1. Introduction
Traffic congestion and excessive commuting are major challenges faced by Beijing in its urban development, with jobs–housing separation being an important contributing factor [
1,
2]. According to the 2023 Annual Commuting Monitoring Report of Major Chinese Cities, in 2022, the proportions of commutes within 45 min of Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen were 56%, 70%, 71%, and 77%, respectively, while the proportions of commutes exceeding 60 min were 28%, 18%, 15%, and 12%, respectively. Among them, Beijing had the lowest share of commutes within 45 min and the highest share of commutes exceeding 60 min, indicating a particularly severe problem of excessive commuting, low commuting efficiency, and prominent jobs–housing separation.
This situation is closely related to the classic Spatial Mismatch Hypothesis [
3], which posits that the spatial separation between employment centers and residential areas increases commuting costs and limits employment opportunities for low-income populations. Similarly, the principles of Transit-Oriented Development [
4] emphasize how well-integrated rail systems can promote a more balanced urban form and alleviate jobs–housing separation. Integrating these theoretical perspectives provides a stronger conceptual basis for examining how transit systems influence jobs–housing dynamics in Beijing.
Beijing’s urban planning has actively promoted polycentric development in recent years. Strategic decentralization policies have aimed to shift employment opportunities and public resources to sub-centers such as Tongzhou District and Yizhuang Economic Development Zone, in an effort to alleviate pressures on the urban core and improve the jobs–housing balance [
5]. Similar polycentric and transit-integrated strategies have been observed in international cities. For example, Tokyo’s rail-oriented urban form and Paris’s efforts to coordinate transit development with urban regeneration provide useful references for understanding how large cities leverage transportation infrastructure to shape spatial structure and mitigate jobs–housing separation [
4,
6]. These comparative perspectives help situate Beijing’s experience within a broader global context while highlighting its unique local conditions.
As the first city in China to open a subway line, Beijing has continuously expanded its urban rail transit network since the launch of Line 1 in 1971. As of 2023, Beijing had 27 urban rail transit lines with a total length of 907 km and 404 stations, including 83 transfer stations (Source: China Association of Metros), as shown in
Figure 1. Urban rail transit accounts for 48.99% of total public transport passenger volume in Beijing, highlighting its critical role in public transportation (Source: Ministry of Transport). Although the development of rail transit has shortened commuting times and expanded the travel radius, it has also led more workers to reside in suburban areas with lower housing prices, thereby exacerbating the jobs–housing separation. The density of the rail transit network directly affects commuting convenience and the extent of jobs–housing separation. As both a pioneer and a representative example of rapid and large-scale urban rail transit development in China, Beijing is chosen in this study to examine the impact of rail transit density on the jobs–housing relationship, focusing on regional heterogeneity and the underlying mechanisms.
This study selects urban rail transit density as the core explanatory variable, measured by the ratio of the number of urban rail transit stations to the administrative area size at the district level. In this study, the term urban rail transit refers to the entire urban rail system of Beijing, including both subway lines and suburban railways, as defined by the official statistics of the Beijing Municipal Commission of Transport. Urban rail transit density reflects the coverage and development level of a city’s transit system. By enhancing population mobility, rail transit enables residents to live farther from their workplaces without being overly concerned about commuting, which, to some extent, may also exacerbate jobs–housing separation.
The jobs–housing relationship is influenced by a variety of factors. Existing literature primarily explores this relationship from the perspectives of spatial structure, housing systems, income levels, and other socioeconomic dimensions [
7,
8,
9], while relatively few studies have focused on the role of rail transit density. This paper innovatively utilizes meso-level panel data from Beijing and constructs a dynamic model to address the limitations of previous studies that relied on cross-sectional data, which are unable to capture dynamic effects. Furthermore, by analyzing high-quality data, this study investigates the mediating effects of employment and housing prices, thereby enriching the research framework on the jobs–housing relationship and providing practical insights for urban rail transit planning and improving jobs–housing balance.
