Navigating Belonging While Experiencing Discrimination: Migrant Women’s Aspirations in Norway’s Labour Market

Abstract

This article examines how belonging and aspirations among women with a migrant background are shaped by experiences of discrimination in the Norwegian labour market. While extensive research exists on policy implementation and public measures aimed at integrating migrants into the labour market, less focus has been placed on understanding how migrants’ work aspirations and desires are shaped. This article builds on ethnographic fieldwork conducted among migrant women in a Norwegian city. Drawing on research suggesting that migrants’ agency is influenced by actual or perceived opportunity structures, I explore how discrimination, as a distinct structural barrier, (re)shape aspirations and belonging among women with migrant backgrounds. In this article, I explore identity and belonging as dynamic and context-dependent, rather than fixed categories like gender, ethnicity, or class. The findings show that discrimination is a salient part of women’s experiences in the labour market and further illustrate how discrimination affects their sense of belonging, and their aspirations connected to work-life. Some women seek belonging in arenas other than the labour market in society, where they experience that their resources are valued.

1. Introduction

Under the flickering glow of the streetlights, Maria’s footsteps echo softly against the pavement as she makes her way home. Her journey is a winding path through the corridors of education and employment, each step etched with the hope of a brighter future. Maria has chosen a career track within the field of healthcare, drawn to the promising opportunities she sees in this field, with many women of minority backgrounds working there. Two years of rigorous study passed, intertwined with the practical experience gained from working evenings at the local nursing home. But as the years wear on, Maria finds herself at a crossroads, her aspirations weighed against the harsh realities of the job market where she has been struggling to find a stable job. Despite her dedication, Maria’s career in healthcare has not yet been solidified. The dream of a stable job eludes her grasp, slipping through her fingers like grains of sand. Conflicts with colleagues at the nursing home add layers of complexity to an already challenging journey, leaving Maria feeling adrift in a sea of uncertainty. Yet, amidst the setbacks, Maria refuses to give up her ambition to obtain stable employment even if it feels like a long and difficult path to navigate. With unwavering resolve, Maria dares to chase her true passion: to pursue a career in makeup and hairdressing. Maria’s story illustrates challenges, dreams, and hopes for a better future. The story also highlights Maria’s strength and determination in the face of these challenges, and her willingness to continue striving for a better future and pursuing the career she dreams of.

Maria’s story is not unique; it is shared by other women I have spoken to through my fieldwork. Maria’s struggle to find employment and build a career in Norway reflects a reality faced by several women in similar situations. Further, they often encounter barriers, in form of linguistic competence, as well as a lack of recognition of their qualifications from their countries of origin. The women’s stories, I realised during my fieldwork, are also about experiences of being treated differently than others they work with of majority background. How do experiences of unfair treatment affect women in their everyday lives? How do their experiences affect their sense of belonging and their aspirations?

The concept of aspirations in migration studies has been widely used to explore both the factors influencing migration decisions (Bal and Willems 2014; Carling 2002, 2014; Carling and Collins 2018; de Haas 2010) and immigrant aspirations related to integration, employment, education, and income (Boccagni 2017; Borselli and van Meijl 2021; Di Martino et al. 2020; Van Heelsum 2017; Van Meeteren et al. 2009). Previous research has also investigated aspirations in the labour market linked to discrimination among refugees (Nessa 2024). In the interviews and conversations with the women conducted as part of this study, I maintained an open approach to exploring the factors influencing their aspirations. Through this process, I discovered that experiences of discrimination emerged as a significant dimension. This is not entirely surprising, as emotional responses to such experiences can shape aspirations, actions, and belonging. We also know from the existing body of literature that discrimination is a widespread phenomenon (see, i.e., Birkelund et al. 2016; Fibbi et al. 2021a, 2021b; Larsen and Di Stasio 2019; Midtbøen 2016, 2021; Stolcke 1995).

The concept of belonging is, as Anthias (2008) states, not just about formal membership, like citizenship, or identifying with specific groups (Anthias 2008). It also involves emotional and social connections. As Anthias (2008) points out, belonging is most apparent in situations of exclusion, highlighting its relational nature. This made me curious to find out more about how experiences of discrimination affect the sense of belonging among the women I have talked to during my research.

The growing ethnic and religious diversity across European societies, alongside substantial evidence showing that immigrants often encounter discrimination during both entry and settlement processes, highlights the need to deepen our understanding of the prevalence and implications of discrimination processes (Strabac et al. 2016; Ahmed and Gorey 2021; Di Stasio et al. 2021; Trittler 2019; Fibbi et al. 2021a, 2021b; Veit and Thijsen 2021; Midtbøen 2021; Steinmann 2019). From the existing body of literature in migration studies, we know that discrimination is widespread, but we do not fully understand its consequences.

Different forms of discrimination share two defining features. First, discrimination is inherently comparative—it occurs when an individual or group is treated less favourably than others in a similar situation (Fibbi et al. 2021a). Research consistently identifies hostility, prejudice, and negative attitudes, particularly towards Muslims, as significant and growing challenges, both in Norway and globally (Brekke et al. 2020; Di Stasio et al. 2021; Larsen and Di Stasio 2019; Strabac et al. 2014). In alignment with this, nearly all women (with few exceptions) in this study who shared stories of discrimination were migrants with a Muslim background. This underscores the need to further investigate how these experiences shape migrants’ opportunity structures—the resources and external circumstances that influence their opportunities—and their aspirations.

