Popularity in Chinese Early Adolescents: A Focus Group Analysis

Abstract

Popularity is of great developmental significance to early adolescents for its implications on behavioral and adjustment outcomes. Although extensive research on popularity has been conducted in Western cultures, little is known about Chinese adolescents’ indigenous understanding of popularity. The current study examined Chinese early adolescents’ understanding of popularity using focus group interviews to explore the characteristics of popularity and unpopularity, as well as popularity determinants for boys and girls. We conducted interviews on six focus groups comprising 37 Chinese fifth and sixth graders (18 boys, 19 girls). Transcriptions were coded and analyzed through developing coding schemes that included emerged codes and categories. The results showed both cross-cultural similarities and culturally specific findings in adolescents’ perceptions of popularity characteristics and determinants. Specifically, sociability, academic performance, and prosocial behaviors served as major characteristics of popularity, whereas aggressive and disruptive behaviors were regarded as typical attributes of unpopularity. More importantly, culturally unique aspects of popularity characteristics were reported by Chinese adolescents, such as a strong sense of collective honor. When responding what would make a peer popular, Chinese early adolescents reported various behavioral, social, and cultural factors. Findings of this study underscore the importance of examining perceptions of popularity in consideration of the cultural context.

1. Introduction

Extensive research has revealed the importance of popularity in adolescents’ social development and adjustment [1,2]. In particular, adolescents’ perceptions about popularity, such as what contributes to popularity and the attributes of popularity, are associated with their behavioral development [3,4]. However, research on popularity has been predominantly conducted in Western cultures (such as the U.S.) using mostly quantitative methods. Some available research using a quantitative research method has suggested that there are cultural variations in early adolescents’ perceptions of popularity in collectivistic (e.g., Chinese) vs. individualistic (e.g., American) cultures [5]. Yet, much more research is needed to fully understand how adolescents perceive and understand popularity in collectivistic cultures using an emic (culturally specific) viewpoint [6]. The use of a qualitative approach to generate knowledge regarding popularity is greatly needed to better unveil culturally specific elements associated with popularity that are salient to adolescents living in collectivistic cultures. To that end, the present study explored Chinese adolescents’ indigenous understanding of popularity at school using focus group interviews. Findings from this study contribute to the literature on the cultural perspectives of adolescents’ perception of popularity.

1.1. Characteristics of Popularity in Cultural Contexts

Adolescents pay much more attention to their status in peer groups when they enter adolescence [2]. Unlike being liked by peers (i.e., social preference or peer liking), popularity reflects adolescents’ social power, visibility, prestige, and prominence in the peer context [1,7]. Extensive research has linked popularity with both positive (e.g., prosocial behavior and academic performance) and negative (e.g., relational aggression) characteristics, as well as demonstrating cross-cultural similarities and differences [1,5,8]. In both Western (e.g., U.S.) and East Asian cultures (e.g., China), prosocial behaviors serve as an important positive attribute of popularity [9,10]. Studies with American children and adolescents have shown that prosociality and cooperativeness are positively linked with popularity [10,11]. Research on Chinese adolescents’ peer nominated descriptions of popularity also reveals that popularity is evidently characterized by prosociality [9,12,13]. In Chinese culture, people are expected to show prosocial behaviors during interpersonal interactions to maintain social harmony [14]. Being socialized in such a cultural environment, Chinese children and adolescents are often encouraged to use prosocial behaviors, which also helps them achieve higher peer status [5]. Along with prosocial characteristics, other positive qualities in social, physical, and academic domains are distinct for popular adolescents as well, such as athletic ability, attractiveness, and academic achievements [4,8,15]. Some of these attributes, such as athletic ability, academic achievements, and having more friends, have been found to be the popularity correlates among Chinese adolescents as well [9].

Differences in the characteristics of popularity across cultures have also been observed, such as the perception of academic achievement. In Western cultures, academic achievement has not been consistently related to popularity [4,16,17]. In an interview-based study with young adolescents in England, high performance in academics was even deemed to jeopardize popularity status, especially for those who were perceived as unattractive [18]. In contrast, heavily influenced by Confucianism, Chinese culture emphasizes learning and academic achievement, which is also an important way to gain upward mobility in China [19]. Therefore, academic achievement is highly valued by Chinese adolescents and has been linked to their adjustment such as social competence, peer acceptance, and peer influence [9,20]. Accumulating empirical findings have identified academic performance as an important attribute of popularity among Chinese adolescents [9,12,21]. Some other attributes, such as physical attractiveness, social dominance, and talents, have been identified as popularity characteristics in Western adolescents [4,8]. However, due to the sparsity of the research among Chinese adolescents, it is not clear whether these attributes are also associated with Chinese adolescents’ popularity. Moreover, the culturally unique attributes of popularity in Chinese adolescents have not yet been fully explored, which warrants investigation so that educators and school psychologists can better support their social development and mental health.