2. Literature Review and Research Hypotheses
Jobs–housing separation can trigger a series of urban problems in large cities, such as environmental pollution and traffic congestion [
10]. At the same time, excessive commuting increases the physical and mental burden on workers, negatively affecting their productivity and overall well-being [
11]. Meanwhile, in pursuit of a better quality of life, people may choose to live farther from their workplaces despite the commuting burden. The reasons are as follows. With rising living standards, people are placing higher demands on their quality of life and living environment. This may lead them to prefer living in areas farther from the city center that offer better environmental conditions, thereby contributing to the separation of work and residence [
12]. Urban rail transit systems, capable of traversing cities quickly, offer residents a faster and more efficient commuting option, allowing them to live farther from their workplaces while still maintaining relatively short commuting times [
13]. Moreover, the opening of subway lines can lead to a reconfiguration of residential and commercial areas. Increased commercial development around subway stations may reduce the availability of residential land, forcing original residents to relocate to more distant areas, while job centers remain concentrated in the urban core, thereby exacerbating jobs–housing separation [
14]. Thus, as living standards improve, residents are more inclined to choose housing farther from city centers, further intensifying the separation between work and living locations. Although urban rail transit improves commuting efficiency and may partially ease this problem, it may also prompt residential and commercial reallocation, pushing some residents even farther out and deepening jobs–housing separation. Based on this, Hypothesis 1 is proposed in this paper.
Hypothesis 1. Increasing urban rail transit density exacerbates jobs–housing separation.
The characteristics of urban residential space reflect the overall layout and population distribution density of a city, shaped by the interaction of natural, social, economic, cultural, and historical factors. The degree to which different functional zones are influenced by the rail transit system varies depending on the urban spatial structure. Huang et al. [
15], using smart card data from Beijing and Shanghai, conducted a comparative study on the spatial characteristics of jobs–housing patterns in the two cities. They found that Beijing exhibits a concentric spatial structure, while Shanghai displays a fan-shaped layout. Compared with Beijing, Shanghai has a higher degree of jobs–housing mix, and the two cities are affected differently by the rail transit system. Blumenberg and Siddiq [
16] found an apparent jobs–housing imbalance through the study of Los Angeles communities in the United States, which is more prominent in the coastal areas and high-income areas of Orange. Zhou et al. [
17] found that when large spatial units are used, the uniformity of spatial analysis units affects the impact of jobs–housing balance on commuting distance. Due to different sociodemographic characteristics across regions, the relationship between jobs–housing balance and commuting distance also varies. In Beijing, there is a significant gap in economic development between central urban areas and outer suburbs. The central areas are commercially developed and concentrated with employment opportunities, while lower housing prices in the outer suburbs attract many workers to live there. In contrast, the jobs–housing relationship in nearby suburban areas tends to be more balanced. These prior studies and observations highlight the existence of regional heterogeneity in jobs–housing patterns and how urban rail transit may have different effects depending on spatial structure and regional characteristics. This provides the theoretical and empirical basis for proposing the following hypothesis. Therefore, this paper proposes Hypothesis 2.
Hypothesis 2. Urban rail transit density has a significant impact on the jobs–housing relationship in central urban areas and outer suburbs, but shows no obvious effect in nearby suburban areas.
