Concurrent Analyses of Indonesia and Timor-Leste in Chinese Scholarship: Patterns, Themes, and Positioning

Abstract

This paper systematically examines Chinese academic discourse that concurrently addresses Indonesia and Timor-Leste, analysing 137 articles from the China National Knowledge Infrastructure (CNKI) and indexed by the Chinese Social Sciences Citation Index (CSSCI). The analysis reveals significant publication trends, particularly during periods of heightened geopolitical and economic engagement, such as the global expansion of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It identifies predominant themes such as economic cooperation, security concerns, and historical–cultural dynamics. The findings highlight China’s strategic interests and leadership aspirations in Southeast Asia, providing insights into how Chinese scholars perceive and articulate China’s strategic interests and diplomatic efforts in the region involving Indonesia and Timor-Leste.

1. Introduction

Southeast Asia is increasingly becoming a focal point of scholarly efforts that aim to make sense of China’s emerging role as a significant player in the region [1,2,3]. Indonesia and Timor-Leste occupy pivotal roles in China’s regional strategies in Southeast Asia, though for different reasons. As the region’s largest and most populous economy, Indonesia is strategically significant due to its vast economic potential and location along crucial maritime routes. Its importance is further amplified by its status as a key partner in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), positioning it as a significant player in the region’s geopolitical landscape. In contrast, Timor-Leste, a smaller and younger republic, holds strategic importance due to its position at the crossroads of Southeast Asia and the Pacific. Since gaining independence from Indonesia in 2002, Timor-Leste has attracted significant international aid and investment, with China playing a prominent role in its development.

The contrasting nature of these two countries—Indonesia with its complex historical relationship with China and Timor-Leste as an emerging nation still in the process of nation-building—provides a valuable perspective for exploring Chinese scholarship. By analysing Indonesia and Timor-Leste within the same framework, this study seeks to uncover how Chinese academic discourse reflects the diverse and multifaceted nature of China’s engagement with Southeast Asia. It highlights China’s nuanced approaches in its relationships with countries of varying size and developmental stage. The Chinese scholarship has primarily focused on strategic implications for China, with the exploration of local political, cultural, and social dynamics in Indonesia and Timor-Leste remaining in its early stages. This paper aims to underscore both the progress and the existing limitations within Chinese academic discourse in these areas.

Chinese scholars’ increasing focus on concurrent analyses of Indonesia and Timor-Leste reflects the countries’ growing importance in regional politics in Southeast Asia. The Chinese-language academic discourse surrounding Indonesia, Timor-Leste, and their relations provides invaluable insights into how Chinese scholars perceive and interpret their country’s foreign policy and strategic interests. By examining relevant Chinese academic articles, one can discern the underlying narratives and thematic patterns that shape the discourse on Indonesia and Timor-Leste within the context of China’s geopolitical strategies. Scholarly efforts in this area are meaningful for two reasons. Firstly, as demonstrated in the literature reviewed in the next section, the close links between academic discourse and the state’s perspectives are well documented. Therefore, these efforts can help us to understand the intellectual foundations of China’s foreign policy towards Southeast Asia. Moreover, under certain circumstances, expert advice—including from academics—can influence the policymaking process in China [4,5]. These efforts can reveal Chinese scholars’ academic frameworks and positioning, inspiring a deeper understanding of China’s engagement with Indonesia and Timor-Leste.

To fully grasp the implications of Chinese scholars’ increasing focus on Indonesia and Timor-Leste, it is crucial to place this scholarly trend within the broader context of Southeast Asian studies. Despite its growth, the recognition of the significance of Chinese scholarship in this field remains modest in English-language academic works. However, although the number of such English-language publications is still limited, these studies offer valuable insights that contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of academic developments in Southeast Asian studies. For instance, Wang Gungwu notes that even before Southeast Asia was recognised as a distinct entity in Western academic and political discourse, Chinese scholars were already making efforts to conceptualise the region as a unique area [6]. This earlier recognition highlights the long-standing engagement of Chinese scholarship with Southeast Asia. More recently, Kankan Xie reflected on his firsthand experience of Southeast Asian studies in China over the past two decades, revealing significant shifts within the field; Xie argues that the ‘policy turn’ in Southeast Asian studies reflects changes in research paradigms and aligns with broader trends in China’s higher education sector and its rapidly evolving society [7].

