“It’s Enough to Make Someone… Lose Their Mind”: Exploring the Mental Impact of Racial Capitalism Across the Black American Life Course

Abstract

This study introduces racial capitalism, the theory that racism and capitalistic exploitation are inextricably linked, into psychology and gerontology by exploring its mental impact across different age groups of Black Americans. Using Constructivist Grounded Theory (CGT), 27 participants from diverse age groups and socioeconomic statuses were interviewed via theoretical and purposive sampling. In-depth interviews were conducted to examine their lived experiences of racial capitalism and its evolving mental health impact. Data collection continued until thematic saturation was reached, and analysis followed an iterative coding process to identify emergent themes. The analysis revealed three themes: Individual-level racism impacts older adults’ mental well-being; middle-aged adults are learning from older adults’ poor mental health awareness; and younger adults are mentally struggling under the weight of capitalistic exploitation. Older adults primarily focused on individual-level racism earlier in life, maintaining a generally positive outlook. Middle-aged adults reflected on limited mental health awareness passed down from older cohorts and the strain of limited generational wealth transfer. Younger participants expressed heightened mental distress due to contemporary systemic racism and exploitation. These findings informed the development of Cumulative Racial Capitalism Theory (CRCT), a framework theorizing how racism and capitalism continually evolve, cumulatively impacting Black Americans’ mental health.

1. Introduction

1.1. The Mental Health Paradox

Black Americans have experienced a sharp increase in adverse mental health outcomes, such as depression and anxiety, since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic [1,2]. Black Americans are a racial and ethnic group characterized by African ancestry and a shared cultural identity in the United States. This population, as a collective, has experienced almost 250 years of slavery, racial segregation (i.e., Jim Crow), and ongoing forms of discrimination in the forms of police brutality, biased data algorithms, and rising socioeconomic and health inequality [3,4].

Epidemiological research concerning mental health outcomes within Black Americans indicates differences between genders, age groups, and socioeconomic statuses [5,6,7]. More specifically, depression is diagnosed more often in Black women, who tend to report more severe symptoms and greater levels of disability than their male counterparts [6]. Black women also have higher incidences of PTSD. With regard to age differences, younger Black Americans, especially those in the 18–24 year age group, report higher levels of severe psychological distress (13.5%) than their middle-aged Black American counterparts aged 45 and above (7.5%) [8]. Lastly, concerning socioeconomic status, Black Americans below the federal poverty line experience severe psychological distress at twice the rate of those with higher incomes [9].

Despite differences among Black Americans, this population exhibits comparable or better mental health outcomes (e.g., lower rates of anxiety and depression) compared to white Americans, a phenomenon known as the mental health paradox [10,11,12]. For example, the prevalence of major depressive disorder is about 10% among Black Americans versus 18% among white Americans [13,14]. Even so, Black Americans are relatively less likely to seek treatment for mental health, with only 30% of Black adults using mental healthcare services compared to 48% of white adults [15].

The mechanisms underlying the paradox are documented in the literature [16,17,18,19]. Black Americans tend to have higher self-esteem, tighter family relationships, and higher rates of religiosity compared to white Americans, all of which have been hypothesized as underlying mechanisms of the mental health paradox. The rise of adverse mental health outcomes, especially among Black American men and youth since the COVID-19 pandemic, however, raises the question of how this paradox is or is not shifting over time and age cohorts [20].

1.2. Tying Racial Capitalism to Psychology and Gerontology

The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly contributed to the widening and persistence of health and wealth disparities [21,22,23]. Black Marxists, scholars who challenge and critique capitalism as an economic system, argue that these disparities extend beyond white Americans, white corporations, and white-controlled institutions, instilling and perpetuating racism for the sake of doing so [24]. Racism refers to a system of advantages or disadvantages based on race [25]. Instead, they argue that racism creates a racial hierarchy that serves as a functional mechanism by which white Americans can exploit Black Americans under capitalism [24]. They refer to this unbreakable link as racial capitalism. For example, biased data algorithms and facial recognition software are feeding the prison industrial complex disproportionately Black faces [26]. This ultimately benefits both the private and public sectors, which are overwhelmingly white.