Another set of cultural differences in the correlates of popularity involves the negative behavioral characteristics, such as aggression and antisocial behaviors, which are often associated with popularity in Western cultures [22,23,24,25], but not so much in the Chinese culture [5]. For example, utilizing a peer nomination methodology, researcher found that being aggressive, rule-breaking, and delinquent behaviors were positively related to popularity in Dutch adolescents [22]. Aggressive behaviors may help adolescents, especially popular adolescents, to demonstrate “maturity” and defend their social standing among peers [22]. Similarly, research among American adolescents also has shown that both relational and overt aggressive behaviors positively predict popularity, both concurrently and longitudinally [25,26]. Furthermore, relational aggression turns out to be a salient behavioral correlate of adolescent popularity in many Western societies [24,27]. In contrast, Chinese culture values collectivism, and aggressive behaviors are highly discouraged because they interrupt group harmony and interpersonal relationships [28]. Indeed, some research among Chinese adolescents has shown either no relations or negative relations between popularity and aggressive behaviors [21,29]. However, some other empirical studies show similar patterns to what has been observed in Western adolescents, with aggression being a positive correlate of popularity in Chinese adolescents [9,30,31]. Given such inconsistent findings reported in quantitative studies, it is important to use a qualitative approach to clarify how Chinese adolescents perceive aggression in relation to popularity.

Paying close attention to peer interactions, adolescents are also aware of the profiles of unpopularity in addition to popularity [4,32]. Researchers focused on peer dynamics and social status have usually treated popularity as a continuous variable, encompassing both the low and high ends of the popularity spectrum. However, others suggested that unpopularity, rather than low popularity, may represent a distinct construct that reflects a status which is low in social dominance, reputation, and in-group power among peers [32]. LaFontana and Cillessen [4] posited that being unpopular did not necessarily mean not being accepted; instead, unpopular children were perceived as lacking the social skills to lift themselves from the bottom of social hierarchy. Specifically, LaFontana and Cillessen [4] revealed that in the perceptions of American fourth to eighth graders, adolescents who were deemed unpopular were seen as physically aggressive, socially isolated, and withdrawn. In the follow-up qualitative exploration, adolescents portrayed unpopular adolescents as unattractive, behaviorally deviant, victimized by peers, and incompetent in social skills and academics [4]. Likewise, in a quantitative study of high school students, adolescents’ unpopularity was found to be positively associated with peer nominated victimization, social withdrawal, and self-reported loneliness, but negatively associated with the number of reciprocal friends [32]. An experimental study also revealed that unpopular children were observed as less capable in social skills and verbal expressions [33]. These findings suggest that unpopularity in adolescents is linked to a lack of social competency and limited capability to promote peer status. The current literature on the characteristics of unpopularity is predominantly concentrated on studies involving children and adolescents in Western cultures. Given the differences between Chinese and Western cultures and the impact of cultural backgrounds on perceptions of social concepts, it is worthwhile to explore the attributes of unpopularity among adolescents in non-Western cultures to advance our knowledge. To this end, a qualitative approach is greatly needed to capture the culturally nuanced attributes of unpopularity.

1.2. Determinants of Popularity

Adolescents may perceive various characteristics of popular peers; however, they may deem that certain individual, behavioral, and social relationship factors help lift popularity (i.e., popularity determinants) [3,5]. Popularity determinants are of importance for adolescents’ development, as such perceptions can encourage them to engage in corresponding strategies to achieve higher popularity [12]. Using open ended questions, Xie and colleagues [3] found that African American fourth and seventh graders, in comparison to first graders, were better at identifying factors that contributed to popularity. In particular, fourth graders perceived attractive appearance, self-presentation, and school performance as prominent factors and prosocial behaviors still a positive factor (more prominent among first graders) that would make a peer popular. Although fourth and seventh graders’ perceptions were significantly correlated, seventh graders perceived social relationship factors (e.g., social connection, friends’ popularity) and extracurricular activities (e.g., sports) as more prominent factors.

Like what the cross-cultural studies have found in the characteristics of popularity, perceptions of popularity determinants also exhibit cross-cultural differences as well as similarities. Li and colleagues [5] developed a popularity determinant questionnaire based on the findings among an American sample [3] and directly compared the perceived determinants of popularity between American and Chinese early adolescents (fifth graders). They found that Chinese early adolescents perceived prosocial behaviors and academic competence as more prominent factors for popularity, while American early adolescents perceived social connections, appearance, and opposite-gender interactions as more prominent popularity determinants. Despite both groups viewing antisocial behaviors (e.g., aggression, breaking school rules, substance use) as a negative indicator of popularity, Chinese early adolescents regarded such behaviors more negatively compared to American adolescents. Chinese early adolescents also perceived opposite-gender interactions as a factor contributing to less popularity.

