1. Introduction
Consumer purchasing behavior with regard to food products has been extensively studied. The context in which food products are purchased, the use of the product and the level of knowledge handled, i.e., the environment of consumption (socio-cultural, economic, technological, and political), define consumer behavior and preferences for products and processes influencing their choice at the time of purchase. It is a challenge for companies in the sector to consider all these factors, as consumer demand ultimately drives the continued investment of companies in research and innovation [
1,
2,
3,
4,
5].
In view of the different contexts which, as already described, define the preference of the consumer for a particular product, the present work has been carried out in two countries, Spain and Brazil, in which there are differences in the consumption of beef, and in the production and in the regulatory framework which involves it, particularly with regard to food safety issues and with reference to traceability. The key focus of this analysis is on the fact that traceability is mandatory in Spain following European Union (EU) regulations and voluntary in Brazil [
6,
7,
8,
9,
10].
The implementation of product traceability is mainly due to the food crises of the 1990s, particularly those caused by the appearance of bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE). Consumer trust was affected at that time, during which traceability systems proved to be inefficient, and a series of regulatory reforms were implemented, first in European countries, and later spread to other continents [
11,
12,
13,
14].
There is a great economic loss in any crisis facing the production system due to the massive loss of the product, in addition to the bad reputation suffered by the companies involved, which also creates an additional cost to regain consumer confidence in the product again [
15]. Because of this set of guiding factors, traceability in this situation helps to improve the efficiency of internal management in terms of knowledge available on products and processes, which provides effective control of the food supply chain [
14,
16].
Traceability can be used as a method to comply with regulations and comply with food safety and quality standards, providing information on the origin, processing, and final destination of food to be related between producers and consumers [
12,
13]. It is also expected that if farmers and agro-food companies comply with legal traceability criteria, the role of health control would be facilitated. The more accurate the monitoring system, the faster it is possible to identify a producer and solve food safety or quality issues [
17,
18].
Product traceability is also important in a wider range of ideas because of the globalization of food marketing, as a result of the long distances that food travels from its origin to the consumer. Food monitoring is extremely important at this stage to discover the origin and authenticity of the food [
19].
According to the activity or direction in which information is passed through the food chain, traceability can be classified into three types [
20,
21,
22,
23]:
Internal traceability or process traceability: It is the ability to internally track the origin of products coming into the supply chain or leaving the company to control it. When using this traceability system, the main objective of industries is to enhance institutional management.
Return traceability or supplier traceability: It is the ability of this system to find the origin and characteristics of a product based on one or more criteria at each point in the supply chain, allowing for effective product identification and management of quality and safety standards.
Direct traceability or consumer traceability: It helps the consumer to establish trust, that is, to increase the credibility of purchased products. Foods must have a transparent tracking accompanied by information about their origin on product labels. The key theme discussed in this paper was this last example of traceability listed, which refers to traceability for consumers.
Traceability is necessary for verification of credence attributes such as origin. In general, it is considered that color, price and freshness of meat are search attributes, due to the fact that they are known before purchase, whilst taste and tenderness are experience attributes because they are only known after consumption. However, the greatest problem arises in the case of credence attributes, that is, those attributes that cannot be known even after having consumed the product or, on occasions, those with a high cost due to the adverse effects that may cause on the consumer [
24]. Amongst these, animal welfare and environmentally friendly production methods, food safety, or origin can be found [
25]. Grunert et al. [
26] indicated the growing interest in the role of credence attributes play in consumer choice. In a recent study [
27], traceability is considered a sustainability attribute like animal welfare and effect of greenhouse gas emissions.
From the literature reviewed, it is clear that traceability is highly valued by consumers for various reasons, since it is essential to know the origin of the animal and the places where the transformation processes have taken place [
28]. The region of production or origin are some of the aspects most valued by consumers [
29,
30,
31]. Many consumers show more confidence in meat produced in certain places precisely because they consider it safer. In the study of Loureiro and Umberger [
28], indication of origin may only become a signal of enhanced quality if the source of origin is associated with higher food safety or quality. In this sense consumers value of country of origin depending on the number of other credence attributes included in product descriptions and the location of the consumer [
32].
Therefore, traceability or certification of origin can only be used as an indication of consumer quality if it is associated to greater security. Security differs from many other attributes of quality, since it is a hard attribute to observe. A product may appear to be of high quality (i.e., color, texture, and flavor) but may not be healthy because it may be contaminated with undetected pathogens, toxic chemicals, or other health risks [
13,
28]. It performs in such a way that a tracked product can be considered of superior quality to a non-tracked product as a factor of competition in the industry [
33].
Two lines of thinking are observed in investigations carried out on consumer confidence in traceability information: One in which it is argued that one of the ways to guarantee food safety comes from traceability, and the other in which the presence of traceability information on the labels does not translate into stronger consumer confidence.
