1. Introduction
Unpacking the interplay between cognitive and affective factors in spatial processing may be of broader interest for several reasons. First, women continue to be underrepresented in the majority of STEM fields (
Beede et al. 2011;
Blickenstaff 2005). At the same time, spatial skills have emerged as a stable predictor of successful engagement with science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) fields (
Gunderson et al. 2012;
Lubinski 2010;
Uttal and Cohen 2012;
Wai et al. 2009). Further, spatial anxiety is a unique predictor of poorer spatial skills, especially skills that tend to show the greatest gender differences, such as mental rotation (
Daker et al. 2022b). Thus, understanding the interplay between cognition and emotion in the spatial domain may have implications for understanding and addressing the underrepresentation of women in STEM fields.
Very few studies to date have directly investigated how the relation between cognition and emotion in the spatial domain relates to gender differences (
McGlone and Aronson 2006;
Heil et al. 2012;
Neuburger et al. 2015). To our knowledge, however, only one study has examined the intersection between spatial anxiety and spatial performance (
Alvarez-Vargas et al. 2020; see
Sokolowski et al. 2019 for a related analysis in the context of mathematical processing). In their study,
Alvarez-Vargas et al. (
2020) conducted a mediation analysis in which they found that spatial anxiety explained (mediated) a significant portion of gender differences in MRT performance. Research in other cognitive domains, such as mathematics, has suggested that a heightened state of anxiety can temporarily disrupt working memory resources, which can lead to reduced performance on tasks in that domain (
Ashcraft and Kirk 2001;
Dowker et al. 2016;
Daker et al. 2023b). Hence, one possible implication of the
Alvarez-Vargas et al. (
2020) results is that women on average experience greater levels of anxiety when faced with spatial tasks which temporarily disrupt available cognitive resources. In this way, affective factors could help to explain lower average performance on spatial tasks for women relative to men.
An alternative—albeit not mutually exclusive—possibility is that gender differences in anxiety within a given domain are not the cause but the result of poor performance in that domain. For instance, in the math domain, some have suggested that math anxiety is a response to repeatedly experiencing performance-related failures in mathematics (
Gunderson et al. 2018;
Maloney and Beilock 2012;
Núñez-Peña and Suárez-Pellicioni 2014;
Ramirez et al. 2018). Consistent with this claim, reciprocal relations have been observed in primary school children wherein lower math performance at Time 1 predicts higher math anxiety at Time 2, controlling for math anxiety at Time 1 (
Gunderson et al. 2018;
Song et al. 2021). In the spatial domain, it may similarly be the case that increased reports of spatial anxiety in women is a response to an awareness among women that, on average, they experience poorer performance-related outcomes when engaging in spatial tasks and activities. In other words, it may be the case that gender differences in spatial ability explain (mediate) gender differences in spatial anxiety—i.e., the reverse of what
Alvarez-Vargas et al. (
2020) showed. To our knowledge, no prior work has directly tested this hypothesis.
Current Study
The goals of the current study were two-fold. First, given the limited research explicitly exploring connections between gender differences, spatial ability, and spatial anxiety, we aimed to test two hypotheses: (1) that gender differences in spatial anxiety explain (mediate) gender differences in spatial ability; (2) that gender differences in spatial ability explain (mediate) gender differences in spatial anxiety. Second, we sought to establish robust estimates of each potential mediation effect by testing both hypotheses across a range of datasets involving a diverse set of populations. Namely, we examined six separate cross-sectional datasets involving a grand total of 1257 participants. We report the mediation effects of individual datasets, the average of the mediation effects across all six datasets, and the average effect sizes of gender on spatial anxiety and ability. While this study does not investigate causality, it helps to lay the groundwork for future causal investigations. Findings from the current study provide the most comprehensive test to date of the interrelation between gender differences in cognitive and affective aspects of spatial processing.
3. Results
The goal of this study is to examine gender differences in the relation between cognitive and affective elements of spatial cognition. To begin this examination, we first explored all six datasets to determine whether there existed (1) gender differences in spatial ability, and (2) gender differences in spatial anxiety. Regarding mediation, these gender effects establish whether there is a total effect (C-Path) between X and Y, or predictor and outcome, in both our mediation directions. Consequently, this same examination establishes the presence of the a-path in each mediation model. Finally, in each dataset, we tested the extent to which the presence of spatial anxiety in the model reduces (mediates) the relation between gender and spatial ability; and conversely, the extent to which the presence of spatial ability in the model reduces (mediates) the relation between gender and spatial anxiety.