Urban rail transit enhances travel accessibility and influences people’s residential and employment choices [
18,
19]. The improvement of urban rail transit significantly enhances accessibility, which has a substantial impact on employment decisions. Increasing transit density can attract more working populations to transit-convenient areas by improving regional accessibility, reducing commuting costs, fostering industrial agglomeration, promoting the development of service industries, improving the urban environment, and lowering recruitment difficulties for enterprises, thereby raising overall employment levels [
20,
21]. The effect is particularly pronounced in areas with a dense rail transit network. Bautista-Hernandez [
22] studied the relationship between jobs–housing balance and commuting in Mexico City and found that the jobs–housing ratio positively correlates with the number of locally employed residents. Kwon and Gil [
23] found a U-shaped relationship between commuting time and jobs–housing balance in Seoul, with the shortest commutes in balanced areas and longer times as employment or residential agglomeration increases. Zheng et al. [
24] found that POI (point of interest, POI) mixing has divergent effects on different types of jobs–housing balance, and a moderate job-to-housing ratio does not guarantee achieving balance. Ge and Wang [
25], using Guangzhou as a case study, established a grey model to predict the city’s investment attraction and industrial recruitment trends over the next five years and found that urban rail transit construction plays an important role in attracting employment. This concentration of employment reinforces the attractiveness of employment centers but may also further increase the spatial separation between residential and work locations, intensifying jobs–housing separation. Therefore, this paper proposes Hypothesis 3.
Hypothesis 3. Increasing urban rail transit density induces employment concentration, thereby exacerbating jobs–housing separation.
Urban rail transit construction also significantly affects residential choices. The convenience of transit not only improves the accessibility of nearby properties and facilitates commuting but also stimulates economic prosperity and development by increasing land development intensity, changing land use patterns, adjusting industrial layouts, and accelerating urbanization. However, this process is often accompanied by a sharp rise in housing prices around transit stations, raising the residential threshold [
26]. Zhou et al. [
27] found that in Suzhou Industrial Park, high housing prices contribute to a qualitative jobs–housing imbalance, forcing workers to live far from their workplaces despite planned spatial balance. Zhou et al. [
28] found that while residential/employment mixed use can improve jobs–housing balance in suburban industrial areas, high housing prices and other factors limit its effectiveness in achieving employment self-containment in central commercial areas. As housing prices near stations rise, low- and middle-income households may find it unaffordable to live in these areas. Consequently, they may opt to reside farther from transit stations, thereby intensifying jobs–housing separation [
10]. Although many people desire to live near subway stations, high housing prices often make such locations unaffordable, resulting in a mismatch between desired and actual residence locations. This further contributes to the separation between workplace and residence [
29]. Based on this, the paper proposes Hypothesis 4.
Hypothesis 4. Increasing urban rail transit density drives up housing prices and raises the residential threshold, thereby exacerbating jobs–housing separation.
4. Empirical Result
4.1. Basic Analysis
This study conducts regression analysis based on the fixed-effects model specified in Equation (1) to examine the impact of urban rail transit density on the jobs–housing relationship in Beijing (see
Table 3).
Table 3 shows that, regardless of whether time fixed effects and individual fixed effects are controlled for, the impact of urban rail transit density on the jobs–housing relationship remains significantly positive at the 1% significance level. This indicates that the denser the distribution of urban rail transit stations, the greater the deviation between residential and employment locations, and the more severe the jobs–housing separation.
The possible reasons are as follows: First, with the development of urban rail transit, the spatial structure of cities may change, leading to spatial separation between residential and employment areas. The speed and convenience of rail transit allow residents to tolerate longer commuting distances, which in turn promotes urban expansion into suburban areas. Second, rail transit stations—especially transfer hubs—often become employment centers. While the concentration of job opportunities in these areas attracts a large number of workers, the supply of nearby housing may be insufficient, resulting in jobs–housing imbalance. Lastly, residents’ commuting behavior and preferences also influence jobs–housing separation. Some individuals may prefer longer commutes in exchange for better living environments or lower housing costs.
From the perspective of the control variables, the level of economic development (lnPgdp) and industrial agglomeration (Ind) exhibit significant positive effects on the jobs–housing deviation index, indicating that regions with greater economic and industrial concentration tend to experience more pronounced jobs–housing separation. This may be because these areas have more concentrated employment opportunities and higher housing prices, forcing some residents to live farther from their workplaces, which exacerbates jobs–housing separation. Per capita disposable income (lnPcdi), urbanization rate (Urb), commercial housing sales (lnAre), and social consumption level (lnRet) show significant negative effects, suggesting that improvements in these factors help promote jobs–housing balance. Higher income levels enhance residents’ flexibility in housing choices, while better urbanization and housing supply help shorten jobs–housing distances. In addition, greater commercial prosperity and living convenience increase the willingness of people to live near their places of employment. The coefficients for healthcare level (lnHos) and education level (lnStu) are not statistically significant, indicating relatively limited impacts, possibly due to the diverse distribution of public services and varied preferences across groups.