In addition to cultural differences, gender differences have been observed in popularity determinants, with some of the gender differences bearing cultural similarities across Western and East Asian cultures. For instance, adolescent girls place greater significance on prosocial behavior and academic performance as contributors to popularity, whereas boys are more likely to perceive antisocial behaviors as a determinant of popularity than girls [3,5,17,34]. Additionally, it is suggested that girls, across cultures, attach more importance to attractiveness for popularity [4]; [3]. While cultural similarities are present, culturally unique gender differences in popularity determinants have also been identified. For example, Chinese adolescent girls viewed opposite-gender interaction more unfavorably for popularity than Chinese boys [5]. In contrast, receiving preference from the opposite-gender peers or having opposite-gender friends were positive factors for popularity among both American boys and girls [3]. Despite the fact that we have gained some information about popularity determinants among Chinese adolescents, there is still a lack of a qualitative approach to examine this topic so that the specific perceptions important in the Chinese cultural context may be allowed to emerge. Furthermore, the findings of gender differences in the literature suggest it is necessary to inquire Chinese adolescents about what makes boys vs. girls popular separately [3,5].

1.3. The Present Study

Most studies examining perceptions about popularity in the literature have utilized a quantitative methodology and were conducted among Western adolescents [e.g., 10, 27]. Much more attention needs to be given to the research investigating adolescents’ indigenous understanding of popularity in Asian cultures to broaden our knowledge about adolescents’ development in the Majority World countries [35,36]. Addressing these gaps, this study examined Chinese early adolescents’ understanding of popularity using focus group interviews. Specifically, adolescents’ perceptions of the characteristics of popularity and unpopularity among peers, as well as popularity determinants for boys and girls, were explored in focus group discussions.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Participants and Procedure

This study included 37 early adolescents (18 boys, 19 girls) in fifth (n = 6) and sixth (n = 31) grades from a public elementary school in Shandong province, China. Based on the Chinese education policy regarding school entry age, students in 5th and 6th grades typically age between 10 and 11 years and between 11 and 12 years, respectively. Participants came from six classes, including one class in fifth grade and five classes in sixth grade. Within each participating class, six students were randomly selected with three in each gender (three boys and three girls) except one sixth grade class from which seven students (three boys and four girls) were randomly selected within each gender. Participants from the same class were assigned to the same focus group. Prior research [37,38] has suggested that having three to six focus groups is usually sufficient to reach data saturation. In addition, prior research has also suggested including six to eight participants per focus group [39]. Therefore, we followed these guidelines and conducted focus group interviews in six groups with six to seven participants in each group in our study. Consistent with the common Chinese Elementary School structure, participating students took the same classes with the same group of classmates in their classrooms throughout the elementary school years, and as a result, they knew their peers very well.

Focus group interviews with each of the six groups were conducted during participants’ extracurricular time in school. Two research assistants, who were fluent in Mandarin Chinese, conducted the semi-structured interviews with each focus group. Four questions were discussed in each focus group interview. The first two questions inquire about the characteristics of popularity/unpopularity, “What does popularity/unpopularity look like in your class?”. Following the literature [3,5], popularity determinant perceptions were prompted by two more questions, one for each gender, “What makes a girl/boy popular in your class?”. During the group discussions, if participants’ answers were too brief or vague, moderators encouraged them to elaborate more or give examples. Each group session lasted approximately 45 min. The interview protocol and procedure were approved by the IRB of the corresponding author’s institution. All group interviews were videotaped after obtaining consent from parents and assent from participants.

2.2. Analysis Process

Videotaped recordings of the focus groups’ discussions were transcribed verbatim, in Chinese, by research assistants who are native Mandarin Chinese speakers. No identifiable information was included in the transcripts. The Chinese transcriptions were then coded manually following the Grounded Theory [40] by two research assistants who were fluent in both Chinese and English.

The data analysis procedures first went through a general open coding phase followed by a pair-coding phase. During the general open coding phase, two research assistants and the corresponding author analyzed the transcripts and worked together to create a coding manual [40,41]. The coding manual included codes and categories for each interview question and was used to direct the pair-coding phase. Specifically, in the general open coding phase, line-by-line analysis [40] was utilized to identify potential codes in the responses to each interview question. For example, in response to the question regarding characteristics of popular students, one participant said, “generally speaking, almost all students who have good grades are popular”. This segment was coded as “good grades”. The two investigators examined the same transcriptions using line-by-line and in vivo coding to capture the core meaning of the segments. In vivo coding is a practice to label a section of qualitative data, such as interview transcripts, by a word or phrase to represent that section of data [41]. This method is endorsed by researchers because it can emphasize culturally specific words or phrases in coding. Codes with similar content for each question were further grouped into categories following the axial coding method [40]. For example, in response to the prompt question “What does popularity/unpopularity look like in your class?” key words from students’ responses such as “willing to help others”, “responsible”, and “love helping with cleaning” were grouped into the broader prosocial behaviors category. Once all responses were initially coded and categorized, a constant comparative analysis [40] was conducted such that the two investigators went back to the original transcriptions to revise and refine the existing coding manual when they encountered discrepancies to define a code or label a category. A final coding manual with a consensus on the emerged codes and themes corresponding to each interview question was generated.