Within the growing, albeit modest, body of English-language literature that addresses Chinese-language scholarship on Southeast Asian studies, the latter often remains peripheral, serving more as a backdrop or minor component rather than the central focus of analysis. For example, in exploring the relationship between Chinese aid to Southeast Asia and international norms, Reilly’s well-cited work treats Chinese scholarship as just one of several sources, alongside interview data and quantitative analysis [8]. A notable exception to this trend is found in the work of Ho, who examines four books on Chinese societies in Southeast Asia authored by contemporary Chinese scholars, three of which are in the Chinese language. Ho identifies a significant shift in these works, moving away from the Sinocentric focus of earlier studies towards an emerging form of autonomous history. According to Ho, this shift represents a more nuanced and independent approach within Chinese scholarship, signalling a departure from traditional perspectives and highlighting the evolving nature of Chinese academic engagement with Southeast Asia [9].

Despite these valuable contributions, a significant gap remains in the systematic analysis of Chinese academic discourse, particularly regarding studies that engage with multiple Southeast Asian countries simultaneously, such as Indonesia and Timor-Leste. The existing literature often either takes a broad approach to Southeast Asia as a whole or focuses narrowly on individual countries, frequently overlooking the complex and interwoven regional dynamics interpreted by Chinese scholars. This paper seeks to address this gap by systematically analysing Chinese academic discourse that concurrently engages with both Indonesia and Timor-Leste. The study aims to provide a comprehensive overview of the prevailing themes, narratives, and scholarly interpretations in this area, thereby contributing to a deeper understanding of how Chinese scholarship navigates and interprets the geopolitical and socio-economic complexities of these two countries within the broader Southeast Asian context.

The remainder of the paper begins by introducing the state’s role in shaping academic discourse in China, followed by a discussion of the data and research methods. The publication trends within the selected scholarship are then revealed. After that, the results of detailed examinations of the predominant keywords and emerging themes in Chinese scholarship, such as economic cooperation under the BRI, security and strategic interests, and the socio-cultural dynamics between nations, are reported. The paper also offers a critical discourse analysis to understand the relational positioning of China within these scholarly narratives. Finally, the paper concludes with a summary of the essential findings and a discussion of the implications of these findings for future research.

2. The State and Scholarly Discourse in Contemporary China

The state’s involvement in shaping academic discourse in contemporary China is a multifaceted and well-documented phenomenon that permeates various domains of intellectual inquiry. The intricate relationship between the state and scholarly discourse has been a persistent feature of the Chinese academic landscape for decades, reflecting the enduring influence of governmental authority over intellectual production. For instance, Wang illustrates this long-standing tradition by examining how the Chinese government shaped art education through the experiences of Chinese students at the I. E. Repin Leningrad State Institute during the 1950s and 1960s [10].

This deep-rooted connection between state policies and academic trajectories has persisted in China, with the country undergoing significant reforms from the last two decades of the 20th century onwards. For example, research by Chen and Chen reveals that during the 1990s, the Chinese state employed discourse articulation practices during the reform of state-owned enterprises to maintain internal ideological consistency, illustrating the state’s strategic use of academic discourse to align scholarly narratives with broader political and economic objectives [11]. Furthermore, the Chinese state has been shown to directly influence the conceptualisation of religious diversity in academic works, reflecting the state’s overarching policies and rhetoric [5,12,13]. These examples highlight how the state profoundly shapes academic exploration in contemporary China, keeping scholarly outputs aligned with the official ideological stance.

Given China’s significant role on the global stage, the Chinese state’s influence on academic discourse naturally has impacts beyond China’s national border. For instance, Zeng notes that Chinese perspectives on global economic governance emphasise the importance of state influence over the roles of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and civil society, thereby shaping relevant global academic discourse [14]. This international dimension of China’s state–academia nexus demonstrates how intellectual contributions increasingly reflect state priorities in global contexts, thereby contributing to a global discourse that aligns with China’s strategic interests.

However, it is essential to note that while formidable and pervasive, the state’s control over academic discourse does not render Chinese scholarly discourse entirely monolithic or rigidly aligned with state ideology. As Selina Ho demonstrated, the state’s involvement in curating cultural narratives, such as in national museums, allows room for negotiation and contestation. Museum curators, for example, often navigate academic discourse in ways that diverge from the state’s cultural and patriotic claims, reflecting a dynamic interplay between state directives and scholarly autonomy [15]. Ho’s findings suggest that Chinese scholars possess a degree of agency and can engage in intellectual inquiry that is not entirely circumscribed by state-imposed boundaries [15]. Indeed, in many cases, particularly in rapidly evolving fields, including the topic under discussion in this paper, the state has not delineated clear red lines or forbidden zones. This openness can lead to diverse perspectives, positions, and information being produced by Chinese scholars [16]. In such situations, including the topic discussed in this paper, one should not simply assume that Chinese scholarship merely reflects the state’s official stance. Instead, rigorous empirical investigation is necessary to uncover the underlying themes, dynamics, structures, and positions within a specific body of work.