Black Marxists such as Cedric Robinson, Angela Davis, and Robin Kelley assert that racism, in any form, cannot be dismantled without the dismantling of capitalism [24,27,28]. Additionally, these authors argue that all forms of capitalism are inherently racist. Capitalism is a mode of production characterized by private actors competing in a free market to generate as much net profit as possible. To date, racial capitalism, as a theoretical framework, has been primarily confined to economics and law. Like Critical Race Theory (CRT), however, it has increasingly been applied to other disciplines, such as sociology and public health, particularly since the pandemic [29,30]. In these fields, racial capitalism has been theorized as a fundamental cause of physical health disparities [31,32]. Underlying this argument is that a society’s mode of production, or how it carries out its goods and services, shapes social stratification (i.e., how individuals are organized in a society). Therefore, the argument is that racial capitalism, a broad and structural economic base, is at the root of more systemic (e.g., residential segregation), institutional (e.g., healthcare access), and individual (e.g., medical racism) forms of racism that ultimately impact health.

Applying racial capitalism to fields such as sociology and public health aims to shift the narrative around capitalism from normative to critical [29,30]. For example, the American Public Health Association has declared racism a public health crisis but has ignored the interwoven history of the Black American experience with capitalistic exploitation [33]. By casting a critical light on capitalism, the issues of socioeconomic and health inequality can be addressed more radically, pushing white-controlled institutions (e.g., the healthcare system) to confront the full breadth of racial inequality surrounding Black Americans.

Despite the uptick in the literature linking racial capitalism in public health and sociology, the link between racial capitalism in other fields, such as psychology and gerontology, has yet to be fully solidified [34,35,36]. This is not to say that the use of “racial capitalism” as a jargoned theoretical term is essential, but rather that the critical connection between racism and capitalistic exploitation is considerably unsubstantiated. Before the pandemic, for example, research showed that Black Americans’ mental health was disproportionately impacted by economic downturns like the Great Recession [37]. Additionally, during the pandemic, psychology explored the role that byproducts of capitalism (e.g., being evicted and occupying essential worker positions) played in the cognitive, mental, and emotional functioning of Black Americans [38,39,40]. Similarly, there is a large body of research and theories (e.g., Minority Stress Theory) that show the detrimental impact of racism, in its structural, systemic, and direct forms, on mental well-being. For example, Goodwill, Taylor, and Watkins found that everyday racial discrimination had a significant correlation with increased depressive symptoms and suicidal thoughts among Black American men [20].

Despite these connections that explain the link between racism and mental health, Gaztambide et al. argue that there is a reluctance in psychology to truly address the toll that racial capitalism, regardless of whether it is referred to as such, takes on mental well-being [35]. Instead, psychologists focus on idealistic and neoliberal ideologies in which individual change and performative acts of racial justice are sufficient. Gaztambide et al.’s argument is evidenced by the absence of literature directly linking racism, capitalism, and mental well-being.

Older adults (i.e., the Silent Generation and Baby Boomers) born approximately between 1928 and 1964, middle-aged adults (i.e., Generation X) born approximately between 1965 and 1980, and younger adults (i.e., Millennials and Generation Z) born approximately between 1981 and 2012 have experienced differences in technological advancements, wars, and many other forms of societal change under racial capitalism [26]. However, in addition to psychology, the direct examination of racial capitalism as a framework within gerontology is underdeveloped [41]. This missing link is curious when considering that as Black Americans age, they are more likely to be impoverished, have a higher prevalence of chronic health conditions like hypertension and diabetes, and die four years sooner on average than their white counterparts [42,43,44,45,46].

The COVID-19 pandemic has been described as a “disaster of racial capitalism” that has exacerbated these health disparities [47]. For example, older Black Americans experienced mortality rates from COVID-19 that were two to three times higher than those of their white counterparts in 2020 [48,49,50]. This disparity can be attributed to the enduring impact of segregated healthcare systems and the chronic underfunding of hospitals situated in predominantly Black neighborhoods. Moreover, middle-aged Black adults, who are disproportionately represented in low-wage essential employment, encountered heightened exposure to the virus, compounded by the lack of adequate protective measures such as paid leave or health insurance [31].