In the second coding phase, the two coders first coded the transcripts independently by following the coding manual, then engaged in consensus coding through weekly coding meetings to clarify their understanding of the codes, refine the codebook, and discuss any discrepancies in their coding [42]. To further enhance the validity of the analysis, the coders engaged in a reflective process by taking memos to indicate their understanding of the data and identify any assumptions and biases that might impact their interpretation of data. In addition, the corresponding author also served as a reviewer to oversee and debrief the data. After this process, the two coders obtained the frequencies of each code and categories for every interview question. This coding process has been used in exploring adolescents’ social cognition of behaviors in previous studies [29]. The coding in this phase was on a binary basis such that a score of either 0 (code not mentioned by any individual in the focus groups) or 1 (code mentioned by at least one participant in the focus group) was given for every code within each question. If the same focus group mentioned a code more than once, this group would receive a score according to the frequency to which this code was referred. The inter-rater reliabilities in the pair coding between the two coders were high (mean Cohen’s Kappa = 0.93) [43]. Discrepancies were discussed and resolved between the two coders and the corresponding author. The final frequency tables for each of these four questions were then generated.

In the spirit of self-reflexivity, it is important to acknowledge how our positionality and prior experience affects our interpretation of the data. Our research team consists of two faculty members and two research assistants. All of us were born and raised in China, and received higher education in psychology in the U.S. We are familiar with both Chinse and American cultures and education systems. Our work is often guided by ecological systems theory [44] as well as our own experiences as Chinese immigrants. The research team discussed issues of reflexivity and was trained in qualitative research design. We discussed how our prior experiences, interests, and beliefs might impact the research process and our interpretation of data.

3. Results

The four popularity related topics corresponding to the four focus-group interview questions included characteristics of popularity, characteristics of unpopularity, popularity determinants for girls, and popularity determinants for boys. Below are the coding results for each topic.

3.1. Characteristics of Popularity

Regarding the characteristics of popularity, the coding results showed that Chinese adolescents’ perceived that popular students tended to have high levels of academic competence and are prosocial, talented, sociable, and attractive (see

Table 1. Characteristics of popularity.

Category	Code	Frequency by Group (N = 6)	Frequency by Individual (N = 37)
Academic competence		9	9
	(1) Outstanding academic performance	6	6
	(2) Good grades	3	3
Prosocial behavior		8	8
	(1) Willing to help others	4	4
	(2) Being patient	2	2
	(3) Being responsible	1	1
	(4) Like providing service to the class	1	1
Talent		5	5
	(1) Multi-talented	2	2
	(2) Good at reading	1	1
	(3) Skilled speakers	1	1
	(4) Good at performing in Chinese comedy	1	1
Sociability		5	6
	(1) Having lots of friends	1	2
	(2) Being liked by the teacher	2	2
	(3) Being humorous	1	1
	(4) Being easygoing	1	1
Physical appearance		2	2
	(1) Charm or beauty	2	2
Collectivist characteristics		2	2
	(1) Strong sense of collective honor	2	2

).

Specifically, academic competence, including outstanding academic performance and good grades, was one of the most frequently discussed characteristics of popularity. Multiple students mentioned “(being) good at study” or “studying well” as significant attributes of popular peers. Having good grades and being good at academic tasks is such an important attribute of popularity that it could even help offset one’s flaws in other aspects. For example, a sixth-grade boy stated that a popular peer was recognized as popular because he had good grades, even though, according to the speaker, this peer “did not behave very morally…”

Another frequently mentioned attribute of popularity was prosocial behavior. In this theme, participants specified that popular peers were often willing to help their classmates, were patient with peers, were easygoing, and responsible. For instance, several students in a sixth-grade focus group mentioned that “…they [popular students] were patient when classmates asked them questions”. And “When others encountered difficulties, these popular peers would love to help with kindness”. Supporting this view, another student said “…she [a popular student] usually helped classmates on coursework, and she was easygoing”. Another student also echoed this, saying “if classmates did not understand at first, she [a popular student] could explain to them several more times”.

Being talented (e.g., speaking, performance) was also mentioned as a common characteristic of being popular. For example, in a group of sixth graders, multiple participants commented “…performing Chinese comedies in front of classmates”, and “being eloquent”, as characteristics that popular peers had. In two other groups, students used the term “multi-talented” to depict a popular peer who has several talents.

The next commonly mentioned feature of popularity was sociability. Interviewees mentioned that popular peers “had lots of friends”, “were humorous”, and “were favored by teachers”. In addition, physical appearance is one of the relatively less discussed but nonetheless notable attributes of popularity. Adolescents indicated that peers who were “charming” or “beautiful” were perceived as “particularly popular in the class”.