Traceability, on the one hand, is used as a food safety method that provides product recall to identify the source of a problem [
34,
35]. It also acts as proof of the authenticity of the food and that the labels present in the packaging of meat products are capable of enhancing the consumer’s well-being by improving the understanding of the origin of the product, indicating that the food has been checked during the manufacturing process [
28,
36,
37]. The certification of the product makes the consumer sure that the product is from where it actually mentions on the label [
13].
On the other hand, despite the recognized need for clear information on the quality of the entire food chain, supported by modern methods of monitoring and tracking, other quality attributes may compete with the label’s traceability information. Such information, that may have little or no priority at the time of purchase, must be taken into account in any assessment of consumer preferences with regard to the certification of origin [
38].
Furthermore, food quality is related to a proactive policy of creating requirements for the maintenance of a healthy food supply. However, the traceability information available on the labels does not always contribute to greater confidence, as the safety of a product is the responsibility shared by all actors in the food chain, including governments, industry and consumers, and is susceptible to failure [
39].
Traceability system proponents believe that labels serve the right of the consumer to know about the origins of food products. Opponents are of the opinion that the labeling law is a protectionist measure, supported by distorted expectations of the quality of products imported. They find the labeling process expensive and complicated [
40].
Amidst so many reflections on the advantages or disadvantages of traceability, do consumers know what the system of traceability is? Is this information, as it is currently shown, useful and relevant when deciding to buy beef? Do consumers trust the traceability information on the labels? Whenever necessary, do consumers know how to use this information (in a time of crisis, for example)? When a system is obligatory or voluntary, are there differences?
Communication is the crucial point of understanding between consumers and companies [
38]. Once we know the types of information that different types of consumers require, we can begin to investigate whether the provision of specific information that is available through traceability will ultimately influence consumer confidence or not in making the final purchase decision [
34].
Appropriate measurement methods are required to answer these questions in order to assess the value that consumers attach to information on traceability, but also to inform industry about market demand [
18]. This would have significant consequences for public policy formulation [
40]
The fact that the traceability system is mandatory in one country (Spain) and not in another (Brazil) could be the source of some differences in consumer perception. The purpose of this study was to understand the familiarity of Spanish and Brazilian consumers with the bovine traceability system and the label traceability information as an indicator of product safety in countries with different beef consumption, production and mainly different scale of the traceability system’s implementation.
2. Materials and Methods
2.1. Experimental Overview
In general, meat consumption differs between regions due to different dietary patterns, income levels, and product availability [
41]. This statement can be extended to places like Spain and Brazil, the focus countries of this study, which show differences in terms of consumption, production, and the traceability system of beef.
With regard to beef cattle production, Spain, considered one of the largest exporters both within and outside the EU, is of great importance at the European level [
6]. In Brazil, on the other hand, beef production is of global importance, with the nation ranked among the world’s largest producers and exporters of beef [
8]. As far as consumption is concerned, three times more beef is consumed in Brazil than in Spain. The apparent consumption in Spain is 12.7 kg/inhabitant/year [
7], while in Brazil the consumption of beef is basic and high (35.8 kg/inhabitant/year) and is the fifth largest user of this commodity worldwide [
42].
The traceability of beef is another very important differential point between the two countries and the main theme of this study. In Spain, the mandatory traceability legally obligated is protected by the European framework [
9]. On the opposite, in Brazil, where there is a voluntary traceability of beef [
10], with the exception of the production of animals and products exported to countries requiring traceability. There is also a difference in the traceability information on the beef label that reaches the consumer in Spain and Brazil, in Spain this information is mandatory and required by law [
43], while in Brazil this information is optional [
10].
2.2. Consumers
The study was performed in 2016, with Spanish and Brazilian consumers reaching a total of 2132 regular beef purchasers. In Spain, 436 questionnaires were applied in the province of Zaragoza, and in Brazil, the questionnaires were administered in four different States—Minas Gerais (n = 424), Sao Paulo (n = 456), Parana (n = 406) and Santa Catarina (n = 410). Zaragoza was chosen because it is considered a model region in market studies in Spain due to its size and consumer behavior. In Brazil, the four regions were chosen because differ in consumption and beef production, complementing themselves to become representative of the country. The consumption of beef in the State of Minas Gerais is one of the lowest in the country, consumption in São Paulo is below the national average, in the State of Paraná is within the average and in Santa Catarina is above the average consumption. In relation to beef production, the State of Minas Gerais is the second largest producer of beef in the country, São Paulo is in ninth place, Paraná in tenth and Santa Catarina in thirteenth. The States of São Paulo and Minas Gerais are two of the main States where the largest meat processing plants in the country are gathered.
2.3. Online Questionnaire
The data of this study were collected through a self-administered questionnaire for dissemination in network designed with the support of the
Google.forms software (
Supplementary Materials, Web Application - Google Platform). Questionnaires were sent in each country’s native language (Spanish or Portuguese).