3. Materials and Methods

This study utilises the China National Knowledge Infrastructure (CNKI) as its primary source for academic articles. CNKI is a leading digital platform in China, renowned for its comprehensive coverage of Chinese academic literature across various disciplines. The significance of CNKI lies in its ability to provide access to a vast repository of high-quality, peer-reviewed articles that reflect the latest research trends and developments in China. Unlike global academic databases such as Scopus and Web of Science, which primarily index English-language articles, CNKI offers a more extensive and inclusive coverage of Chinese-language journals, making it an indispensable resource for understanding the full spectrum of scholarly work produced within China.

Within the articles available via CNKI, this research focuses exclusively on those published in journals indexed by the Chinese Social Sciences Citation Index (CSSCI). The CSSCI is an esteemed citation index that covers leading academic journals in the field of social sciences in China. Managed by the Nanjing University Centre for Chinese Social Sciences Research and Assessment, the CSSCI is akin to the Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI) in English-language academia, serving as a critical tool for evaluating the impact and quality of social science research within the Chinese academic community [17]. The emphasis on CSSCI journals provides a robust foundation for the analysis, as these publications are recognised for their scholarly excellence and significant contribution to advancing knowledge within the social sciences in China. In other words, by focusing on articles from CSSCI-indexed journals, this study ensures that the selected articles are of high quality and represent the essential areas of attention in Chinese scholarship.

A two-step selection process was employed to ensure the robustness and relevance of the literature included in this study. The search terms were carefully chosen to ensure precision and relevance. For Timor-Leste, the term “东帝汶” was used, requiring an exact match to appear at least five times within the full text of the articles. For Indonesia, both the full Chinese name “印度尼西亚” and its shorter form “印尼” were used, again requiring an exact match to appear at least five times within the full text. These terms were combined using the following Boolean operators to refine the search: (Full Text: “东帝汶” * 5 (exact)) AND ((Full Text: “印尼” * 5 (exact)) OR (Full Text: “印度尼西亚” * 5 (exact))).

The initial dataset comprised 140 articles, retrieved to capture the intersection of scholarly discussions on Indonesia and Timor-Leste within Chinese academic discourse. Three publications, including one book review and two journal advertisements, were subsequently excluded from the list, resulting in a final database of one hundred and thirty-seven academic articles for analysis. These articles were highly relevant and of sufficient depth to provide meaningful insights into the scholarly discussions on Indonesia and Timor-Leste within the context of Chinese academic discourse. They formed the basis for further thematic analysis, narrative examination, and contextual interpretation to understand how Chinese scholars position China’s perspective on Indonesia, Timor-Leste, and their relations.

Nvivo (Release 1.7), a qualitative data analysis software, was employed to code and analyse the selected articles. The coding process served two primary purposes. Firstly, it utilised Charmaz’s Constructing Grounded Theory method to systematically delineate the essential themes within the sample articles [18]. This process was divided into three phases: initial, focused, and axial coding [19]. During the initial phase, sentence-by-sentence coding was employed to scrutinise the data and generate preliminary codes, facilitating a comprehensive understanding of the sample articles. The subsequent phase, focused coding, involved a more concentrated, selective, and conceptual approach than the initial phase. Here, the preliminary codes were evaluated to identify the most coherent categories within the data. The final phase, axial coding, sought to align these identified categories with the overarching objectives of the study. This systematic coding approach was instrumental in generating the essential themes across the sample articles, providing a robust foundation for further analysis. Secondly, throughout the coding process, sections explicitly and implicitly highlighting how Chinese scholars position China vis à vis Indonesia, Timor-Leste, and the broader region were marked for subsequent critical discourse analysis.

4. Publication Trends

Publication trends can provide invaluable insights into the evolution of scholarly discourse and the shifting priorities within a particular field of study. By examining how the frequency and focus of publications change over time, researchers can identify emerging themes, persistent gaps, and evolving theoretical frameworks. Tracking publication trends can reveal the influence of major geopolitical events and policy shifts on academic research. In this study, analysing publication trends related to Indonesia and Timor-Leste within Chinese scholarship sheds light on how China’s academic community has engaged with and interpreted the bilateral relations between these countries, reflecting broader geopolitical and economic strategies.

Figure 1 shows the cumulative number of publications over the years, with yearly increments highlighted in different colours for each 5 years. The light-grey sections represent the cumulative total up to the previous year, while the coloured segments indicate the number of new publications added each year. The data indicate a significant increase in publications in recent years, with a particularly sharp rise starting around the early 2020s. This trend suggests a growing academic interest among Chinese scholars in the geopolitical and socio-economic dynamics of Indonesia and Timor-Leste. Figure 1 also reveals that two periods have witnessed significant increases in Chinese scholarly publications that address Indonesia and Timor-Leste simultaneously. The first period is between 2007 and 2009, and the second is between 2017 and the first half of 2024. These surges can be attributed to several interconnected geopolitical and economic developments.