A culturally unique theme of popularity characteristics also emerged in the discussions, which was collectivistic characteristic(s). This theme conveys a sense of collectivistic group honor and is different from the prosocial behavior mentioned above, because the focus is not about helping or being kind to other peers, but about helping or bringing honor to the group (e.g., class). For example, while a sixth-grade boy recalled the attributes of certain popular peers, he described vividly that he was deeply touched by a popular peer who was a runner and tried particularly hard (despite difficulties) to achieve the top ranking in order to bring honor to the class in a school-wide sports competition.

3.2. Characteristics of Unpopularity

The focus groups discussed more intensively the characteristics of unpopular peers. The most frequently mentioned characteristics of unpopularity included aggressive behavior, disruptive behavior, poor personal hygiene, egocentric personality characteristics, lack of sociability/social skills, lack of collectivistic awareness, and low academic competence (See

Table 2. Characteristics of unpopularity.

Category	Code	Frequency by Group (N = 6)	Frequency by Individual (N = 37)
Aggressive behavior		13	14
	(1) Bullying	4	4
	(2) Being offensive	3	3
	(3) Engaging in fight	2	2
	(4) Being mean	1	2
	(5) Starting fight	1	1
	(6) Mocking behavior	1	1
	(7) Being a troublemaker	1	1
Disruptive behavior		12	12
	(1) Being annoying during class	6	6
	(2) Interrupting other people’s talks	3	3
	(3) Disturbing others when studying	1	1
	(4) Chatting during class	1	1
	(5) Causing conflicts among peers	1	1
Poor personal hygiene		10	10
	(1) Stink	3	3
	(2) Being sloppy	3	3
	(3) Being bathless	2	2
	(4) Having smelly and disorganized drawer	1	1
	(5) Spitting	1	1
Egocentric personality characteristics		8	8
	(1) Being inconsiderate in peer interaction	2	2
	(2) Being stingy	2	2
	(3) Self-centeredness	1	1
	(4) Arrogance	1	1
	(5) Narrow-mindedness	1	1
	(6) Being over conscious about one’s look	1	1
Lack of sociability/social skills		7	7
	(1) Poor communication skills	3	3
	(2) Being clingy	1	1
	(3) Inappropriate social comparisons	1	1
	(4) Being double-faced	1	1
	(5) Lack of integrity	1	1
Lack of collectivistic awareness		2	2
	(1) Lack of collectivistic awareness	2	2
Low academic competence		2	2
	(1) Poor academic performance	1	1
	(2) Do not complete homework	1	1

). Within the aggressive behavior theme, bullying was the most frequently mentioned by the participants. For example, in the fifth-grade focus group, several students stated that the bullying behaviors of a peer holding a major leadership role of their class (i.e., class president) made him unpopular. Other examples of aggressive behavior included “throwing a classmate’s pencil” and “getting into fights”. Further, “being mean”, “mocking”, and “troublemaking” were mentioned as attributes of unpopularity too. The second frequently discussed attribute of unpopularity was disruptive behavior, especially during class sessions, such as “interrupting teachers’ instruction”, “yelling in class”, and “making jokes during class lecture”.

Poor personal hygiene (e.g., “unpleasant body odor”) and obnoxious characteristics (e.g., “clothes looked sloppy [unkempt]”) were perceived as characteristics of unpopularity as well. Additionally, hygiene-related issues or disorganized behaviors, such as “unpleasant odor from the desk drawer” and “disorganized”, were also mentioned as characteristics of unpopularity.

Egocentric personality characteristics were mentioned as another aspect of unpopularity, such as “being inconsiderate and usually causing conflict among peers”, “being arrogant”, “being stingy”, “being selfish”, and “being overly conscious about one’s look”. Specifically, the fifth-grade group participants mentioned “disagreeable…arrogant, and self-centered”. In addition, some students stated that unpopular peers often lack social competence in self-expression or interpersonal relationships. This included the lack of communication and verbal expression skills, such as “being unable to speak clearly during conversations”, and being too attached or insecure in peer relationships, such as being “clingy”. Furthermore, inappropriate social comparisons, for example, “compare with others to see who had more friends, in order to deliberately highlight own status”. Moreover, being “double-faced” and lacking integrity (e.g., acted kindly at first, but later treated others poorly) were commented as characteristics of unpopularity. A few students also noted that low academic competence (e.g., “ranked at the bottom of the class”, “frequently missed assignments”) was a characteristic of unpopular peers.

While collectivistic characteristics aligned with popularity characteristics, a lack of collectivistic awareness was associated with unpopularity characteristics. For example, participants described specific behaviors, including “being late on purpose” to group appointments and “sulk” deliberately during play rehearsals. These behaviors happened in the context of group activities and indicated uncooperative attitudes during group activities, which were thereby perceived as a notable attribute of unpopularity.

3.3. Popularity Determinants for Girls

When analyzing participants’ responses to the question “What makes a girl popular?” results showed that the top mentioned determinants of girls’ popularity were sociability, prosocial behavior, and academic competence, followed by physical appearance and collectivistic characteristics (see

Table 3. Popularity determinants for girls.

