2013) show that people with a lower capacity are surpassed by those with a higher capacity in those tasks. It has been determined that working memory capacity is strongly linked to reasoning abilities (
Kane et al. 2005;
Kyllonen and Christal 1990;
Oberauer et al. 2005) and is thus the core of reasoning abilities (
Kyllonen and Christal 1990). As the complexity of elementary cognitive tasks increases, so do the demands on the working memory. Demands on working memory capacity in complex elementary cognitive tasks are presumed to be a causal factor which incrementally contributes to the relationship to cognitive ability. Mathematical demands may be understood as elementary cognitive tasks or complex elementary tasks that require mathematical knowledge. Accordingly, differences in processing mathematical demands need to be attributable to different working memory capacities.
A connection between working memory and processing of mathematical demands has long been assumed, but the evidence has yet to be supported by sufficient data. Automatized mathematical knowledge is advantageous in its quick availability and because it binds little to no cognitive resources. Thus, the automatization of mathematical knowledge is indicative of elaborated and processed knowledge. For only knowledge that is understood is sustainable and therefore retrievable in the long run. It becomes apparent that adults are more proficient at solving simple arithmetic tasks than children. Since children are not equipped with the same mathematical knowledge as adults, they require more time to solve the tasks and they employ less elaborated strategies such as counting, e.g., counting the smaller summand (e.g.,
Ashcraft 1992;
Siegler 1988). As they age, children begin to use more efficient strategies to solve arithmetic problems.
Imbo and Vandierendonck (
2007) demonstrate that 10- to 12-year-old children need their working memory for strategies relating to retrieval, transformation and counting and that the ratio of available working memory resources and demands of the arithmetic tasks varied in the course of the children’s development. This change has also been demonstrated in various neuroscientific studies. Children activate more domain-general brain areas, which are associated with increased performance in attention and working memory. Adults, on the other hand, who can rely more on efficient solving strategies, such as the recall of numerical factual knowledge, show a focused neuronal activity of more specific areas for computation and memory (e.g.,
Kucian et al. 2008). A frequent use of retrieval, efficient memory recall and efficient counting processes reduces the demands on working memory. However, this also means that people, especially children, with less strong working memory functions have more difficulties acquiring and automatizing mathematical knowledge. For that purpose,
Maehler and Schuchardt (
2009) have assessed three groups with 27 children each, one group consisting of children with a normal IQ and learning disabilities (ICD-10: mixed disorders of scholastic skills), another of those with learning difficulties and a low IQ (intellectual disability) and a control group that is made up of children with an average development, normal performance in school and a normal IQ. Both groups with learning disabilities had an overall deficit in working memory. In a meta-analysis of 21 studies,
Chen and Bailey (
2021) investigated the consequences of conducting dual-task experiments. During these experiments, people have to solve two tasks at the same time, in this case a working memory task and a mathematical demand. If the working memory is involved with solving the arithmetic task, this will consequently lead to a reduction of working memory capacity. The results indicate that a higher load on the working memory results in a slower calculation of the arithmetic tasks. It is evident that the type of load on the working memory is the most substantial moderator. Load on the central executive slows down the performance the most.