4.2. Robustness Test
4.2.1. Replace the Explanatory Variable
An increase in the number of rail transit stations can enhance residents’ accessibility to employment opportunities, thereby influencing their commuting choices. At the same time, the expansion in the number of stations may reshape the urban spatial structure, prompting city development to extend along transit lines and forming residential and employment corridors along the rail network. This could have complex effects on the jobs–housing relationship. In this robustness test, we replace rail transit density with a new explanatory variable: lnSub, which represents the logarithm of the total number of urban rail transit stations within each administrative district. This variable serves as an alternative measure of transit system scale (Source: Beijing Municipal Commission of Transport). Therefore, to further explore the impact of the number of rail transit stations on the jobs–housing relationship, this study replaces rail transit density with the number of rail transit stations across Beijing’s 16 administrative districts and conducts a new regression analysis (see
Table 4).
4.2.2. Replace the Dependent Variable
There are many ways to express jobs–housing balance. In order to increase the robustness of the empirical results, this paper replaces the explained variables and performs regression again. The job-to-resident ratio refers to the ratio of employed persons to the resident population in a geographic unit, directly reflecting the balance in the number of jobs in a region [
34]. The higher the employment-to-residential ratio of an area, the greater the proportion of employment functions. The lower the job-to-resident ratio, the greater the proportion of residential functions. The job-to-resident ratio of a region can also directly reflect the employment-to-population ratio of the resident population. The job-to-resident ratio is calculated as follows:
Among them,
is the job/resident ratio in district
in year
.
is the number of jobs in district
in year
, and is generally replaced by the total employed population, and
is the resident population in district
in year
. The population aged 15–64 is defined as producers, and this paper only retains the resident population aged 15–64 who need employment as producers. Previous studies believe that when the ratio of work to housing is between 0.8 and 1.2, the region has achieved jobs–housing balance. In order to better measure the effectiveness of the metro opening on the jobs–housing balance, this paper uses the revised job-resident ratio instead of the revised jobs–housing deviation index (RJHR) for regression.
See
Table 4 for the regression results after replacing the explanatory variable with the revised job/resident ratio. From columns (4) and (5), we can see that regardless of whether control variables are added, the regression results are all significantly positive at the 1% confidence level. The regression coefficients are 0.112 and 0.110, respectively, indicating that the intervention of medical care, education, and other factors will weaken the impact of the metro’s opening on the separation between employment and housing. To sum up, the empirical results of this study are robust and reliable, further verifying that the metro opening exacerbates jobs–housing separation.
4.2.3. Winsorized Regression
In regression analysis and other models, extreme values may distort the estimation of model parameters. Winsorization can improve model fit and prediction accuracy. Compared with the method of directly deleting outliers, winsorized regression retains most of the original data in the dataset, avoiding potential information loss caused by data removal. It enhances the robustness of statistical analysis by reducing the influence of extreme values on statistical indicators such as mean, variance, and correlation coefficients. In this study, 1% and 5% winsorized regressions were conducted (see
Table 4). As shown in
Table 4, all four robustness tests—including replacing the dependent variable, replacing the explanatory variable, and the 1% and 5% winsorized regressions—produce results that are statistically significant at the 1% level. These findings further confirm the conclusion of the baseline regression: increasing urban rail transit density exacerbates jobs–housing separation.