Further, this article examines migrants’ personal experiences in work-life and other parts of the “system” (i.e., Nav (Norwegian Labour and Welfare Administration)), emphasising the significance of perceived discrimination as a lens to study these experiences (Fibbi et al. 2021a). I analyse narratives of discrimination, highlighting how such experiences shape migrant women’s aspirations and their sense of belonging. The topic of discrimination and exclusion was not initially a subject when I planned the interviews and conversations with the women. However, it repeatedly surfaced during our discussions and interviews, with the women sharing experiences of discrimination in various settings. Discrimination frequently came up when the women talked about their experiences in the workplace and their interactions with institutions like Nav, where they felt they had been treated in a discriminatory manner. I therefore followed up their stories around discrimination and being treated differently, as I realised during the conversations that this was an important part of their experiences related to, i.e., work-life. Through my open approach to gaining insight into the women’s aspirations and the factors influencing them, I discovered that experiences of discrimination were an important part of their stories, profoundly affecting their aspirations and perspectives.

Based on ethnographic fieldwork with migrant women settling in Norway, this article contributes to the literature by empirically exploring how migrant women perceive their ability to achieve their labour market aspirations and foster a sense of belonging. It also examines how discrimination serves as a distinct barrier in these processes. The article begins by outlining the study context and methodology. It then introduces the theoretical framework applied to understand the processes of labour market aspirations and belonging amongst migrant women. In this article, I use the concepts of aspirations (Boccagni 2017), discrimination (Stolcke 1995; Fibbi et al. 2021a, 2021b) and belonging (Anthias 2008; Yuval-Davis 2006, 2011). This is followed by an empirical section exploring women’s experiences of discrimination and their responses to such challenges. The article further examines the women’s experiences in different settings related to working life, focusing on how they navigate, internalise, and respond to various forms of exclusion and bias in Norway. The article concludes by discussing how experiences of discrimination contribute to redefining aspirations and belonging.

2. Background and Study Context

This study was conducted in Norway, a Northern European country that has experienced a significant demographic transformation over the past 50 years (Midtbøen and Orupabo 2024). Immigrants and their descendants accounted for approximately 1.5% of Norway’s population in 1970, with the majority coming from other Nordic nations (Brochmann and Kjeldstadli 2008). By 1 January 2024, this proportion had grown to over one-fifth (Statistics Norway (SSB) 2024), with the largest immigrant groups coming from Poland, followed by Ukraine, Lithuania, Syria, Sweden, and Somalia (Statistics Norway (SSB) 2024).

Norway presents a multifaceted national context regarding the experiences and opportunities of migrants. The country’s comprehensive welfare system, free higher education, and regulated labour market have facilitated substantial upward socioeconomic mobility for the descendants of immigrants (Hermansen 2016; Midtbøen and Nadim 2022). However, field experiments consistently reveal ongoing ethnic discrimination in recruitment processes (Birkelund et al. 2016; Larsen and Di Stasio 2019; Midtbøen 2016). Furthermore, although individuals of immigrant descent and mixed heritage often identify as Norwegian, they do not always feel recognised as such by others (Friberg 2021).

This paradox in Norwegian society, characterised by institutional support for social mobility alongside persistent discrimination and limited acknowledgment of national belonging, can create uncertainty for migrants regarding their labour market prospects. The ambiguous nature of Norwegian egalitarianism further complicates this (Gullestad 1992). Unlike countries like the US and France, where equality is tied to equal opportunities and acceptance of differences, the Norwegian ideal of equality is closely linked to cultural sameness—fitting in, sharing common values, and appearing “ordinary” (Gullestad 1992). This promotes subtle social boundaries, where those who stand out due to appearance, dialect, or strong religious identity may face exclusion (Gullestad 2006). A loosely defined yet influential concept of Norwegianness can function as an “invisible fence”, subtly excluding individuals and groups who are not immediately recognised as part of the majority society due to factors like physical appearance or a strong religious identity (Gullestad 2002, 2006).

The intricate nature of Norwegian egalitarianism likely amplifies this sense of uncertainty (Midtbøen and Orupabo 2024). Thus, to comprehend how migrants interpret, experience, and manage experiences of discrimination, we need to grasp how broader societal features as well as the particularities of situations shape individuals’ experiences and actions (Midtbøen and Orupabo 2024).

At a macro level, Norway provides a compelling context for exploring strategies to address experienced discrimination. On the one hand, the country is renowned for its egalitarian values, reflected institutionally in its extensive welfare state (Brochmann et al. 2012; Esping-Andersen 1990) and culturally in strong perceptions of equality (Gullestad 1992; Sakslind et al. 2018). At the same time, changes in the welfare state show that this egalitarianism is becoming more differentiated, with hierarchies of belonging emerging (Bendixsen 2018). On the other hand, rapid demographic shifts in recent decades have transformed Norway’s predominantly white population into a multiethnic one (Midtbøen and Orupabo 2024).

2.1. Theoretical Framework

Aspirations

Migrants’ aspirations, understood as future-oriented plans that evolve over time, remain underexplored in migration studies (Boccagni 2017). Aspirations can, according to Boccagni (2017), be described as conceptions of the future, shaped by present circumstances and past experiences. One of the foundational contributions to the study of aspirations in migration research is the work of Portes et al. (1978) in their study “Immigrant Aspirations”. They examine migrants’ aspirations across three primary domains: employment, income, and education. Based on a survey of Mexican and Cuban migrants in the United States, the study finds that despite significant differences among individuals, aspirations are shaped by a rational assessment of prior experiences and qualifications. Similarly, Carling (2002, 2014) provides valuable insights into how individuals weigh the preference to migrate versus remaining in their current location, regardless of the reasons for migration. de Haas (2011) underscores the significance of individuals possessing the necessary “capabilities” and navigating within specific opportunity structures to enable migration and sustain it over time.

Other scholars have explored factors influencing migrants’ aspirations using quantitative methods (Czaika and Vothknecht 2012) and have subsequently classified these factors qualitatively (Bal and Willems 2014). For example, Bal and Willems (2014) examine how individuals in five countries envision future possibilities and the factors that shape these imaginaries. Van Meeteren et al. (2009) investigate the resources required to realise migrants’ aspirations, highlighting how different types of aspirations necessitate distinct forms of capital, including cultural, social, and economic capital.