3.1. Establishing Gender Effects
3.1.1. Gender Differences in Spatial Ability
Hypothesis 1 is that gender differences in spatial anxiety mediate gender difference in spatial ability (see
Figure 1). Here we examined the presence of gender differences in spatial ability, which is also the total effect (C-Path) in the mediation model for Hypothesis 1.
Figure 2 shows the effect sizes (Cohen’s d) for gender differences in spatial ability in each of the six datasets. A positive value indicates higher spatial performance or anxiety for women than men; a negative bar indicates the reverse. See
Appendix A,
Table A1 for full statistical details. In five of the six datasets, we found that women have significantly lower MRT performance than men. The lone exception was the GU-CS dataset, where we did not find a significant gender difference in MRT performance (p = 0.763, d = −0.049). The average gender effect size, weighted by sample size, across the remaining five datasets was −0.56, with a range from −0.987 to −0.353. The probability of observing five of six significant effects by chance is p = 1.8 × 10
−6, therefore we consider this strong evidence for lower MRT performance for women relative to men. This result is aligned with past work which identifies robust gender effects on spatial ability. We identify a gender effect in spatial ability in five of our six datasets, establishing the presence of the total effect (C-Path) for Hypothesis 1 in these datasets. There was no total effect (C-Path) of gender for MRT performance in the GU-CS dataset.
3.1.2. Gender Differences in Spatial Anxiety
Hypothesis 2 is that gender differences in spatial ability mediate gender difference in spatial anxiety (see
Figure 1). Here we establish the presence of gender differences in spatial anxiety, which is also the total effect (C-Path) in the mediation model for Hypothesis 2.
Figure 2 shows the effect sizes (Cohen’s d) for gender differences in spatial anxiety in each of the six datasets. A positive value indicates higher spatial anxiety for women than men; a negative bar indicates the reverse. See
Appendix A,
Table A2 for statistical details. In all six datasets, we found that women report significantly higher spatial anxiety than men. The average gender effect size, weighted by sample size, across all six datasets was 0.67, with a range from 0.354 to 0.993. The probability of observing six of six significant effects by chance is p = 1.6 × 10
−8, so we consider this strong evidence for higher spatial anxiety among women relative to men. To our knowledge, this is the first use of multiple comparisons to identify the strength of gender effects on spatial anxiety. These results identify the presence of the total effect (C-Path) for Hypothesis 2 in all six datasets.
3.1.3. Spatial Anxiety and Spatial Ability
We tested the correlation between spatial anxiety and spatial ability to evaluate the relation between the outcome variable and the mediator of both mediation directions (see correlations of all variables and covariates in
Appendix B,
Table A3). In five of the six datasets, spatial anxiety was significantly negatively correlated with spatial ability (range of r was −0.333 to −0.291), such that higher spatial anxiety was associated with lower spatial ability. In the GU-CS dataset, spatial anxiety was not correlated with spatial ability (−0.113, p = 0.169).
4. Mediation Results
Having established the pattern of gender effects and the relation between spatial anxiety and ability in our six datasets, we proceeded by testing our mediation hypotheses in all six datasets. Note that, as with the results of gender effect sizes (Cohen’s d), we also report the average of our mediation pathway coefficients across datasets for each mediation direction (
Table 2 and
Table 3). Importantly, these effects must not be statistically compared, as doing so may lead to erroneous conclusions regarding the “correctness” of a given mediation direction (
Lemmer and Gollwitzer 2017).
Hypothesis 1: Do gender differences in spatial anxiety explain (mediate) gender differences in spatial ability?
Figure 3 depicts the results of the mediation model for Hypothesis 1, and
Table 2 reports the average mediation effects. Mediation results for individual datasets are in
Appendix C. All reported models control for age and the effect of trait anxiety. The pattern of mediation results remains the same both with and without the covariate of trait anxiety.
For Hypothesis 1, we found a significant indirect effect in four of six datasets. Those datasets without significant indirect effects are the GU-CS dataset and the GSS dataset.
Table 2 contains the averages of each mediation path (unweighted and weighted by sample size), both including and excluding those datasets without evidence of mediation (GU-CS and GSS). In the text, we report the weighted average pathway coefficients for all six datasets.