Category	Code	Frequency by Group (N = 6)	Frequency by Individual (N = 37)
Sociability		15	16
	(1) Being humorous	7	7
	(2) Having good interpersonal relationships	3	3
	(3) Being cheerful	2	2
	(4) Being extraverted	1	2
	(5) Being easygoing	1	1
	(6) Not being nervous when participating in group activities	1	1
Prosocial behavior		14	14
	(1) Willing to help others	7	7
	(2) Being unselfish	3	3
	(3) Helping behavior for the class	2	2
	(4) Being patient	1	1
	(5) Being modest	1	1
Academic competence		11	11
	(1) Outstanding academic performance	8	8
	(2) Having a wide range of knowledge	1	1
	(3) Outstanding comprehensive ability	1	1
	(4) Outstanding writing skills	1	1
Physical appearance		4	4
	(1) Prettiness	2	2
	(2) Cuteness	1	1
	(3) Prettiest girl in the class	1	1
Collectivist characteristics		2	2
	(1) Unity	2	2

).

Prosocial behavior was also a frequently mentioned determinant that could make a girl popular. Specific codes within this theme included a willingness to help others, being unselfish, helping behaviors for the class, patience, and modesty. For example, a sixth grader commented “… willing to answer study questions to help classmates” and “to help others when they have troubles”. Participants in another sixth-grade group believed that “not being selfish” would make girls popular.

Participants also endorsed competence in academics that could make girls popular. They believed that if a girl could “achieve good grades” and demonstrated “good learning ability”, they were more likely to see her as a popular girl, even when she was not good at other aspects, such as sports. Lastly, some students also ascribed girls’ popularity to their physical appearance, such as “prettiness” and “cuteness”.

Collectivistic characteristics were also mentioned as a determinant of girls’ popularity, which was reflected in their ability to bring peers of their class together for a common goal in school activities. For example, a sixth grader explained that the ability of uniting peers, such as “being able to unite peers together”, could make girls popular.

3.4. Popularity Determinants for Boys

With regard to popularity determinants for boys, the focus groups mentioned academic competence and prosocial behavior the most, followed by sociability, talent, physical appearance and spending power (see

Table 4. Popularity determinants for boys.

Category	Code	Frequency by Group (N = 6)	Frequency by Individual (N = 37)
Academic competence		12	12
	(1) Outstanding academic performance	5	5
	(2) High IQ	3	3
	(3) Good memory	2	2
	(4) Diligence in coursework	2	2
Prosocial behavior		10	10
	(1) Willing to help others	5	5
	(2) Being modest even received praise	1	1
	(3) Respecting teachers	1	1
	(4) Being accountable	1	1
	(5) Being righteous	1	1
	(6) Not being two-faced	1	1
Sociability		6	6
	(1) Being humorous	2	2
	(2) Having good interpersonal relationships	2	2
	(3) Being cheerful	1	1
Talent		6	6
	(1) Being good at sports	5	5
	(2) Being good at art	1	1
Physical Appearance		5	5
	(1) Good-looking	3	3
	(2) Being tall	2	2
Spending Power		2	2
	(1) Affluent family background	2	2

and

Table 5. Frequency of popularity determinants for girls vs. boys.

Category	For Girls	For Boys
Sociability	15	6
Prosocial behavior	14	10
Academic competence	11	12
Physical appearance	4	5
Collectivist characteristics	2	0
Talent	0	6
Spending Power	0	2

Note. For comparison purposes, this table presents the frequencies (by group) from Table 3 and Table 4.

). Academic competence was discussed most frequently in the focus groups as a factor contributing to popularity for boys. If boys could impress peers with outstanding academic performance (e.g., “doing extraordinarily well in study”), “high IQ”, “good memory”, they would be more likely to become popular. Additionally, diligence in coursework was also counted as a popularity determinant for boys. For example, several fifth graders mentioned “…rapid progress in study. …really hardworking in study”.

Prosocial behavior was the second most frequently mentioned theme of popularity determinants for boys. According to the group discussion, participants had a high regard for boys who displayed willingness to help others (e.g., “… was so helpful to answer questions for anybody”), modesty (e.g., “when… receiving praises from teachers…not conceited at all”), and showed respect to teachers. Also, participants mentioned that being accountable, righteous, and having integrity (“not being two-faced”) could make boys popular.

Furthermore, being sociable was also discussed by focus groups as a determinant of boys’ popularity. For example, a sixth grader mentioned “always hanging out with peers”. Boys with humor received more favorable views from others. Likewise, having a cheerful personality and having good interpersonal relationships also positively contribute to boys’ popularity.

While it was not mentioned by girls, talents in the realms of sports and arts were mentioned as determinants of popularity for boys in the focus group discussions (see Table 4 and Table 5). For example, a group of sixth graders explained that strengths in athletics and drawing would significantly contribute to boys’ popularity status. Similarly, several students in another sixth-grade group agreed that being good at sports (e.g., “good at sports”, “could win the first place in the race”) could make boys popular.