According to Boccagni (2017), migration affects individuals’ perceptions of the future, prompting them to reassess their past aspirations in light of their present circumstances. Aspirations are inherently subjective, influenced by individuals’ perceptions of their life situations and their social and cultural contexts (Boccagni 2017). Boccagni emphasises the complexity of migrants’ aspirations, as their backgrounds often involve multiple locations and social relations that span across time and space. Migration introduces dynamic factors that shape and reshape these aspirations over time and across different contexts. His work demonstrates how migrants frequently adjust their aspirations when faced with various realities, emphasising the importance of understanding these processes as dynamic. Aspirations, he argues, are influenced by factors at the micro, meso, and macro levels, and include subjective dimensions, such as perceptions of the surrounding world. These subjective dimensions reflect how individuals experience and interpret their environment, varying according to personal factors.

Boccagni (2017) views aspirations as underlying our everyday experiences throughout the life course. In his study of migrants working as domestic workers in Italy, he illustrates how life events, such as migration, profoundly shape individuals’ future imaginaries. Migration is framed as an event that reconstructs migrants’ earlier visions of the future, which, in turn, drives their aspirations. Boccagni explains how migration prompts participants to compare their past aspirations with their current achievements and assess their future ambitions. He also shows how migrants’ aspirations often collide with realities that reshape their original goals, emphasising the need to investigate how aspirations develop and transform over time. As Lazar (2023, p. 16) notes, ethnography is particularly well-suited to examining how workers, particularly migrants, navigate diverse labour systems and how these systems influence their aspirations.

In this article, I draw on Boccagni’s (2017) perspective on aspirations to better understand migrant women’s aspirations, with a focus on the labour market context. His framework is particularly relevant for gaining a deeper understanding of how individuals cultivate their aspirations while exploring how these aspirations are shaped and reshaped in response to the varied situations these women encounter.

2.2. Discrimination

Although equality of opportunity is a fundamental principle in modern societies, discrimination remains a complex issue (Fibbi et al. 2021b). At its core, discrimination involves the unequal treatment of individuals in similar situations based on characteristics such as race, ethnicity, gender, disability, sexual orientation (Fibbi et al. 2021a), or culture (Stolcke 1995). Discrimination can be explicit, through direct exclusion, or implicit, embedded in seemingly neutral rules that disproportionately disadvantage certain groups (Fibbi et al. 2021a). These disadvantages often stem from historical legacies, institutional cultures, or policies that favour some groups over others. In the past, many societies upheld institutionalised racial or ethnic segregation, restricting minorities from jobs or housing (Anderson 2010). While such legal discrimination was largely dismantled in the 1960s and 1970s, more subtle forms persist in education, employment, the justice system, and public spaces (Pager and Shepherd 2008; Reskin 2012; Stolcke 1995; Gullestad 2002). Research has also discovered discrimination in health in recent studies (Ishaq et al. 2024; Dadras and Diaz 2024).

Different forms of discrimination share two defining features. First, discrimination is inherently comparative—it occurs when an individual or group is treated less favourably than others in a similar situation (Fibbi et al. 2021a). Second, it is based on an ascribed characteristic that individuals cannot easily change, regardless of whether the classification aligns with their actual identity. Ethnic and racial discrimination, for instance, is rooted in race, colour, ethnic origin, national descent (Fibbi et al. 2021a), and culture (Stolcke 1995). These categories are part of broader systems of inequality that shape the distribution of wealth, power, and resources in society (Ridgeway 2014). Because discrimination often influences access to housing, employment, and other opportunities in society, it plays a fundamental role in determining who has access to power and resources (Fibbi et al. 2021a).

Stolcke’s (1995) work provides a critical view on how cultural discourse has come to serve as the new frontier of exclusion in Europe. Stolcke (1995) argues that European political discourse has shifted from overt biological racism to a subtler form of exclusion based on cultural differences—a phenomenon she terms “cultural fundamentalism”. She argues that by shifting the focus from biological race to cultural difference, contemporary political rhetoric manages to cloak exclusion in the guise of defending national identity and preserving cultural integrity. Instead of asserting that certain races are inherently inferior, right-wing groups now portray immigrants (especially those from former colonies) as culturally incompatible outsiders. This rhetoric claims that cultural differences are natural and that humans have an innate tendency toward xenophobia, thereby justifying exclusion without using explicit racist language (Stolcke 1995). She further explains that although this new discourse appears to defend national identity and preserve cultural integrity, it essentially repackages older nationalist ideas. In summary, Stolcke’s (1995) analysis reveals how modern exclusionary practices, under the guise of protecting cultural uniqueness, continue to mask deep-rooted nationalist impulses in an era of globalisation.

2.3. Direct and Indirect Discrimination

Direct discrimination aligns with the basic definition of discrimination. According to the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) from 1965, ethnic or racial discrimination occurs when individuals or groups receive unequal treatment based on race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin (Fibbi et al. 2021a). However, as Fredman (2011, p. 177) notes, “equal treatment may well lead to unequal results”. This statement highlights the concept of indirect discrimination, which arises when seemingly neutral rules or procedures disproportionately disadvantage certain individuals or groups (Fibbi et al. 2021a).

Discrimination can stem from prejudice, stereotypes, or implicit bias, but it is not merely an ideology or belief. Rather, as Fiske (1998) states, it manifests through behaviours, procedures, or policies that disadvantage individuals solely because of their group membership. As a result, an action can be considered discriminatory even without any underlying intent or motivation (Fibbi et al. 2021b; Khaitan 2015). This is especially evident in indirect discrimination, which recognises that neutral rules and procedures can create or reinforce disadvantages, emphasising that unjustified categorical inequalities (Fibbi et al. 2021a) and “invisible fences” (Gullestad 2002, 2006) can arise regardless of individual intentions.