Before unpacking the geopolitical and economic developments that drove the significant increases in Chinese scholarly publications during the periods of 2007–2009 and 2017 to the present, it is essential to briefly outline the historical context of China’s academic engagement with Indonesia and Timor-Leste. The relationship between China and Indonesia has been deeply influenced by major historical events, such as Indonesia’s anti-communist purge in the 1960s, which led to a prolonged diplomatic freeze between the two nations that lasted until the late 20th century. Only after the normalisation of diplomatic relations in the 1990s did Chinese academic discourse frame Indonesia as an essential regional power in Southeast Asia’s development. However, as shown in Figure 1, it was not until the imminent reality of Timor-Leste’s independence in 1999 that Chinese scholars started to simultaneously consider Indonesia and Timor-Leste within the same analytical framework in their publications.

Following Timor-Leste’s independence in 2002, the new nation grappled with substantial challenges in achieving political stability and economic growth [20]. The 2006 political crisis exacerbated these issues, drawing international attention and prompting increased involvement from various countries, notably including China [21]. By 2007, China had significantly escalated its financial aid and investments in Timor-Leste, engaging in substantial infrastructure projects such as the construction of hospitals and participation in energy sector ventures [22,23]. By supporting Timor-Leste’s stabilisation and development, China aimed to secure a reliable partner in a geopolitically vital region, providing access to crucial maritime routes and natural resources [24]. This strategic engagement can be considered part of a broader effort to expand China’s presence and influence in Southeast Asia, set against the backdrop of competition with other regional powers such as Australia and the United States [1,25].

Post-2017 saw a renewed surge in scholarly interest, coinciding with the global expansion of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) [26]. This ambitious infrastructure and investment programme aimed to enhance connectivity and cooperation between China and various countries, including those in Southeast Asia [27,28]. Given its developmental needs and strategic location, Timor-Leste became a significant beneficiary of Chinese investments under the BRI [29]. The comprehensive strategic partnership between China and Timor-Leste, formalised in 2023, exemplified this deepening engagement, focusing on the energy, agriculture, and infrastructure sectors. This partnership enhanced China’s influence on Timor-Leste’s economic development, especially its reliance on the oil and gas sectors for revenue [30]. It is reasonable to expect this geopolitical development will lead to a further uptick in research and publications on Timor-Leste, with its relations with Indonesia as an indispensable dimension.

The spikes in scholarly publications on Indonesia and Timor-Leste during 2007–2009 and post-2017 reflect a confluence of Timor-Leste’s political and economic transitions, China’s strategic investments and aid, and the broader geopolitical context influenced by the BRI. For Chinese researchers, these factors collectively enhanced the academic and practical relevance of examining the politics, development, and international relations involving Indonesia and Timor-Leste.

5. Predominant Keywords

A thematic analysis of the keywords extracted from the sample articles reveals the prevailing themes and narratives within Chinese scholarship that shape the discourse on the bilateral relations between these nations.

Table 1. Frequency analysis of selected keywords in sample articles.

Keyword in Chinese	Frequency of Sample Articles with the Keyword	English Translation of the Keyword
东南亚	24	Southeast Asia
印尼/印度尼西亚 *	17	Indonesia
东帝汶 *	14	Timor-Leste
东盟	7	ASEAN
澳大利亚	7	Australia
“一带一路”	6	Belt and Road Initiative
中国 *	4	China
地缘政治	3	Geopolitics
国际法	3	International Law
东南亚国家	3	Southeast Asian Countries
美国外交	3	US Diplomacy
争端解决	3	Dispute Resolution
海洋划界	3	Maritime Delimitation
共同开发	3	Joint Development
东南亚研究	3	Southeast Asian Studies
南海	3	South China Sea
美国	3	United States

Only keywords that appeared in 3 or more sample articles are included. The terms referring to Indonesia, Timor-Leste, and China are followed with an asterisk (*) as they were used in the Boolean operators to select sample articles. However, it should be noted that the initial article selection was based on full text rather than keywords.

presents all keywords appearing in three or more sample articles. This analysis can provide insights into how Chinese academics interpret the geopolitical, economic, and cultural dimensions of Indonesia, Timor-Leste, and their relations.