Last but not least, being physically attractive and from affluent families were recounted as popularity determinants for boys. For example, in a sixth-grade group, students mentioned being “good-looking” and “handsome” and having an “affluent family background” as contributing factors to popularity for boys.

Comparing the popularity determinants for boys vs. girls (see Table 5), both prosocial behaviors and academic performance were frequently mentioned determinants for boys and girls, followed by physical appearance. On the other hand, sociability was more frequently mentioned as a popularity determinant for girls rather than for boys. Finally, collectivistic characteristics were mentioned for girls, while talents and spending power were mentioned for boys as factors contributing to popularity.

4. Discussion

This is the first study using focus group interviews to explore Chinese early adolescents’ indigenous perspectives of attributes of popularity and unpopularity, as well as what they believed to contribute to the popularity in boys versus girls. Our results depicted both cross-cultural similarities and culturally unique aspects. These findings complement the literature that is heavily weighted by quantitative research mainly involving Western adolescent samples by providing an emic view [6] of popularity from the Chinese culture. The culturally specific findings highlight the cultural-contextual influences on adolescents’ interpretation of popularity, which can provide insights for researchers, educators, and mental health providers.

4.1. Characteristics of Popularity

Chinese early adolescents perceived certain positive characteristics as attributes of popular peers, including academic competence, prosocial behavior, talent, sociability, appearance, and collectivistic characteristics. Some of these characteristics are consistent with the findings in Western cultures [1,4,10], while others represent a culturally unique characteristic of popularity. In particular, consistent with Western findings, this study reveals that prosocial behaviors are salient behavioral characteristics of popular adolescents [1,10]. The current findings also support the previous findings that prosocial behaviors, such as helping or cooperating with others, are important correlates of popularity in Chinese adolescents [9,13]. Influenced by traditional Chinese culture, in which social harmony and cooperation are highly endorsed in social relationships, Chinese adolescents are encouraged to act prosocially, which is linked to social competency and peer status [13,28]. In addition to prosocial behaviors, the findings of the present study are also consistent with the literature about physical attractiveness, social connectedness, and talents (e.g., in arts and sports) being the characteristics of popularity [4,34].

Interestingly, while popularity is related to a mixture of positive and negative attributes among Western adolescents [3,15], early adolescents in China do not seem to perceive aggression and anti-social behavior as characteristics of popularity. Specifically, aggressive and anti-social behaviors were not mentioned by Chinese early adolescents in the present study as characteristics of popular peers. Instead, aggressive and disruptive behaviors were consistently recounted as characteristics of unpopularity. These findings are in line with the collectivistic cultural values endorsed by many youths and adults in China. Intrinsic to collectivistic cultures, Chinese people endorse in-group harmony, interdependence, and cooperation [19]. Hence, any behaviors, including forms of aggression and disruption in peer interactions that may undermine harmonious interpersonal relationships are highly discouraged [28]. In line with this cultural view, Chinese early adolescents did not mention aggressive and disruptive behaviors as characteristics of popularity.

Another finding in the present study that reflects a core Chinese cultural value is the emphasis of academic performance as an evident attribute of popularity. Adolescents in Western cultures may not necessarily consider academic achievement as a strong descriptor of popularity, but instead they may view academic achievement negatively [17,18]. However, Chinese adolescents who are cultivated by the traditional cultural value that emphasizes achievement in learning [19] give a strong consideration to academic achievement in their evaluation of peer status [9,20].

Furthermore, this study revealed that one culturally unique characteristic of popularity emerged from the focus group discussion, which was collectivistic characteristics. A strong sense of collective honor, such as contributing to the class and bringing honor to the class, is seen as an attribute of popular Chinese early adolescents. This collectivistic characteristic is not the same as prosociality as it does not aim at helping any peer in particular [45]; instead, the attribute of collectivism represents an inclination to dedicate oneself to a group (e.g., a class), prioritizing the group over the individual and bringing honor to the group. Taken together, the above findings suggest that popularity is associated with characteristics that are consistent with the core values of the culture in which adolescents reside in [28,30] and thus, it is important to study popularity while considering the cultural context.

4.2. Characteristics of Unpopularity

Participants extensively discussed the characteristics of unpopularity, indicating that participants were very aware of the characteristics commonly associated with being unpopular. Their responses indicate that unpopular peers showed aggressive or disruptive behaviors, personal hygiene concerns, egocentric personality traits, poor social skills, a lacking sense of collectivism, and poor academic performance. Some of these unpopularity characteristics are consistent with the quantitative findings in previous research [32]. For example, adolescent unpopularity was found to be associated with social withdrawal and less reciprocal friends, suggesting that their unpopularity might also be tied to a lack of social skills [32]. In addition, the present study also discovered some culturally unique attributes of unpopular adolescents related to collectivistic values. For example, those who failed to demonstrate collectivistic awareness or showed egocentric personalities, such as being inconsiderate to peers or being self-centered, were described as attributes of unpopularity by the participants.