In these models, the average gender difference in spatial anxiety (A-Path) was 0.531 (range: 0.353 to 0.657), and the average effect of spatial anxiety on spatial ability (B-Path) was −0.244 (range: −0.161 to −0.318). The a-path was significant for all datasets, and the b-path was significant for four of the six datasets tested, except the GSS and GU-CS datasets. Gender had a significant total effect (C-Path) on spatial ability in five of the six datasets, except GU-CS, with an average effect of −0.571 (range: −0.044 to −0.855). Spatial anxiety explained (mediated) a significant portion of the link between gender and spatial ability (AB-Path) in four of the six datasets with an average indirect effect of −0.128 (range: −0.05 to −0.178). Spatial anxiety accounted for an average of 22.4% of the effect between gender and spatial ability. After introducing spatial anxiety as a mediator, the residual direct effect (C’-Path) of gender on spatial ability remained significant in five datasets, except the GU-CS dataset which did not originally have a significant total effect, with an average direct effect of −0.443 (range: −0.006 to −0.746).
Hypothesis 2: Do gender differences in spatial ability explain (mediate) gender differences in spatial anxiety?
Figure 4 depicts the results of the mediation model for Hypothesis 2 and
Table 3 reports the average mediation effects. Mediation results for individual datasets are in
Appendix D. All reported models control for age and the effect of trait anxiety. The pattern of mediation results remains the same both with and without the covariate of trait anxiety.
For Hypothesis 2, we found a significant indirect effect in four of six datasets. Those datasets without significant indirect effects are the GU-CS dataset and the GSS dataset.
Table 3 contains the averages of each mediation path (unweighted and weighted by sample size), both including and excluding those datasets without evidence of mediation (GU-CS and GSS). In the text, we report the weighted average pathway coefficients for all six datasets.
In our mediation model, the average gender difference in spatial ability (A-Path) was −0.571 (range: −0.044 to −0.855), and the average effect of MRT performance on spatial anxiety (B-Path) was −0.227 (range: −0.105 to −0.313). The a-path was significant in five of the six datasets, excluding GU-CS. The b-path was significant in four of the six datasets, excluding GSS and GU-CS. Gender had a significant total effect (C-Path) on spatial anxiety in all datasets, with an average effect of 0.531 (range: 0.353 to 0.657). Spatial ability explained (mediated) a significant portion of the link between gender and spatial anxiety (AB-Paths) in all four datasets with an average indirect effect of 0.138 (range: 0.005 to 0.215). Spatial ability accounted for an average of 25.9% of the effect between gender and spatial anxiety. After introducing spatial ability as a mediator, the residual direct effect (C’-Path) of gender on spatial anxiety remained significant in four of the six datasets with an average direct effect of 0.394 (range: 0.161 to 0.546).
Hypothesis 1 and Hypothesis 2
In Hypothesis 1, gender differences in spatial anxiety explain an average of 22.4% of gender differences in spatial ability. In Hypothesis 2, gender differences in spatial ability explain an average of 25.9% of gender differences in spatial anxiety (see
Table 2 and
Table 3). These are the averages across all six datasets weighted by sample size. The relative magnitudes of the model directions remain intact when comparing both the weighted and unweighted averages of all six datasets and just the four datasets with significant indirect effects.
Readers must note that average mediation effects should be used in a conceptually similar way to effect sizes (for example,
Figure 1), providing readers a magnitude by which to interpret the average mediation effect identified within a mediation direction. Average mediation effects must not be statistically compared. The resistance of average mediation effects to statistical comparison directly results from the resistance of singular indirect effects to statistical comparison. The strength and significance of the indirect effects between each mediation direction for a given dataset (and thus, for average mediation effects of a direction across datasets) is not an indicator of the “correctness” or causality between factors of a given direction (
Lemmer and Gollwitzer 2017).
Average mediation effects should not be statistically compared between directions as this can lead to erroneous conclusions about causality. Rather, their magnitude may be interpreted within a given mediation direction, providing readers with a single value by which to summarize the detected mediation effects within a given direction. To our knowledge, only one mediation direction has been tested in the current literature (gender → spatial anxiety → spatial ability). This suggests an implicit bias toward a specific causal model in the literature. Our results provide just as much evidence for the reverse direction (gender → spatial ability → spatial anxiety), evidencing that such a bias is unwarranted. Present evidence, both here and in the extant literature cannot distinguish between the “correctness” of these two mediation directions. Rather, the similarity in magnitude of the average mediation effects serves to caution against premature causal interpretations of the relation between gender, spatial anxiety, and spatial ability.