As demonstrated in Table 1, a significant cluster of keywords revolves around geopolitical themes, highlighting the strategic importance of Indonesia and Timor-Leste within Southeast Asia. The most frequently occurring keyword, “Southeast Asia” (东南亚), underscores the regional context in which these countries are analysed. Chinese scholars often emphasise the geopolitical dynamics of Southeast Asia, particularly concerning China’s expanding influence through the Belt and Road Initiative. The keyword “geopolitics” (地缘政治) further illustrates the focus on strategic considerations, including maritime security and territorial disputes. The presence of terms such as “maritime delimitation” (海洋划界) and “South China Sea” (南海) indicates a keen interest in maritime issues. The South China Sea, a critical region for international shipping and resource exploration, is a focal point of contention [31,32]. Chinese scholarship frequently addresses the maritime disputes involving Indonesia, particularly around the Natuna Islands, highlighting the strategic importance of these waters for both economic and security reasons. The narratives often align with China’s official stance on maritime sovereignty, reflecting a broader geopolitical strategy.

The Belt and Road Initiative (一带一路) has emerged as a central theme in the discourse on economic cooperation between China, Indonesia, and Timor-Leste. The initiative is narrated as a pivotal framework for enhancing infrastructural connectivity and economic integration in the region. Keywords such as “joint development” (共同开发) and “economic cooperation” emphasise the collaborative efforts in resource management and infrastructural projects. Chinese scholars often highlight specific projects under the BRI that have significant implications for Indonesia and Timor-Leste. These projects include the development of ports, railways, and energy infrastructure, which are vital for regional economic growth. The keyword “Indonesia” (印尼 or 印度尼西亚) frequently appears alongside discussions of BRI projects, indicating a focused analysis of how these initiatives transform Indonesia’s economic landscape. Similarly, “Timor-Leste” (东帝汶) appears in the context of development aid and infrastructure investments, reflecting China’s growing involvement in Timor-Leste’s development.

The sample articles also explore legal and diplomatic dimensions, with keywords such as “international law” (国际法) and “dispute resolution” (争端解决) highlighting the role of legal frameworks in addressing regional conflicts. Chinese scholars have extensively researched the application of international law, particularly the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), in resolving maritime disputes [33,34]. Their interpretations often align with China’s broader legal strategies in asserting its claims while promoting peaceful dispute–resolution mechanisms [35]. Keywords related to diplomacy, such as “US diplomacy” (美国外交), reflect the analysis of external influences on Indonesia and Timor-Leste. Chinese academics critically assess the impact of US foreign policy in the region, often contrasting it with China’s diplomatic approaches. This comparative analysis sheds light on the strategic manoeuvring of significant powers in Southeast Asia and their implications for regional stability.

Cultural and historical contexts form another vital aspect of the analysis, highlighting a scholarly interest in understanding the historical affinities and cultural ties between Indonesia, Timor-Leste, and China. Though less frequent, keywords related to culture and history indicate a budding interest among Chinese scholars in understanding the internal dynamics of Indonesia and Timor-Leste. While secondary to strategic considerations, these emerging themes suggest a gradual shift towards a more nuanced analysis of these nations’ domestic landscapes. Keywords like “Southeast Asian Studies” (东南亚研究) indicate a significant focus on area studies, suggesting that Chinese scholars are deeply invested in exploring the distinct characteristics and dynamics of Indonesia and Timor-Leste, often contextualising these within the broader Southeast Asian region. This emphasis is likely driven by China’s recent leap forward in policy-oriented area studies and country-specific studies focusing on Southeast Asia [7]. Chinese scholars often draw on historical narratives to frame their analysis of current events. Therefore, articles in this field often explore how historical interactions shape contemporary diplomatic and economic relations. For instance, the post-independence development trajectory of Timor-Leste is examined, concerning its historical ties and tensions with Indonesia and its evolving relationship with China [36]. By engaging with these historical and cultural contexts, Chinese scholars offer a more comprehensive understanding of the region’s ongoing and potential future dynamics.

6. Emerging Themes

Following the analysis of the predominant keywords, three emerging themes in the sample body of Chinese-language scholarship are identified: economic cooperation and development, security and strategic interests, and the region’s historical, cultural, and social fabrics.

Economic cooperation is a recurring theme, with numerous articles analysing the economic interdependencies between Indonesia, Timor-Leste, and China. For example, the article by Du et al. underscores the importance of economic stability and cooperation in mitigating regional geopolitical risks [37]. It is noteworthy that Chinese scholars frequently discuss China’s diplomatic strategies in the region with a focus on development, particularly in the context of the BRI. For example, Yang and Li illustrate China’s approach to fostering economic and political ties with Southeast Asian nations, including Indonesia and Timor-Leste, through infrastructure projects and high-level diplomatic engagements [38].