The current findings reveal that some of those unpopular characteristics were directly opposite of popular characteristics, such as lack of collectivistic awareness, poor social skills, and low academic competence. In other words, if someone in the Chinese school context fails to demonstrate these popularity characteristics, they not only lose the chance to be regarded as popular but are also perceived as having the characteristics of unpopularity. On the other hand, participants mentioned plenty of unique details describing the characteristics of unpopularity (e.g., aggressive behavior, disruptive behaviors, poor personal hygiene, negative personality characteristics). These findings support previous research that unpopularity is a distinct construct and should not be simply examined as a lack of popularity, but as a negatively related yet unique dimension of peer status [32].

The findings on characteristics of popularity and unpopularity together suggest that culture is an important source of influence on adolescents’ construal of popularity/unpopularity. That is, if adolescents can successfully express characteristics that are consistent with what is endorsed in that specific culture, they are more likely to be recognized by their peers as having characteristics for popularity. Due to limited cultural considerations in research on popularity, the current qualitative findings illuminate the necessity of taking the cultural backgrounds and cultural values of the participants into consideration in future popularity research.

4.3. Popularity Determinants for Boys vs. Girls

This study shows that sociability, prosocial behaviors, academic competence, and physical appearance are common dimensions of determinants for boys’ and girls’ popularity as perceived by Chinese early adolescents, which is consistent with research among American adolescents (e.g., [3]). Given the cultural emphasis of prosocial behaviors and academic performance in Chinese culture, these behaviors and characteristics are undoubtedly critical for Chinese adolescents to demonstrate in order to gain peer status [19,28,30]. Furthermore, although important for both genders, being sociable (e.g., having good interpersonal relationships and communication skills) was the most frequently mentioned determinant to make a girl popular. This echoes the quantitative cross-cultural research findings among Chinese and American adolescents, such that adolescents from both cultures perceive academic competence, social connection, and appearance as determinants of popularity [5]. However, this study provides a qualitative investigation of the details that are included in these types of popularity determinants.

Aside from the similarities between genders, this study also revealed a few popularity determinants that are unique to each gender. For example, collectivistic characteristics are emphasized for girls’ popularity. Adolescents noted that being able to unite peers together for a common goal can make a girl popular. Interestingly, such a collectivistic oriented determinant was not mentioned specifically as a contributor to boys’ popularity, implying that the societal expectations for adolescent boys versus girls to behave according to traditional Chinese cultural values seem to be different. Chinese girls are more likely to be socialized to care for others and be the peacemaker to unite the peer group than boys. If girls possess characteristics consistent with traditional cultural values and gender roles, they are more likely to be popular. In contrast, individual competency related determinants, such as talents (especially the talents in sports and artistic activities) and financial resources were revealed as two important factors that make Chinese boys popular, which is consistent with previous findings showing talents and spending power are important contributors to popularity in American adolescents [3]. These gender difference findings may also suggest different gender role expectations of Chinese early adolescents. Specifically, Chinese girls are expected to be caring and willing to sacrifice themselves for others, whereas boys are expected to be competitive for resources [46]. Future research may further explore the intersectionality of gender role differences and cultural expectations in adolescents’ perceptions of popularity.

4.4. Limitations and Future Directions

The findings of this study are informative for understanding Chinese early adolescents’ perceptions of popularity. However, the findings should be interpreted in the context of some limitations. First, the participants of this study were all from one elementary school in China, which limits the generalizability of the results to all Chinese early adolescents. Furthermore, adolescents’ attitudes and perceptions about the characteristics and determinants of popularity are likely impacted by the school climate of specific schools [47]. Future studies may consider including participants from multiple schools and in different areas of China so that the sample is more representative and may also examine the influence of school climate on adolescents’ perceptions.

4.5. Implications

Knowing the characteristics and determinants of popularity in the eyes of early adolescents in China, educators and mental health providers (e.g., psychologists or counselors) can better support youth social development. They can have a more tailored approach for each student who has concerns about peer status and help them identify specific areas to work on. In general, educators can create more opportunities for youth to engage in positive behaviors, such as prosocial and sociable behaviors that may help elevate their peer status. Additionally, since collectivistic characteristics (e.g., bring honor to class) are positive attributes to popularity, educators can also provide opportunities for students to engage in behaviors related to these characteristics. On the other hand, educators, psychologists, and counselors should also provide support to students who struggle with academia and/or poor social skills to reduce the negative impact of these aspects on their peer interactions. Furthermore, because aggression and disruptive behaviors are described as characteristics of unpopular peers, educators and school-based mental health providers should help students be more aware of peers’ perceptions of aggressive behaviors and think about the negative peer relationship consequences (e.g., low popularity) of these actions. Such classroom discussions can also help promote anti-aggression/anti-bullying norms and promote a positive climate at school. Lastly, given that adolescent boys and girls may endorse somewhat different ways to elevate their popularity, educators and mental health providers should provide different mentoring and coaching approaches for boys vs. girls to enhance their peer experience.