While the mental health paradox has held considerably true for older and middle-aged adults despite these conditions, younger Black individuals have faced a marked decline in mental health [28]. Suicide rates among Black individuals aged 10 to 24 years increased by 37% between 2018 (i.e., before the pandemic) and 2021 (i.e., during the pandemic) [51,52]. These conditions illustrate how racial capitalism shapes different health experiences across subsequent age cohorts. In other words, each age group experiences the repercussions of systemic inequities in ways influenced by their current life stage and the historical contexts they have encountered.

Life course, cumulative disadvantage, and cumulative inequality theories partially account for the toll that racism takes on individual and cohort-level aging over time [53,54]. However, gerontology, like psychology, stops short and underestimates the role of capitalism in perpetuating adverse physical and mental health outcomes across the life course. It also fails to explore how Black Americans, at different stages of their lives, experience and perceive the impact of racial capitalism.

Applying racial capitalism as a theoretical framework is essential to psychology and gerontology, just like law, economics, public health, and other disciplines [35,41]. Therefore, this paper, as part of a doctoral thesis [55], focuses on examining the link between racial capitalism, aging, and mental health by exploring the nature of racism and capitalism as it exists within the Black American consciousness. In considering the literature, the hypothesis here is that the perception of racial capitalism’s impact on mental health will vary across generations of Black Americans. The emphasis of this work is to gain a theoretical understanding of how racial capitalism evolves to impact age cohorts differently following the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Screening and Sampling

2.1.1. Constructivist Grounded Theory (CGT)

This cross-sectional, qualitative study focused on Black Americans, individuals with African ancestry who live in the United States and identify as American. The study took place between October 2023 and February 2024. This study’s sampling and overall methodology were guided by CGT [56]. The goal of CGT is to generate a theory grounded in data collected from participants’ lived experiences while acknowledging the roles of both the researcher and participants in constructing this theory. Ultimately, CGT aims to develop rich, detailed, and theoretically informed explanations that account for the complexity of human experience, making it ideal for exploring nuanced social processes and issues like those in the paper about Black Americans coping under racial capitalism.

Because CGT guided the data collection and analysis, participants were selected using theoretical and purposive sampling [56]. In CGT, theoretical sampling involves progressively selecting participants who can deepen and refine emerging theoretical concepts. This strategy allows for greater flexibility and adaptation as new ideas arise from initial data collection. For instance, after beginning with participants with more liberal and leftist political views, additional participants with conservative perspectives were explicitly chosen. This ensured a more balanced and comprehensive understanding of the developed theoretical framework.

Regarding purposive sampling, this involves selecting participants based on specific characteristics or qualities that align with the particular goals of the study. For example, sampling an even number of men and women, those who identified as Black Americans, and people across a variety of socioeconomic (e.g., income, occupation, education) statuses.

2.1.2. Sampling Sources

The inclusion criteria for the study required participants to self-identify as Black or African American, live in the United States, and possess personal or community insights into the intersections of racial justice, capitalism, and the Black experience. Individuals under 18 and those unable to provide informed consent were excluded. Social media was the primary means of recruitment. Participants from online platforms (e.g., TikTok) and communities (e.g., Black Facebook groups) were included to capture a broader range of individuals, particularly those from lower to middle socioeconomic backgrounds, such as members of Black mutual aid groups [57,58]. An extensive list of 83 online content creators who regularly discuss topics relevant to the Black American experience, racial justice, and capitalism was compiled, and they were invited to participate through direct outreach.

To address potential selection bias from the algorithms that often shape social media feeds, the researcher took careful steps to ensure a diverse recruitment process. This involved conducting thorough keyword searches, maintaining neutral browser settings, and using incognito mode to minimize the effects of personalized recommendations. The researcher also sought guidance from external advisors knowledgeable about Black online communities to help identify relevant groups and creators that might not have been immediately visible.