In this article, my understanding of the concept of discrimination is based on a broad definition, and not solely as direct and intentional discrimination. I find the concept relevant as several of the women in my study talked about experiencing unequal treatment in the labour market, which can be interpreted as a form of indirect discrimination or what Gullestad (2002, 2006) calls invisible fences. Gullestad uses the concept of “invisible fences” to describe invisible social boundaries created by norms, values, and expectations in society. The concept highlights how inequality, discrimination, or exclusion can operate subtly, shaping social relations without being overtly acknowledged (Gullestad 2002, 2006). It reflects how power and social structures often affect everyday life in subtle ways. Gullestad (2002, p. 55) highlights what she sees as a crucial point in understanding discrimination in Norway: “the unintended consequence of a particular set of ideas may be the erection of ‘invisible fences’, even though the original, or conscious, motivation was precisely to eliminate them”.

2.4. Belonging and Identity

The concepts of identity and belonging are central to contemporary discussions on migration and the dynamics of social inclusion (Anthias 2008). Identity, often regarded as a key term in global discourses, encompasses the visible and contested markers of ethnicity that become increasingly salient in the globalised world. It is closely tied to the mechanisms of modern states and transnational coalitions of power, which establish new borders and systems of categorisation (Anthias 2008). These systems delineate individuals and groups as either desirable or undesirable, often driven by perceived threats from “hostile” identities. This fear manifests in diverse forms, including the “war on terror”, anxieties about migrants perceived as economic burdens, and concerns over asylum seekers and refugees whose cultural practices or lifestyles are seen as incompatible with Western norms. These issues are at the heart of debates on multiculturalism and social cohesion (Anthias 2008).

Identity, however, Anthias (2008) argues, is far from a straightforward concept. It is both contested and contestable, as noted by Brubaker and Cooper (2000), who argue that identity has become an overextended term that says “both too much and too little”. This critique highlights the careless incorporation of varied elements under the umbrella of identity. On one end, identity refers to notions of the “core self”, such as Erikson’s (1968) psychosocial developmental perspective, while on the other, it encompasses external classifications like country of birth or language (Anthias 2008).

Furthermore, identity involves the processes of identification with others, the construction of collective groupings, and the political dimensions of identity formation. It includes claims made by individuals or groups and the attributions imposed on them by others. Identity operates narratively and performatively, intersecting with experiential, representational, and organisational dimensions (Anthias 2008). Anthias (2002) argues for a perspective where identity is treated as a process rather than a fixed attribute. This is also reflected in the work of Mead (1964) and Mouffe (1994).

Abandoning identity as a heuristic device does not mean dismissing its social significance, as individuals and groups continue to use the term to describe processes, ideas, and experiences related to themselves and others (Anthias 2002). However, by focusing on positionality and context, it becomes possible to problematise the epistemological and ontological status of identity and critique identity-based politics more effectively while still recognising its social relevance (Anthias 2002). With this perspective, spatial and contextual dimensions are considered, framing the issues as dynamic processes rather than fixed attributes of individuals (Anthias 2002).

Belonging, in contrast to identity, emerges as a relational concept that underscores inclusion and exclusion within social contexts. It is about the construction of “we-ness”—those recognised as part of the collective self—and “otherness”, which defines those outside this boundary (Anthias 2008). Unlike identity, which emphasises self-perception and narratives, belonging focuses on access, participation, and inclusion within social spaces. As Anthias (2008) states, identity revolves around individual and collective narratives, myths of origin, and strategies of identification, while belonging is concerned with the lived experiences of being part of the social fabric and the emotional bonds that come with inclusion.

Yuval-Davis (2006, 2011) presents a framework for studying belonging and its political aspects. She explores belonging through three key analytical levels: social locations, emotional and identificational attachments, and ethical-political values. The different levels are interconnected but cannot be reduced to each other. She further examines how the politics of belonging intersect with citizenship, entitlement, and status. Using examples from the British context, she illustrates how political projects shape belonging by emphasising certain dimensions of belonging (Yuval-Davis 2006).

Crucially, belonging is not merely about formal membership, as in the case with citizenship, or about identifying with particular groups (Anthias 2008). It also relates to the emotional and social resonance of these affiliations. As Anthias (2008) argues, belonging becomes most visible in the context of exclusion, revealing its relational nature. It encompasses both formal and informal dimensions, including feelings of safety, shared values, and the stability of one’s role within a community. Collective spaces of belonging are often imagined in ways that obscure their internal divisions and exclusions. These constructions naturalise social and contextual relations, presenting them as fixed and absolute structures. This process can render the exclusionary aspects of belonging invisible, particularly in dominant narratives (Anthias 2008).

Anthias (2008) and Yuval-Davis (2006, 2011) explain how ethnic ties alone do not guarantee a sense of belonging, as they intersect with other social relations, including those shaped by gender, class, and generational differences. For example, an individual may be excluded from a collective if they fail to conform to its gender norms (Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1989). Belonging thus extends beyond identification; it requires acceptance within a community, a sense of safety, and a shared investment in the collective’s future. It also reflects the translocal and multi-dimensional nature of social positions and identities, shaped by factors such as gender, class, and life stage (Anthias 2008).

Anthias (2008) highlights that even though identity and belonging are deeply interconnected, they still emphasise different aspects of social and personal life. Identity is rooted in narratives of self and group affiliations, encompassing claims and categorisations. Belonging, on the other hand, reflects the lived experiences of inclusion and the emotional ties that underpin a sense of community (Yuval-Davis 2006, 2011; Anthias 2008). Both concepts remain vital for understanding the complexities of migration and the social structures that shape inclusion and exclusion (Anthias 2008).