The academic discourse in the sample articles also prominently features security concerns and strategic interests. For example, Qin examines the strategic alliances and security frameworks that influence regional dynamics, including the roles of Indonesia and Timor-Leste within these frameworks [39]. In addition, Wang analyses the maritime security cooperation between Australia and Indonesia within the context of the Indo-Pacific strategy, highlighting the increasing geopolitical risks in the region [40]. Moreover, Li discusses the adjustments in Australia’s maritime strategy, shaped by its perception of regional security threats and strategic dependence on alliances [41]. These articles underscore the intricate interplay between strategic interests, security concerns, and regional geopolitical dynamics.

Several articles emphasise the historical context of Indonesia–Timor-Leste relations, particularly during the Indonesian occupation of Timor-Leste (1975–1999). For instance, Gao analyses the geopolitical dynamics during and after the Cold War, highlighting the influence of American hegemonic policies on regional stability [42]. In addition, Chang and Ma investigate the unique historical logic behind the governance model transformations in Timor-Leste’s primary and secondary education systems, reflecting the broader strategic shifts in the region [34]. Cultural and social interactions between Indonesia and Timor-Leste and their implications for regional diplomacy are less frequently discussed but remain an essential aspect of the discourse. For example, Wu shows how cultural diplomacy and international health initiatives have historically shaped Indonesia’s foreign relations [43].

Chinese academic narratives largely align with China’s official diplomatic positions, reflecting the broader strategic goals of the Chinese government. This alignment is evident in the emphasis on economic cooperation, infrastructure development, and strategic alliances, which are critical components of China’s foreign policy under the BRI framework [44]. However, the scholarship discourse often offers more nuanced insights beyond the official discourse. For example, the analysis of geopolitical risks and security concerns presents a critical perspective on the potential challenges and opportunities in the region. Despite such concerns, the emphasis on shared economic interests, strategic cooperation, and cultural diplomacy indicates a positive outlook among Chinese scholars on the region’s potential for collaborative development and stability.

7. Relational Positioning

Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is crucial for understanding the underlying power dynamics and ideological constructs within Chinese academic discourse in relation to international relations. By dissecting the language and narratives employed in scholarly articles, CDA reveals how China positions itself in relation to other countries, particularly Indonesia and Timor-Leste. This approach is essential for uncovering how China projects its influence and frames its leadership in regional geopolitics, development, and strategic partnerships. Moreover, examining both Indonesia and Timor-Leste through this lens allows for a deeper insight into the distinct ways that China engages with nations of varying size and developmental stage. Indonesia, as a pivotal regional power, is often portrayed as crucial to the success of initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), while Timor-Leste is frequently depicted as a strategic partner requiring development aid and support. This dual focus underscores the adaptability of China’s foreign policy, as reflected in Chinese academic discourse, in addressing both the complex needs of larger, more established states and the developmental challenges of smaller, emerging nations.

Examining the relational positioning within the sample academic articles on China versus Indonesia and Timor-Leste reveals that the narratives foremost frame China as a pivotal leader and initiator in regional development. This positioning is expressed in many ways. In addition to explicitly emphasising China’s leadership, the academic discourse in the sample articles also highlights China’s role as a leader or initiator of developmental commitments and strategic partnerships. Moreover, many sample articles take the BRI as an analytical lens, frame, or context for their examinations of the relationship between China, Indonesia, and Timor-Leste, inexplicitly underscoring that the cooperative relationships between these countries are led and advocated by China, positioning China as the principal architect of regional collaboration.

7.1. Explicit Framing of China’s Leading Roles

The academic discourse in the sample articles frequently positions China as a leading actor and influencer in regional geopolitics, evident in the use of phrases such as “China’s leading role” (中国的领导角色) and “strategic partner” (战略伙伴). These terms underscore China’s perceived centrality and authority in shaping the geopolitical landscape of Southeast Asia in the sample academic articles.

The narratives often highlight China’s proactive engagement and leadership in regional affairs, positioning it as a stabilising force and a key player in promoting peace and security. For instance, China’s involvement in regional organisations such as ASEAN and its initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative is portrayed as instrumental in fostering regional connectivity and economic development. The discourse also frequently mentions China’s diplomatic efforts and strategic investments, which are expressed as crucial in mitigating conflicts and building alliances.

Furthermore, terms like “China’s leadership” (中国的领导力) and “dominant position” (主导地位) are frequently employed in the sample articles to emphasise China’s authority and central role in regional affairs. These articles often depict China as a major economic powerhouse and a pivotal political entity whose decisions and actions significantly influence regional stability and growth. This portrayal aligns with the broader narrative of China as a benign power committed to mutual development and cooperation, further cementing its image as an indispensable partner in Southeast Asia’s future trajectory.