To broaden the sample and counteract biases in online recruitment, the researcher extended outreach to offline networks such as local Black churches and chapters of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). This strategy allowed for the inclusion of older participants and individuals who might not be as active on social media, particularly those from lower and middle socioeconomic backgrounds. For this reason, snowball sampling, where initial participants helped recruit others within their offline networks, was also employed. This ultimately enhanced representation and reduced dependence on algorithm-driven recruitment.

In the initial design of the study, there was concern that racial capitalism, as a concept, was too abstract to be applied to laypersons outside of academia. To resolve this issue, potential participants were screened by asking whether they thought they knew about topics such as racism, capitalistic exploitation, and social justice issues. In total, six participants were screened out. After screening, the remaining participants were asked to participate in a 60-min interview in person or via video call. Initially set between 20 and 30 participants, the sample size was guided by Creswell and Creswell and Moser and Korstjens, prioritizing the depth of data over numerical representation [59,60]. Data collection continued until saturation or a point where no new themes or insights emerged, yielding a total of 27 participants. Data saturation was reached by thoroughly reviewing the interview transcripts until no new themes or insights appeared.

2.2. Theoretical Framing and Interview Guide

The interview was conducted by the researcher, who also identifies as a Black American. Racial capitalism was defined at the beginning of the interviews to ensure that all participants had the same understanding of the concept [24]. The following definition was taken from Robinson’s work and adapted to more conversational and lay language:

Racial capitalism is the idea that racism and our economic system of capitalism, which is based on making money through competition and private ownership, work together to harm Black people.

Because of concerns about racial capitalism being too abstract or intangible, the game of Monopoly was also used as an analogy to bring racial capitalism, as an abstract theory, into the concrete reality of laypersons using the following description [61]:

Imagine playing Monopoly, where the players are of different races. White players start the game with extra money and properties, while Black players start with very little. These white players, with their initial advantages, use their power to buy up even more properties and charge higher rent. They make deals among themselves that benefit them but make it much harder for the Black players to compete. They also use the labor and resources provided by Black people in order to increase and maintain their wealth.

In this analogy, racial capitalism is like saying that the game is rigged in favor of the white players because of their race. So, racial capitalism is a game where both racism and capitalism work together to benefit the white players and harm the Black players, similar to how some argue it happens in the real world. For example, during the pandemic, we saw that essential workers—like cashiers, transit workers, and certified nursing assistants who are more likely to be Black or brown—were unprotected from COVID-19, and that contributed to more of them dying from the virus.

The semi-structured questions that guided each of the interviews can be found in

Table 1. Interview guide.

Question

Where did you grow up, and where do you live now? What factors influenced where you lived? How was your educational experience growing up? Did you go to college? Why or why not? What did you want to be when you grew up? How did that work out for you? Tell me about the jobs you have held during your life. What did your parents do for a living? How is your mental health? Do you think racism or capitalism has impacted these aspects of your life at all? Why or why not?

. A semi-structured interview format helped guide conversations while allowing for the exploration of other relevant topics participants would introduce. Other topics discussed included contemporary political issues, like the upcoming election, and economic issues, like the 2008 recession. It was important not to lead the participants to take the stance that racial capitalism has or has not impacted their mental health [24]. Therefore, the interview questions pertaining to racial capitalism were framed in a way that allowed the participants to state that they did or did not think that racial capitalism has impacted them. By using the Monopoly analogy and framing questions in this way, it was possible to explore the vantage point of different age groups in a deep and meaningful way, co-constructing the data with the participants but not leading them to give a specific response [61].

2.3. Coding and Analysis

Reflexive journaling is a crucial practice in qualitative research, especially in CGT, for researchers to maintain awareness of biases and assumptions [62]. Throughout the study, the primary investigator kept a reflexive journal to document positionality, biases, and challenges encountered, promoting transparency and self-reflection in the analysis. The use of reflexive journaling was appropriate in this study because it helped the researcher achieve critical awareness of her own positionality and potential biases when analyzing sensitive topics related to mental health disparities and racial capitalism impacting Black Americans. Given the complex nature of these issues and their very personal nature, the use of reflexive journaling supported ethical mindfulness, transparency, and deeper engagement with the data. Furthermore, it provided a platform for recording methodological choices and emotional reactions, further adding to the rigor and credibility of the research endeavor.