In the Norwegian context, Aarset (2018) has written about the ways in which Norwegian egalitarianism affects middle-class ethnic minorities, focusing on highly educated descendants of Pakistani migrants. Aarset (2018) explores how the migrants work on their social habitus to gain acceptance as part of the middle class in Norway. Her study highlights the importance of understanding egalitarianism within specific social contexts, where class shapes social boundaries and influences ideals of equality. For middle-class ethnic minorities, the need to fit in and achieve belonging becomes particularly precarious in certain situations. The author (Aarset 2018) uses the concept of “conditional belonging” to capture how their sense of belonging in Norway is accompanied by an awareness that this belonging is not entirely in their control and depends on external conditions.

3. Data, Method, and Research Design

The findings presented in this article are part of a broader study examining migrant women’s migration experiences, particularly their aspirations and participation in the labour market, and how these shape their lives as they settle into Norwegian society. The data in this article consist of 11 months of fieldwork (participant observation and conversations) conducted between September 2022 and August 2023, and semi-structured interviews with 10 women with migrant backgrounds living in Norway. In addition, I conducted some follow-up interviews in 2024. Although I talked to many migrants throughout the fieldwork, I was not able to conduct individual in-depth interviews with all of them. Some were reluctant to participate in interviews, and some did not have the time to do so. However, I was able to stay in touch with eight of the migrant women, whom I re-interviewed between 8 and 12 months after the initial interviews, as I intended to obtain a deeper insight into different settlement phases and their experiences.

Given the central role of participant observation in the research design and the emphasis on studying a small number of cases (Atkinson and Hammersley 1998), the fieldwork adopts an ethnographic approach, focusing on “shared and learned patterns of values, behaviours, beliefs, and language of a culture-sharing group” (Creswell 2013, p. 68).

The project has been registered in RETTE, the University of Bergen’s data archive system, and the research follows ethical guidelines by The National Committee for Research Ethics in the Social Sciences and the Humanities (NESH). My fieldwork has been conducted in two distinct locations: first, a job-training initiative referred to here as “Jobstart”, which is organised by the local municipality, and second, “Meeting place”, an informal gathering space for women with migrant backgrounds, organised by a non-profit organisation. Participation in the work-training program (Jobstart) is mandatory, with a schedule equivalent to a standard 37.5 h workweek. In contrast, “Meeting place” is a voluntary gathering space that offers weekly meetups and various events that women can attend by choice. I actively participated in work practice, community courses, and other activities and events arranged by the organisations. In line with ethical considerations, the names of the locations, as well as the names of the women, have been anonymised in the article. The names I use in the article are pseudonyms.

Additionally, I visited some of the informants in their homes, spending time with them and their families. These visits allowed me to observe and interact with participants in a more natural setting than formal interviews. Over time, I became acquainted with them as they shared various aspects of their lives in Norway. The semi-structured individual interviews, which lasted between one and two hours, covered topics such as their backgrounds, migration journeys, education, and their experiences and perspectives on work in Norway.

All the interviews were conducted in either Norwegian or English. The informants were aged from their late twenties to mid-fifties and had different national backgrounds, educational levels, and work experience. The informants migrated to Norway from two distinct, broader regions: the Middle East and East Africa. The study was conducted in a city in Norway.

Details regarding the women’s countries of origin, age, and length of residency have been broadly categorised to protect their anonymity. The women varied in employment status, age, and life circumstances. Some were employed, while others were not. They possessed diverse educational backgrounds and work experience. Some women had no prior work experience before arriving in Norway, while others had been previously employed. Educational backgrounds ranged widely; most had little or no formal education, while a few held university-level qualifications from their countries of origin.

4. Different Forms of Experienced Discrimination in Work-Life in Norway

4.1. Experiences of Discrimination in the Workplace

One November day, I found myself sitting in a café in the city with Sasha, a woman in her forties from East Africa. Sasha shared stories about the challenges she faced in her workplace and how things improved once she started standing up for herself and speaking directly to her manager. During the interview, I asked Sasha if she ever considered applying for other jobs when faced with these difficulties at work:

“No, I never did. I didn’t have any experience, and being a foreigner, how would I find another job? So, I told the leader when she asked me if I was looking for other jobs. We had a male employee who quit after just a few months because the manager wasn’t very nice to him. And then she asked if I was also looking for other jobs, but I had never considered it. So, I stayed here […] things got better, but it was after I became stronger and started standing up for myself. So now I don’t settle for things like before, now I speak up and address it in meetings if there’s something I’m unhappy with. The manager has gotten much better, but I had to let her know. Several of the workers didn’t want to be there because of the way the manager treated them. And they talked around, so then it turned into nobody wanting to come here… something had to be done about it, and it got better, thankfully. Now I think it is luxury compared to before.”

The excerpt from the conversation with Sasha reflects how she perceives her opportunities for a new or different type of job as difficult due to her lack of experience and her foreign background. Sasha’s experience is shared with several of the women in my study.

Sasha’s experiences at work also reflect how perceived limitations due to migrant status and lack of experience can shape both aspirations and belonging. When faced with workplace difficulties, she initially did not consider seeking other job opportunities, believing that her foreign background would hinder her chances. This sense of limited opportunities resonates with Boccagni’s (2017) argument that migration influences individuals’ perceptions of their futures, prompting reassessments of their aspirations based on present circumstances. Sasha’s belief that she had no other options led her to remain in a challenging work environment, aligning with the notion that aspirations are fluid and shaped by contextual factors, including workplace dynamics. Over time, however, Sasha’s trajectory shifted. Her move from passive acceptance of workplace difficulties to actively standing up for herself changed both her work environment and her self-perception. This change illustrates the dynamic nature of identity, as discussed by Anthias (2002). Rather than being a fixed attribute, identity evolves through lived experiences, shaped by interactions and positionality within social structures. Initially, Sasha’s identity as a “foreigner” contributed to her perception of having limited agency, but through confronting workplace challenges, she redefined her position, gaining confidence and self-assurance. This shift highlights how identity is not static but is constantly negotiated through experiences of inclusion and exclusion (Anthias 2002, 2008).