4.3. Heterogeneity Analysis
Based on the level of regional development, Beijing’s 16 districts can be categorized into central urban areas, nearby suburban areas, and outer suburban areas (
Figure 4). The impact of urban rail transit network density on the jobs–housing relationship varies across these regions. As shown in
Table 5, rail transit density exacerbates jobs–housing separation in both central urban and outer suburban areas, with the effect being more pronounced in the outer suburbs, while no significant impact is observed in the nearby suburbs.
This can be explained as follows: the central urban areas of Beijing have high employment density and expensive housing. The development of rail transit extends people’s commuting radius, encouraging more residents to live in suburban areas with lower housing prices. Outer suburban areas are located farther from the city center and are mainly served by suburban railways, which operate at higher speeds, make fewer stops, and offer greater efficiency. These railways shorten commuting times between outer suburbs and the city center, allowing more residents of outer suburbs to work in the employment-rich central areas. In contrast, the nearby suburbs already maintain a relatively balanced jobs–housing relationship, and rail transit stations are evenly distributed, so the effect of transit density on jobs–housing separation in these areas is not significant.
4.4. Mechanism Test
4.4.1. Mechanism Analysis Using Employment Population as a Mediating Variable
After the metro’s opening, the supply and demand of surrounding land will usually change. Due to the improvement of transportation convenience and development potential, the demand for land may increase while the supply is relatively small. This supply/demand imbalance could lead to higher land and housing prices. High housing prices will increase the cost of living and commuting, limit individual employment options, lead to socio-economic differences, and affect the balance of work and housing. In order to test how the opening of the metro affects jobs–housing balance through housing prices, this paper constructs the following mediation effect model.
As shown in
Table 6, the mediating effect of employment population passes the significance test, with the mediation effect accounting for 13.92% of the total effect. The dense transportation network has turned certain areas into high-density clusters of commerce and employment, concentrating job opportunities in a limited number of regions. Areas with relatively poor transit accessibility, in contrast, see a reduction in job opportunities, leading to a more uneven distribution of jobs and residences. People living in more distant areas increasingly rely on rail transit for commuting, which further exacerbates jobs–housing separation. These findings indicate that employment population serves as a mediating mechanism through which rail transit density affects the jobs–housing relationship.
4.4.2. Mechanism Analysis Using Housing Prices as a Mediating Variable
Increasing rail transit density enhances transportation convenience. As accessibility and development potential improve, the demand for land may increase. This growing demand can disrupt the original supply/demand balance, leading to rising land and housing prices. High housing prices raise the cost of living and commuting, restrict individuals’ employment choices, widen socioeconomic disparities, and negatively affect the balance between jobs and housing. To examine how urban rail transit density affects the jobs–housing relationship through housing prices, this study constructs a mediation effect model with housing prices as the mediating variable, as shown in Equations (9)–(11). The regression results are presented in
Table 7.
As shown in
Table 7, the mediating effect of housing prices passes the significance test, with the mediation effect accounting for 14.65% of the total effect. The denser the rail transit stations, the higher the prices of commercial housing, and the higher the housing prices, the more severe the jobs–housing separation. This is because denser station distribution brings greater transportation convenience and more developed infrastructure, which in turn drives up housing prices. Higher housing prices raise the threshold for residential access, pushing more workers to live in more distant areas with lower housing costs. Therefore, housing prices serve as a transmission mechanism through which rail transit density affects the jobs–housing relationship.
These results confirm that housing prices serve as a significant channel through which rail transit density affects jobs–housing balance. The increase in rail station density raises housing costs near transit hubs, which, while improving accessibility, can displace low- and middle-income residents to more remote areas, thereby exacerbating spatial mismatch and commuting burdens. This highlights the need for coordinated planning of transit and housing policies to ensure that the benefits of rail investments are inclusive and do not unintentionally reinforce social or spatial inequalities.