7.2. China-Led Partnership and Cooperation

It should be noted that the emphasis on development and cooperation is a recurring theme in the sample articles. Terms such as “win-win cooperation” (合作共赢) and “joint development” (共同发展) are prevalent, reflecting China’s commitment to fostering mutual growth and shared prosperity. Phrases such as “mutual benefits” (互利共赢) and “shared interests” (共同利益) highlight the perceived advantages of China’s partnerships with Indonesia and Timor-Leste, reinforcing the themes of mutual growth and cooperation.

In the sample articles, Indonesia and Timor-Leste are depicted as China’s significant partners in regional stability and development. These countries are frequently described in terms that emphasise mutual benefits and shared interests, positioning them as existing or potential allies in China’s regional strategy. Descriptions often highlight the reciprocal advantages of these partnerships, focusing on collaborative efforts to achieve common objectives. The narratives often refer to “strategic cooperation” (战略合作) and “partnership” (伙伴关系), framing China’s relationships with these countries as strategic alliances aimed at achieving common goals. However, a paternalistic undertone also depicts, for example, Timor-Leste as a recipient of Chinese aid and development projects. Phrases like “aid recipients” (受援国) and “development aid” (发展援助) reflect a view of China as a benefactor, extending support and resources to foster development in these nations. This portrayal reinforces China’s image as a generous leader, contributing to the upliftment and progress of its regional partners.

7.3. Alignment with China’s Development and Strategic Frameworks

Many sample articles employ the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as an analytical framework or contextual backdrop to explore the relationships between China, Indonesia, and Timor-Leste. The BRI has become a flagship project in China’s diplomatic and engagement activities, aimed at enhancing infrastructural links and fostering economic integration across the Global South [27,28]. By emphasising the BRI, these narratives highlight China’s role in regional development and frame it as the driving force behind these initiatives, implicitly expressing that the cooperative dynamics among these countries are initiated and driven by China, positioning it as the primary architect of regional collaboration.

In addition, the academic narratives within the sample articles often reflect China’s broader geopolitical strategies, such as countering US influence and promoting regional stability. For instance, notable references to “geopolitical strategy” (地缘政治战略) and “countering US influence” (对抗美国影响) indicate a deliberate effort to position China as a counterbalance to Western dominance in the region. This strategic alignment underscores China’s ambition to enhance its influence and shape the geopolitical order in Southeast Asia [45]. The emphasis on international relations patterns within these narratives highlights China’s strategic importance in maintaining and expanding its regional influence.

8. Concluding Remarks: Key Findings and Directions for Further Studies

Through a comprehensive and systematic survey of 137 Chinese academic articles that simultaneously engage with Indonesia and Timor-Leste, this study reveals multiple dimensions of Chinese academic discourse on these two countries, their relations with each other, and their relations with China. It is shown that Timor-Leste and its relations with Indonesia have increasingly become a focal point for Chinese scholarship since the final years of the 20th century.

The findings reported in this paper indicate that Chinese scholars, when simultaneously engaging with Indonesia and Timor-Leste, place significant emphasis on economic cooperation within the BRI framework, highlighting the importance of infrastructural development and economic integration in Southeast Asia. Regarding security and strategic interests, the research shows that Chinese scholars are deeply engaged with maritime security issues, geopolitical risks, and strategic alliances, often emphasising China’s role in maintaining regional stability. These discussions align with broader Chinese geopolitical strategies, including balancing the influence of traditional powers active in the region, such as the United States and Australia. Notably, some Chinese scholars contextualise contemporary issues within historical narratives, such as colonial histories and independence movements, providing a rich background for analysing current events and strategic engagements.

The study also highlights a China-centric positioning strategy within Chinese academic narratives, explicitly and subtly underscoring China’s leadership and strategic frameworks. Scholars frequently use terms like “leadership role” and “strategic partner,” implicitly emphasising China’s central position in regional development. The BRI is both a central theme and a lens through which many aspects of bilateral relationships are examined in the surveyed literature, indicating a perception that China drives cooperative dynamics between China, Indonesia, and Timor-Leste under the BRI. Moreover, the BRI is portrayed as a transformative force for regional development, aligning with China’s goals of fostering economic ties with Southeast Asia. This portrayal reflects a perceived role of China as a stabilising force and helping hand in the region, a nuance that individual scholars may not be consciously aware of but that emerges as a collective trend in the literature.