Sasha’s experience is also shaped by the power dynamics at play in the workplace. Initially, she perceives herself as powerless, influenced by her identity as a migrant. However, the dissatisfaction expressed by her co-workers plays a crucial role in fostering collective pressure, which in turn influences changes in the workplace. This collective dissatisfaction not only highlights how shared grievances can drive change, even in hierarchical settings, but also reinforces a sense of belonging among workers. By uniting around common struggles, employees create a form of solidarity that strengthens their collective identity and agency (Lazar 2023), making belonging not just a personal experience but a shared, dynamic process (Anthias 2008; Yuval-Davis 2006) shaped by workplace interaction.

Belonging, as Anthias (2008) suggests, is a relational concept that highlights the processes of inclusion and exclusion within social contexts. When Sasha asserted herself and challenged workplace dynamics, she not only gained personal agency but also influenced the work environment for others. Her case exemplifies how belonging is not merely about formal inclusion (such as being employed) but also about feeling recognised and valued in different social settings.

Furthermore, Sasha’s experience demonstrates how aspirations are shaped by both structural constraints and personal agency. Initially, she settled for her job, believing it was her only option. However, as her sense of belonging in the workplace grew through self-advocacy, her outlook on work also changed. This aligns with Boccagni’s (2017) perspective that aspirations are constantly reconfigured based on evolving circumstances. By addressing workplace issues and asserting her agency, Sasha not only improved her current work situation but also expanded her sense of future possibilities, showing how aspirations are shaped and reshaped by lived experiences.

Sasha’s narrative illustrates the interconnectedness of belonging, identity, and aspirations. Her journey from feeling limited by her migrant status to asserting herself in the workplace underscores how identity is shaped through social interactions. At the same time, her experience highlights the fluid nature of aspirations, which evolve as individuals navigate exclusion and inclusion. Another woman, Nira, shared similar experiences to Sasha’s. Nira is a woman in her forties from the Middle East. Nira had been in a workplace where she experienced getting paid less than other coworkers. Nira at first accepted this, as she was grateful to finally have a job after a long time without. After six months, she decided to speak up and address the unequal pay. At first, Nira was reluctant to bring it up, worried it might make her seem ungrateful. She was grateful to have a job and therefore scared to lose it. Nonetheless, Nira had a conversation with her leader, and the leader accepted her concerns and was willing to give her a pay rise. Nira explains how she came to the decision to ask her leader about a pay rise after she had been attending a meeting about work, work rights, and trade unions in Norway, organised by a volunteer organisation (NGO). The people speaking during the meeting provided information about the rights you have as an employee in Norway. Nira expressed how she felt more comfortable and confident going to her leader after the meeting.

Additionally, both Sasha’s and Nira’s experiences raise important broader implications, particularly for migrant narratives in the labour market. Sasha’s journey underscores the necessity of addressing the systemic barriers that undermine migrants’ confidence and limit their opportunities in the labour market. Sasha and Nira’s stories illustrate the broader challenges faced by migrants in navigating the complexities of identity, power dynamics, and opportunity structures (de Haas 2021) and highlight the importance of fostering environments that allow them to thrive and assert their agency.

Fatima is another woman who told me about her experiences of being treated differently. Fatima is a woman in her late twenties from a country in the Middle East. She has been living in Norway for more than ten years. She used to work in a cafeteria, where she was treated differently than other colleagues:

“I didn’t feel included, and they spoke to me differently [than majority Norwegians in the workplace] and didn’t respond when I asked about things. I felt very isolated […] Then I would rather be at home without a job. I go for walks and do other things. It was not good for me to be there”.

Fatima feels unmotivated about work and tries to find other activities to participate in. Her experiences in the workplace illustrate how exclusion can shape both aspirations and belonging, as discussed by Boccagni (2017) and Anthias (2008). She described feeling isolated and excluded, noting that her colleagues spoke to her differently and often ignored her questions. As Anthias (2008) notes, belonging becomes most visible in the context of exclusion, as experienced by Fatima. This exclusion has direct consequences for her daily life, leading to a loss of motivation for work and a preference for engaging in alternative activities where she experienced a greater sense of belonging, such as NGOs working with women of migrant backgrounds. Fatima’s experiences of exclusion also affect her future aspirations.

Boccagni (2017) highlights the complexity of migrants’ aspirations, which are influenced by their social and cultural contexts, as well as their subjective perceptions of their environments. Fatima’s aspirations for employment were initially strong—she wanted to work, and she made significant efforts to secure a job. However, the reality of the workplace, where she experienced exclusion, disrupted her trajectory, reshaping her aspirations. Instead of pursuing long-term employment in a work environment where Fatima did not feel included, she began to seek alternative avenues that provided her with a sense of purpose and community. This shift illustrates how aspirations are dynamic and can be reconfigured in response to lived experiences (Boccagni 2017).

Furthermore, Anthias’ (2008) concept of belonging provides a useful lens for understanding how exclusion at the workplace impacted Fatima’s sense of belonging. Belonging, as Anthias (2008) argues, is not just about formal membership or identification with a particular group; it also involves emotional and social resonance. Fatima’s experience of exclusion highlights the relational nature of belonging—she feels its absence most acutely in the context of workplace marginalisation. Her story illustrates how workplace cultures can create barriers to belonging by reinforcing social hierarchies and exclusionary practices.

Crucially, Anthias (2008) also emphasises that collective spaces of belonging often obscure their internal divisions and exclusions, presenting themselves as fixed and inclusive while simultaneously marginalising certain groups. Fatima’s experience reflects this dynamic, as her workplace may formally include her as an employee yet does not provide an environment where she feels accepted and valued. Instead, Fatima finds belonging in alternative spaces, such as different community organisations, where she experiences shared values and support.