For the coding process, interviews were recorded using Webex and reviewed for accuracy with OtterAI, a transcription software [63]. Coding in this study was assisted by the qualitative data analysis software NVivo 14 to help manage and analyze the interview transcripts and reflexive journal entries [64]. The researcher became immersed in the data by reading the transcripts and journal entries repeatedly to gain an overall sense of the content. All variables and data gathered were subjected to the constant comparison methodology embedded within CGT [62]. Constant comparison involves continuously comparing newly gathered data with previously collected data, codes, and categories to identify patterns, similarities, and differences. Memoing was also used with NVivo’s memoing tool throughout the process to track analytical decisions and deepen the connections between codes.

To identify emerging themes, open coding was first employed to break down the data into smaller units, thus coding emerging concepts or patterns. NVivo’s features, such as highlighting and creating “nodes” (containers for codes), were used to systematically organize and store these codes [64]. Meaningful segments of data, such as phrases, sentences, or paragraphs, were assigned codes that described their nature. This produced a list of initial codes representing key ideas, patterns, and concepts that emerged from the data. These codes were extensively compared between different interviews and variables such as age, gender, and socioeconomic status to analyze similarities and differences in participants’ responses.

After reaching theoretical and code saturation, or a point in qualitative data analysis when no new codes emerge from the data, selective coding was used to combine codes of similar meaning into more abstract themes. In NVivo, related codes were placed under parent nodes (i.e., themes) and sub-nodes (i.e., sub-themes) [64]. The final themes and sub-themes were then reviewed and refined for clarity and appropriateness.

2.4. Theory Development

As themes were clarified, a conceptual framework began to emerge. This process illustrated how racial capitalism is not a static or isolated phenomenon but one that develops and becomes more insidious over time and evolves with each subsequent age group. Thus, the evolving and cumulative nature of racial capitalism gave rise to Cumulative Racial Capitalism Theory (CRCT), which will be discussed in the results below.

3. Results

Using theoretical and purposive sampling, the study garnered diverse perspectives regarding political orientation, age, gender identity, and socioeconomic status. The sample included an even balance of younger (18–39), middle-aged (40–60), and older adults (61+), with participants ranging from 22 to 77 years old (

Table 2. Participant demographics.

	Younger	Middle	Older	Total
Age Range	22–38	40–54	60–77
Number	10 (37%)	11 (40%)	6 (22%)	27 (100%)
Gender
Women	4 (40%)	6 (55%)	4 (67%)	14 (52%)
Men	4 (40%)	4 (36%)	2 (33%)	10 (37%)
Non-Binary	2 (20%)	1 (9%)		3 (11%)
Education Completed
High School	2 (20%)	5 (45%)	4 (67%)	11 (37%)
Two- or Four-year Degree	4 (40%)	2 (18%)	2 (33%)	6 (29%)
Master’s Degree	4 (40%)	3 (27%)		7 (26%)
Doctorate Degree		1 (9%)		1 (3%)
Occupation
Student	2 (7%)			2 (7%)
Unemployed	1 (3%)	1 (3%)		2 (7%)
Education and Training	1 (3%)	3 (11%)	1 (3%)	5 (19%)
Management and Marketing	2 (7%)			2 (7%)
Community and Social Service	2 (7%)	2 (7%)	1 (3%)	5 (19%)
Government and Public Admin.		2 (7%)		2 (7%)
Technology and Communications	2 (7%)	3 (11%)	1 (3%)	6 (22%)
Retired			3 (11%)	3 (11%)
Recruitment Source
Online/Content Creators	9 (33%)	7 (26%)	1 (3%)	17 (63%)
Local Churches and Organizations		3 (11%)	3 (11%)	6 (22%)
Snowball Sampling	1 (3%)	1 (3%)	2 (7%)	5 (19%)

). Gender diversity was also considered, with 14 women, 10 men, and three non-binary individuals included.