Furthermore, the comparative analysis of diplomatic strategies between China and the United States, as featured in some sample articles, provides nuanced insights into how Chinese scholars see and understand the strategic manoeuvring of significant powers in Southeast Asia. In this area, Chinese scholarship often contrasts China’s developmental and cooperative strategies with the perceived dominance and interventionist policies of the United States. Further analysis may compare the results of this research with studies that use similar methodologies but focus on different topics within Chinese academic discourse. The results could reveal whether the notion of US–China competition observed in this study is unique to the context of Indonesia, Timor-Leste, and Southeast Asia, or if it reflects a broader pattern shaped by the current international order. This may have influenced various topics, affecting how Chinese scholars perceive regional and global dynamics in international relations.

To sum up, Chinese academic discourse on Indonesia and Timor-Leste is characterised by narratives emphasising China’s leadership, economic cooperation, and strategic partnerships within a broader geopolitical context. These discussions align closely with China’s official diplomatic positions while sometimes offering deeper, nuanced insights into relevant historical and cultural contexts. As China continues to expand its influence in Southeast Asia, relevant Chinese scholarship will remain crucial for understanding the ideas, perceptions, and visions that Chinese scholars—and, to some extent, the Chinese state—hold regarding China’s roles within the region and the country’s relationships with Indonesia and Timor-Leste. However, the complexities of these relationships and the broader implications of China’s regional strategies towards Southeast Asia suggest that there are still significant avenues for further research and deeper inquiry, which could enrich our understanding of China’s evolving role in Southeast Asia.

First, although the BRI is a central element in China’s engagement strategy across Southeast Asia, the narratives and tones within Chinese academic discourse can vary significantly depending on the nature of China’s relationship with each country. Therefore, while this paper has thoroughly explained the importance of placing Indonesia and Timor-Leste within one comparative framework for understanding the contemporary Chinese academic discourse, it merely presents one possibility of many needed comparisons. Future research should expand upon this by examining other pairs of countries, particularly those with different natures of relationships with China. For instance, as demonstrated in this paper, Indonesia is often portrayed as a crucial regional partner whose cooperation is essential for the success of BRI projects, a framing influenced by its strategic importance and relatively stable relationship with China. In contrast, it would be intriguing to explore whether contemporary Chinese academic discussions concerning countries like the Philippines—where relations with China have become more contentious due to maritime disputes and territorial claims in the South China Sea—adopt a more cautious or even critical tone. Hence, comparative studies between Indonesia and the Philippines could offer deeper insights into how Chinese scholars present and reflect on the dynamics and complexities of China’s role in the region. Such studies would contribute to a more nuanced understanding of how Chinese academic discourse supports, reflects, or strategically adapts China’s regional policies. Further research could also extend this analysis to other Southeast Asian countries with complex relationships with China, such as Vietnam.

Second, future research should continue to monitor the evolution of academic discourse in this field. As revealed by this paper, the current scholarship is predominantly China-centric, focusing on Southeast Asia through the lens of China’s strategic interests. Yet, as Chinese scholars increasingly engage with the local contexts of Indonesia, Timor-Leste, and the broader Southeast Asian region, there is a possibility for the emergence of original knowledge production that adopts a Southeast Asia-centric perspective. Such a development would represent a significant milestone, indicating a more complex and balanced relational positioning within Chinese academic discourse—one that highlights China’s influence on the one hand and thoroughly acknowledges and engages with the unique challenges, histories, and perspectives of these Southeast Asian countries on the other. Gao Bingzhong advocates for Chinese scholars to conduct ethnographic research beyond China’s borders, arguing that such efforts could foster a new era of area studies from a Chinese perspective, where scholars can create and draw upon firsthand data from societies worldwide [46]. Whether this process might inspire Chinese scholars to produce works that transcend a China-centric worldview remains an open question that holds considerable promise and interest for the future.

Third, the intricate relationship between academic discourse and policymaking in China deserves closer examination. Understanding how scholars’ interpretations of countries like Indonesia and Timor-Leste might influence or reflect shifts in Chinese foreign policy could offer a more nuanced perspective on this dynamic. Existing studies suggest that the nature of one’s workplace often affects political efficacy [47], with grassroots officials exercising considerable discretion in policy implementation [48]. Moreover, their understanding and alignment with official policy directives may not always closely align with the official line [49,50]. In the cultural realm, despite the significant influence of government institutions, non-governmental actors have demonstrated considerable agency [15,51]. Even among government-affiliated cultural institutions, notable differences in practice and approach can exist [52]. Given these complexities, future research could explore how academic discourse is channelled into policymaking, particularly in areas where China’s strategic interests are pronounced, such as Southeast Asia. This effort has solid potential to shed light on the potential variability and influence of scholarly input across different sectors.