5. Discussion
Current literature supports the conclusion that females perform worse on measures of spatial ability, particularly mental rotation (
Linn and Petersen 1985;
McGee 1979;
Uttal et al. 2013;
Voyer et al. 1995) and report higher levels of spatial anxiety (
Lauer et al. 2018;
Ramirez et al. 2012;
Sokolowski et al. 2019) than their male counterparts. However, to our knowledge, only one study has investigated the potential relation between these gender differences. In that study,
Alvarez-Vargas et al. (
2020) showed that gender differences in spatial anxiety explained a significant portion of (i.e., mediated) gender differences in spatial ability. This suggests that, with respect to spatial processing, gender differences in the affective domain can help explain gender differences in the cognitive domain. However, gender differences can be contentious, so it is especially important to accumulate substantial evidence before making strong claims about the nature of gender-related effects.
Here we sought to fill the aforementioned gap in two ways. First, we tested for the mediation effect reported by
Alvarez-Vargas et al. (
2020) across six separate and unique datasets (total
N = 1257). Second, we tested for the reverse mediation: that gender differences in the cognitive domain can explain gender differences in the affective domain (also across the same six datasets). To our knowledge, no study to date has investigated this latter possibility. As such, the current study provided a robust test of the following two hypotheses: (1) gender differences in spatial anxiety mediate gender differences in spatial ability; (2) gender differences in spatial ability mediate gender differences in spatial anxiety. Consistent with
Alvarez-Vargas et al. (
2020), our results provided robust support for the first hypothesis. Results also provided as much evidence in favor of the second hypothesis. These results underscore two points. First, cognitive and affective factors appear to be strongly intertwined when it comes to gender differences in spatial processing. Second, our results urge caution in drawing strong conclusions about the direction of influence between cognitive and affective factors in this respect. The most plausible interpretation of our data is that these influences may be bidirectional given that we cannot use our cross-sectional data to rule out one direction or the other. This suggests that future longitudinal and intervention work is needed to draw specific conclusions about directionality.
The results of this study indicate that when it comes to gender differences in spatial processing, there is a strong relationship between cognitive and affective factors. This is consistent with current trends in the literature which point to reliable interactions between cognitive and affective processing at both the behavioral and neural levels (
Dolcos et al. 2011;
Lerner et al. 2015;
Ochsner and Gross 2005;
Phelps 2006;
Storbeck and Clore 2007). With respect to gender differences in the spatial domain, accounting for both cognitive and affective differences may be particularly useful in identifying factors underlying disparities in avoidance of activities a person believes involve spatial thinking, such as various STEM fields (
Daker et al. 2023a). Against this backdrop, research has shown that spatial skills are important for successful engagement with STEM fields (
Gunderson et al. 2012;
Lubinski 2010;
Uttal and Cohen 2012). Research has also shown that women tend to be underrepresented in STEM fields (
Beede et al. 2011;
Blickenstaff 2005). Hence, some researchers have proposed that gender differences in spatial processing can help explain disparities in STEM representation (
Halpern et al. 2007;
Reilly et al. 2017). In order to more fully understand how spatial processing may contribute to this disparity, our results indicate that considering both its cognitive and affective aspects may be key.
5.1. Explaining the Exceptions
Despite gender differences in spatial processing being robust, they are not universal. We showed evidence of this when only five of our six datasets supported gender differences in spatial ability, the exception being the GU-CS dataset. Note that the participants in this dataset were all students actively enrolled in computer science coursework at Georgetown University at the time of their participation. Our results suggest that we can infer, in non-specialized groups, that there are consistent gender effects in spatial ability, with women demonstrating worse performance than men. However, in specialized subgroups, such as the individuals in the GU-CS sample, there may be no gender differences in spatial ability. With respect to the GU-CS sample, the lack of this effect may be due to the spatial cognition required for successful engagement with computational coursework. We cannot assert that spatial coursework such as computer science classes mitigates gender differences in spatial ability that would otherwise exist. We are equally unable to assert that women who enroll in computer science coursework have higher levels of spatial ability than the broader population of women.
For the five datasets that did show significant gender effects, four of these showed significant bidirectional mediation effects. The exception was the GSS dataset, which showed significant gender effects (C-Paths) but nonsignificant indirect effects (AB-Paths). One notable point about the GSS dataset is that participants were high school students, with an average age of 16.61 years. This stands in contrast to all other datasets whose samples were made entirely of university students and adults over the age of 18. One possibility is that participant age and developmental stage may influence the relationships between gender, spatial ability, and spatial anxiety (for results consistent with this view, see
Levine et al. 2016,
Wai et al. 2009, and
Voyer et al. 1995). However, more specific work investigating these relations across age groups and developmental stages would need to be conducted to better understand these results.