Fatima’s experience demonstrates how exclusion in the workplace can reshape aspirations (Boccagni 2017) and fracture one’s sense of belonging (Anthias 2008). While she initially aspired to work, her lived reality led her to seek alternative spaces where she felt more valued. This case underscores the fluid and dynamic nature of both aspirations and belonging, showing how migrants continuously negotiate their positions in different social and institutional contexts.

Maria, a woman in her thirties from East Africa, who was introduced in the introduction of this article, shared with me her experiences in navigating a career path. Maria went on to attend high school (in health care studies) after she had finished Norwegian language classes and had a visa that allowed her to work and/or study. She wanted to gain formal certificates and qualifications and decided to start high school. She felt this field offered good job opportunities, as she saw many others “like her” [foreigners] working in healthcare. She spent two years studying healthcare and worked part-time at a nursing home. However, she did not go into an apprenticeship after finishing her education. Instead, she worked as an assistant and worked extra shifts, earning her more money than she would as an apprentice. Maria says:

“But then you never get a permanent job… it’s difficult. I worked for about 8–9 years in healthcare, but it was tough. And there were some conflicts with colleagues. There was one woman—I understand that she was tired after working there for probably 30 years. But she always complained about us foreigners, saying we were doing things wrong…”

This excerpt highlights the precarious nature of employment for migrants, particularly in sectors like healthcare, where many work on temporary contracts without the security of permanent positions. Maria’s frustration reflects structural barriers that limit her long-term job stability, making it difficult to establish secure employment. A key concern Maria raised revolves around workplace discrimination and tensions with colleagues. By mentioning the complaint about “foreigners”, Maria highlighted her personal experience with bias, which reinforced her feeling of not being fully accepted in the workplace. The coworker’s complaints may have stemmed from fatigue or resistance to change, but this behaviour also reflects underlying power dynamics, where migrant workers are positioned as outsiders who must prove their competence to be accepted in the workplace. This situation illustrates how indirect discrimination (Fibbi et al. 2021a) and Gullestad’s (2002, 2006) concept of invisible fences operate in everyday interactions. While Maria acknowledges the challenges of the job itself, the additional burden of navigating workplace conflicts and negative perceptions makes belonging even more difficult for her. The lack of recognition and the struggle for acceptance may then contribute to a broader feeling of conditional belonging (Aarset 2018) in the labour market, where belonging is something that is not entirely in her control.

4.2. Experiences of Discrimination in the Bureaucratic System

Another context in which migrant women have experienced unequal opportunities compared to majority Norwegians is in their interactions with the bureaucratic system, Nav (Norwegian Labour and Welfare Administration).

Aida is a woman in her fifties from the Middle East. She has been living in Norway for more than twenty years. Aida told me about her experiences of being treated differently (than other colleagues) in her previous workplace, where she got paid less than other (majority Norwegians) colleagues. Aida further talked about her experiences with Nav (Norwegian Labour and Welfare Administration), when she was applying for social support after she lost her job:

“It has been difficult since I lost my job. I want to find work so I can develop myself and feel that I am contributing. For example, when you need help from the system, there is a welfare state here, but you do not feel treated like a human being. The experience at the Nav office is very bad. […] I feel like every month is a battle. At the end of the month, I think, ’Yes, now it is war again’. It is very challenging. And I feel like the staff there believe we are trying to cheat the system. […] It is like they never trust us [foreigners] and think we are trying to cheat the system. You do not feel treated like a human being. That gives me the motivation to find a job, to become independent, and to avoid feeling like I have to ask for help and fight with them every month. It is very challenging.”

In this excerpt, Aida expresses a strong desire for self-development and contribution to society, though at the same time, she reflects on how her interactions with the welfare office (Nav) undermine her self-worth. Aida repeatedly emphasises feeling distrusted and perceived as someone trying to exploit the system. This reflects broader issues of indirect discrimination and creates invisible fences (Gullestad 2002), where structural biases lead to feelings of exclusion and reinforce negative stereotypes about migrants. Furthermore, the experience of discrimination becomes a driving force for Aida’s aspirations. The desire for employment is not just about financial stability but also about reclaiming agency and independence. Aida’s experience sheds light on the unintended consequences of welfare policies and how indirect discrimination (Fibbi et al. 2021a) can shape migrants’ aspirations and reinforce their feelings of conditional belonging in Norway (Aarset 2018).

Another woman in this study shared her experiences about applying for jobs in Norway. Samira is a woman in her thirties from East Africa. She moved to Norway around ten years ago. I met Samira for an interview on a sunny autumn day in 2023. She told me about her life before and after she settled in Norway. Samira worked for many years before she came to Norway and told me that she was very motivated to learn the language and find a job as soon as she could. The actual journey into the labour market, however, was longer and more difficult than she had imagined. Samira sought help from an advisor working in Nav and was able to secure a job after some time. She told me about her experience with the help she got from the advisor:

“My advisor told me, or advised me, to apply for jobs with diversity. She said I would have a better chance of getting a job that way. I got a job after applying to an organisation that valued diversity and language skills. So, I think it was very good advice that I got from my advisor… She was very honest about it. Some people don’t dare to say it. But I think it’s important to speak the truth. It’s nice to be polite and kind, sure. But… but it’s not so good to be kind if it means covering up something… It’s fine to mention now and then that it happens. So, I think it was incredibly good advice that she gave me. I had no idea, I had no clue that it was like that before she said it, but now, now I know, right…”