Two types of non-probabilistic sampling were used for data collection: Chain sampling, used to classify subjects with specific characteristics, beef consumers in our case; and conventional sampling, in which subjects are selected for their accessibility [
44]. The analysis has been planned to achieve descriptive and empirical goals. Closed questions with two or more alternatives and/or scales of responses were used for this [
45].
The questionnaire initially presented questions about the knowledge and correct definition of the traceability concept, the variables that make up the current traceability system, and the level of credibility and importance of the traceability system for beef.
Four additional questions/topics were then dealt with, two of which were addressed to the Spanish consumer and two to the Brazilian consumer relating to purchasing beef with traceability information or Certificate of Origin (CoO). Spanish consumers were questioned if they had taken the traceability information on meat labels into account at the time of purchase. Brazilian consumers were asked if they had already purchased beef with traceability information on the label, since traceability information is not present in all products. As the response, positive or negative, was asked to justify the answer.
The other two questions were related to the importance of traceability or CoO information on labels. Six label models (
Appendix A) with a different layout and traceability information set have been suggested for Spanish consumers. Participants were asked to order the labels from the most preferred to the least preferred from the layout and set of traceability information on each of the labels.
Each label contained the same “basic” product information such as the name of the product, the category, the recommendations for cooking, the expiration date, the price, etc. But with regards to the traceability information itself, three types of data were combined between the tags:
“Traceability” includes the mandatory information provided by law: Traceability number of the animal, animal birthplace, animal fattening location, slaughterhouse, and cutting and boning room.
Extra information, also referred to as “plus” in this study, was added to the label with mandatory traceability information. The breed and sex of the animal and the date of birth were included
A “QR Code” (Quick Response Code) used on the labels, in this case, for the electronic reading of the traceability information of the product for sale.
Two types of labels (
Appendix B) were sent to Brazilian consumers, one of which provided traceability information commonly found on beef labels sold in Brazil, i.e., an animal traceability number and a QR code for online access to animal origin information—CoO. And another label included traceability information on the label, just like the one supplied on the labels of beef sold in Spain, i.e., animal traceability number, animal birthplace, animal fattening location, slaughterhouse, and cutting and boning room. Brazilian consumers were asked which of the two labels provided the necessary information to satisfy their requirements.
Finally, participants from both countries were asked if, in case of suspicion that the meat they purchased has a problem of food safety quality or other aspects related to health, what action would they take with respect to the use of that food.
2.4. Data Analysis
Statistical analyses were performed using IBM® SPSS statistics version 22. Univariate and bivariate analyses were used to evaluate characteristics related to consumer behavior. Descriptive and chi-square analyses were used to evaluate characteristics related to consumer behavior: Knowledge, credibility, and importance of traceability and utility of information traceability on the beef label.
A maximum significance level of 5% or less was tested for acceptance or rejection of the null hypothesis. The conjoint analysis, using the dependency method, was used to determine the preference of different levels of Spanish beef label traceability information. As variables, the presence of mandatory traceability data, the presence of additional information and the presence of a QR code were analyzed, with two levels, omission/presence, in each variable.
4. Conclusions
This cross-cultural research study aimed to compare Spanish and Brazilian consumers with the purpose to understand the familiarity with the bovine traceability system and the label traceability information as an indicator of product safety in countries with different beef consumption, production, and traceability system implementation.
Consumers do not have a clear understanding of the term “traceability systems” but may be able to indicate the utility of such a system. In the role of guiding and to be able for consumers understanding traceability, more effective public policy may help to explain and clarify the general benefits associated with the purchase of food with traceability certified.
It seems that Brazilians have more technical knowledge of the traceability system and its component aspects than Spanish consumers. It may be because of Brazilians’ familiarity with the production of animals, since the country is an important producer/consumer of beef. On the other hand, Spanish consumers are less acquainted with the system itself, but far more familiar with the knowledge that reaches them via the labeling.
It is also clear that since traceability and labeling are mandatory in Spain, consumers have more credibility and offer the traceability system more importance, this can be a factor that can be taken into account in the decision-making process of a company looking to implement traceability where traceability is not established.
Consumers are interested in making sure that the item they purchase is of known and trusted origin. Consumers who do not take traceability information into account at the time of purchase are not feel responsible for traceability because they lack knowledge and are not engaged in product information. The implementation of a mandatory traceability system would only be interesting if consumers value this information. Again, public incentives would be a way to increase consumer demand for security.
With regard to the presentation of label traceability information, Brazilian consumers prefer to use combined information in the form of text and symbols (QR code). Traceability information in text form is well accepted by Spanish consumers. There is no successful acceptance of information provided with a QR code or an excess of written information.
Brazilian consumers are more concerned with reporting a potential risk in food, this may be an indicator that Brazilians will be more involved with respect to “complaint behavior” with compulsory traceability and this would bring benefits to public health in the case of any food issue that might arise.