5.2. A Note on Causation
For those populations in which gender effects are evident, in addition to investigating both cognitive and affective aspects of spatial processing, our results indicate that it is important to consider multiple ways in which these factors may be related. Current literature on gender differences in spatial processing has tended to focus primarily on a unidirectional relation in which affective processing influences cognitive processing (
Alvarez-Vargas et al. 2020;
Lauer et al. 2018;
Ramirez et al. 2012). Concomitantly, a variety of potential intervention suggestions that aim to improve spatial ability by targeting spatial anxiety have emerged (
Lauer et al. 2018;
Ramirez et al. 2012). While our results are not inconsistent with this view, providing robust evidence that gender differences in spatial anxiety mediate gender differences in mental rotation performance, we argue that the clearest interpretation of our bidirectional effects is that inferences about causality are at best premature. That is, our data are also consistent with an alternative framework by which low spatial ability exerts an upward influence on spatial anxiety. Crucially, we are not saying that our cross-sectional results are clear evidence for one causal model or the other (indeed, non-intervention-based data of any kind are unable to do so). Instead, perhaps another way of looking at our results is what we did or did not find evidence against.
To that aforementioned end, consider that while it is possible to have correlation without causation, it is far less likely to have the reverse (i.e., causation without correlation). While we provided evidence that gender differences in spatial anxiety mediate gender differences in mental rotation performance, we also showed the reverse (i.e., that gender differences in mental rotation ability mediate gender differences in spatial anxiety). In other words, our results showed evidence of mediation effects in both directions (affective → cognitive and cognitive → affective). Had we failed to show a mediation effect in one direction, we may have cast doubt on the existence of a potential causal relation in that direction given that there cannot be causation without a correlative counterpart. However, in showing evidence of mediation effects in both directions, it would seem imprudent to rule out either causal direction. This is relevant for the current literature because an overemphasis on one causal direction or another (as noted above) may be seen as implicitly assuming that alternative causal relations (and hence alternative forms of intervention) are implausible. Our results demonstrate it would be imprudent to do so. At the risk of overstepping, we would suggest that, given the current state of the literature barring future evidence to the contrary, perhaps the most prudent path forward would be to systematically explore interventions targeting both cognitive and affective components (separately and together).
A precedent for the importance of considering such a potential bidirectional relation exists in the math cognition literature. Research on math cognition has long identified a relation between math anxiety/attitudes and math ability (
Ashcraft and Krause 2007;
Devine et al. 2012;
Dowker et al. 2016). This has led to a variety of studies which investigated the effects of targeting math anxiety/attitudes on subsequent math ability (
Neale 1969;
Lim and Chapman 2015). However, further research in this area investigated the direction of causality in the relation between math’s cognitive and affective factors and discovered that math emotions and math skills appear to develop reciprocally such that they influence each other across time (
Lichtenfeld et al. 2022). This literature has also pointed to the importance of considering the level of balance between the factors in such a reciprocal relation. When it comes to interventions, if the factors are relatively balanced, one might anticipate that intervening on either factor would have similar long-term effects. However, if the factors are unbalanced, such that one is more predictive than the other, interventions should focus on the more predictive factor. In the case of math, evidence suggests that the reciprocal relation between math emotions and math skills is unbalanced, such that math skills are more predictive of later math anxiety over and above the autoregressive effects (
Bellon et al. 2021;
Gunderson et al. 2018).
Given the success in using longitudinal research to investigate the causality and reciprocity of cognitive and affective factors in the math domain, we advise that similar work should be conducted with respect to gender differences in spatial processing. Tentatively, our results indicate a bidirectional relation between gender differences in spatial ability and spatial anxiety, with the potential for the cognitive → affective relational direction being stronger than the reverse. To that end, our data lead us to the following prediction for future longitudinal and intervention work on gender differences in the spatial domain. The most successful interventions aimed at reducing gender differences in spatial processing will be those that focus on both cognitive and affective factors, as such interventions may benefit from reciprocal influences between cognitive and emotional responses. Of course, it is important to underscore the fact that these are merely predictions, not conclusions, as only future longitudinal and intervention work can provide a true test.