5. Discussion
This study proposed four hypotheses regarding the impact of urban rail transit density on jobs–housing balance and its underlying mechanisms. The empirical analysis provides strong support for Hypothesis 1, increasing urban rail transit density tends to exacerbate jobs–housing separation, particularly in central urban areas and outer suburbs. This finding aligns with prior studies such as Zhou et al. [
14] and Huang et al. [
15], who noted that rail transit development in concentric urban structures can intensify jobs–housing separation by reshaping land use and residential patterns. Hypothesis 2 is also supported, as the impact of rail transit density shows regional heterogeneity, with no significant effect found in nearby suburban areas. This is consistent with the conclusions of Blumenberg and Siddiq [
16] and Zhou et al. [
17], who emphasized that the relationship between jobs–housing balance and commuting patterns varies across regions due to differences in urban form and sociodemographic characteristics. Hypothesis 3, regarding employment agglomeration as a mediating mechanism, is validated by the mediation analysis results. This complements findings by Ge and Wang [
25] and Bautista-Hernandez [
22], who highlighted that transit construction fosters employment concentration, potentially increasing jobs–housing separation. Finally, Hypothesis 4 is supported: housing prices play a significant mediating role in the relationship between rail transit density and jobs–housing separation. This confirms and extends observations by Zhou et al. [
28] that rising housing costs near transit lines force low- and middle-income residents to relocate farther from job centers.
These findings are broadly consistent with and extend prior studies cited in our literature review. In particular, our study contributes new empirical evidence by quantifying the mediation effects of employment concentration and housing prices and explicitly confirming regional heterogeneity in the impacts of rail transit density. These results provide practical insights for urban transit and housing policy planning.
6. Conclusions and Enlightenment
Based on meso-level panel data from Beijing from 2009 to 2022, this study draws the following conclusions: ① Increasing urban rail transit density generally exacerbates jobs–housing separation, with regional heterogeneity in its effects. In both outer suburbs and central urban areas, high-density rail transit has not alleviated but instead intensified jobs–housing imbalance. In nearby suburban areas, however, no significant relationship is observed. ② Mechanism tests reveal that employment population and housing prices are important pathways through which rail transit density influences the jobs–housing relationship. While high-density transit improves commuting convenience and increases employment opportunities, it also encourages longer commutes and contributes to jobs–housing separation. Additionally, the associated rise in housing prices raises the residential threshold, further intensifying jobs–housing separation.
Policy implications of this study include the following: ① Avoid blind expansion and promote rational planning of rail transit. The findings suggest that blindly pursuing high-density rail transit construction may aggravate jobs–housing separation. Urban rail transit planning should be scientifically designed based on the characteristics of local jobs–housing distribution and actual demand to avoid resource waste and further imbalance due to overexpansion. In particular, for central and outer suburban areas, efforts should focus on optimizing the operational efficiency of the existing network rather than merely increasing station density. For nearby suburbs where rail transit is not yet well developed, the goal should be to balance job and housing distribution by reasonably planning station locations and routes while minimizing the stimulation of housing prices. ② Optimize employment spatial distribution and reduce excessive job concentration. This study reveals that rail transit density influences jobs–housing balance through employment population agglomeration. Urban development planning should guide the reasonable spatial distribution of job opportunities and avoid overconcentration in central areas. For example, through policy support and resource allocation, industries can be encouraged to shift toward suburban areas, forming a polycentric and multi-nodal employment pattern. This would reduce commuting pressure along rail corridors and shorten jobs–housing distances. At the same time, public services in suburban and outer suburban areas should be improved to attract more businesses and talent. ③ Strengthen affordable housing supply and lower residential thresholds. The study shows that increased rail transit density significantly drives up housing prices along transit lines, raising the cost of living and pushing low-income groups toward outer suburbs. To address this issue, housing security policies should be strengthened in transit-accessible areas by increasing the supply of affordable housing and public rental units, providing more viable options for low- and middle-income families. Additionally, appropriate price control measures should be implemented in areas with rapidly rising housing prices to prevent housing costs from further undermining the jobs–housing balance and to promote both spatial equity and social fairness.