Per this excerpt from Samira, it becomes clear that her background as a foreigner is of meaning when applying for, and finding jobs, in light of what her advisor (in Nav) told her. Samira showed gratitude for the advice she got, as it led her to get a job. The situation Samira is referring to above may not appear to be discrimination and might not strictly qualify as such either. However, it can be considered a subtle form of bias from the advisor. My focus here is on Samira’s own account of her experience—how she perceived and processed her interaction with her advisor. This is her retrospective telling of the meeting and advice she got, shaped by her personal perspective. The advisor’s suggestion about where Samira should apply for jobs highlights her foreign background, implying that she would have a better chance at companies that prioritise diversity. This could be interpreted as an assumption that her opportunities are limited to such workplaces. The excerpt from Samira illustrates how the advice she received from her advisor reflects a form of bias, where the advisor limits the places Samira should apply for jobs to workplaces that prioritise diversity. Samira then made her decisions based on the advice she got, which further influenced her (changing) labour market aspirations. Samira’s understanding of what the advisor told her becomes the foundation upon which she builds her actions and decisions moving forward. This can be seen in light of what Corrigan et al. (2005) and Corrigan and Watson (2002) wrote about internalising feelings, which means accepting the judgment, negative thoughts, beliefs, and stereotypes of others, taking them as a truth, and applying them in one’s life.

Samira feels that she does not have the same opportunities to be treated equally and perceives that her advisor—someone she believes has her best interests at heart—gave her a clear message: she must expect not to be treated equally, and she must expect her foreignness to be front of mind in a job-application situation. Though the advisor suggested ways to make Samira’s foreignness a positive feature to Samira in her search for a job, it nonetheless contributed to reducing Samira to this otherness. This reinforces Samira’s sense of conditional belonging (Aarset 2018) in Norway.

In light of Anthias’ (2008) concept of belonging as relational, which underscores inclusion and exclusion within a social context, Samira’s experience can be seen as a clear example of how her sense of belonging in Norway was conditioned and challenged through her interactions with the advisor about how to navigate in the labour market. Although the advisor suggested ways to present Samira’s “foreignness” as a positive feature in her job search, this still served to reduce her to a category of otherness. This could, in light of what Aarset (2018) wrote about conditional belonging, reinforce Samira’s sense of belonging in Norway, where she can only be considered part of society under certain conditions. The “invisible fences” (Gullestad 2002, 2006) created by societal norms and expectations limit her opportunities, even when the intention is to promote equality.

5. Discussion and Conclusions

In this article, I have demonstrated how discrimination emerges in my informants’ narratives as an interwoven process shaped by both systemic barriers and everyday interactions. The women’s experiences extend beyond explicit exclusionary acts to more subtle, everyday encounters that shape their sense of belonging, aspirations, and agency. Many women recounted how their background as migrants positioned them as outsiders in the labour market, reinforcing feelings of exclusion and marginalisation, where subtle acts of exclusion reinforced the women’s sense of otherness. However, the responses to these experiences were not uniform—while some withdrew from work, seeking belonging elsewhere in society, others navigated these challenges by actively negotiating their identities and aspirations within the constraints of the labour market. Some even embraced their perceived “otherness” as a strategy for inclusion, leveraging their diversity to carve out spaces for themselves.

Rather than viewing discrimination as a static barrier, this study highlights its role as a transformative force in shaping aspirations (Boccagni 2017). Encounters with exclusion often led to shifts in career trajectories, where women recalibrated their expectations and sought alternative employment paths where they felt a greater sense of acceptance and belonging (Anthias 2008; Yuval-Davis 2006). This process underscores the dynamic nature of aspirations, illustrating how they are continually (re)shaped through lived experiences in the labour market. The case of Sasha exemplifies this, as her initial hesitancy and self-perceived limitations gradually changed to self-advocacy and agency. This example highlights the ways in which migrant women navigate structural constraints and overcome barriers, demonstrating both vulnerability and agency.

Additionally, this article sheds light on the broad implications of indirect discrimination (Fibbi et al. 2021a) and how “invisible fences” (Gullestad 2002, 2006) in society create subtle yet powerful barriers to labour market inclusion. These unspoken societal norms and expectations often reinforce labour market inequalities, even when formal policies promote diversity and equality (Aarset 2018). Furthermore, this study illustrates how belonging is not a fixed or static concept but a relational and negotiated process (Anthias 2008). The women’s narratives reflect different forms of belonging—some found belonging through acceptance in certain work environments, others sought belonging outside the workplace, and some actively reshaped their self-perceptions to fit within existing structures. This emphasises how belonging is experienced at multiple levels, influenced by a range of different aspects such as interpersonal interactions, institutional barriers, and broader societal discourses. The process of inclusion and exclusion is not merely dictated by external structures but also by how individuals perceive and navigate their positionality within these frameworks. The findings demonstrate that discrimination is not only an obstacle to employment but also influences how these women perceive their position in society, and how such experiences can influence and (re)shape their aspirations.In conclusion, this sheds light on how discrimination in the Norwegian labour market not only constrains opportunities but also actively (re)shapes migrant women’s positions, identities, aspirations, and sense of belonging in society. These findings emphasise the necessity of addressing structural inequalities while also recognising the fluid and negotiated nature of belonging. By focusing on the intersection of discrimination, aspirations, and belonging, this research highlights both the constraints and the possibilities that emerge from experiences of exclusion, offering insights into both agency and the strategies employed by migrant women in navigating the Norwegian labour market. Future research could further explore how various institutional interventions and policy measures influence these dynamics, providing insight into how structural changes can foster more inclusive labour market experiences for migrant women.

From a policy perspective, these findings highlight the need for a multi-faceted approach to tackling labour market discrimination among migrant women. First, initiatives to raise awareness of unconscious bias and indirect discrimination among employers could help reduce exclusionary practices. Second, mentorship and support programs for migrant women could provide tools to navigate workplace challenges, enhancing both aspirations and belonging. Moreover, ensuring effective enforcement of diversity and inclusion policies is essential for reducing structural inequalities. Strengthening these areas can help create a more equitable labour market where migrant women’s skills and contributions are valued and recognised.