Regardless of age, all participants spoke of the impact of racialized (e.g., blatant discrimination) and socioeconomic stress (e.g., being unable to afford rent) on their mental health at some point in their lives; however, the extent to which these stressors were related and how they impacted them over the course of their lives varied greatly by age group. Moreover, participants commonly conceptualized their age groups in terms of generations. Older adults commonly identified themselves as Baby Boomers, middle-aged adults as Gen X, and younger adults as Millennials or Gen Z [65]. Notably, the language used by participants focused more on feelings of stress, strain, and frustration rather than describing formal mental health conditions or outcomes.

Three overall themes emerged from the analysis:

(1)

Individual-level racism impacts older adults’ mental well-being.

(2)

Middle-aged adults are learning from older adults’ poor mental health awareness.

(3)

Younger adults are mentally struggling under the weight of capitalistic exploitation.

3.1. Individual-Level Racism Impacts Older Adults’ Mental Well-Being

Unlike middle-aged and younger cohorts, who focused on both racialized and socioeconomic stress, older participants primarily focused on racialized stress (i.e., psychological distress experienced because of racism and discrimination). More specifically, they concentrated on instances of explicit and individual forms of racial discrimination, particularly how it impacted them earlier on in their lives. While middle-aged and younger cohorts spoke of their current stressors related to racism and socioeconomic strain, older participants relived earlier life experiences regarding direct forms of racism that they felt had tapered off in their older years. Additionally, older participants, while acknowledging these stressors, also exhibited considerable positivity regarding racialized stress.

For example, one older woman who grew up in rural West Virginia connected her earlier experiences with school desegregation, stating that although the process of desegregation resulted in many instances of overt racism, the relationships she eventually formed with white classmates contributed to her being well-adjusted in adulthood. She said:

That (school desegregation) was my first trip, my first exposure to racism. I took racism personally… being called names. You know, the N-word. If you touched somebody, they were wiping themselves off like the color was gonna rub off. Oh, I experienced that firsthand… I never had a fistfight or argument. It was mostly just protecting yourself. And you know, just turn the other cheek. It was very hard to do… I have (white) friends to this day that I graduated with.

She went on to say that she did not feel as though these events impacted her success in life, stating:

I’ve never married, but… I’m an independent person… I think I’m fine. Oh, great. Oh, I’ve done this by myself. I’m so proud of myself.

—74 female

Another older woman echoed these sentiments, stating that some aspects of her early educational experiences mentally equipped her against racism later in life.

When I was an undergraduate, I had a teacher tell us that we were Black, and she was Black. So, she was going to judge us twice as hard. Because she was preparing us for society because society was going to judge twice as hard.

—60 female

An older man also reported that, for the most part, the stress of racial capitalism has not impacted his mental health. However, there are instances that the Black American experience can be overwhelming, stating:

In one way, you know, I feel fine but the other one is discouraged and disappointed, you know, that’s a mental side. It’ll catch up with you whether you pretend like it doesn’t. But you know, disparities and income or all of that, you usually don’t let it go because you need that, that’s the life force. So, you know, an impact, you know, so mentally. Yeah, you know, the thoughts don’t go away.

He also shed light on why older Black Americans today may have more positive inclinations to racialized and socioeconomic stress when considering that, from their standpoint, the social climate has changed drastically over their lifetimes. He stated:

It (racism) impacted us a lot because it opened a lot of people’s eyes, especially if you lived through the Civil Rights Movement. You know, from the 50s up until now, you can recognize that you were fortunate to make it through it. Everything from riots and everything, you either seen them or were in them, you end up being the product of it. And what you call the Baby Boomers, being a product of that, you see that is not perfect, but it’s better than the generation before… we got a certain amount of rights that we can be proud of.

—68 male

Like others in her cohort, one woman shared how her earlier life experiences watching her mother navigate dementia inspired her to make decisions that were beneficial to her mental and cognitive health, stating:

I think watching my mother and her journey from age 80 to 94. Physically, she was okay other than arthritis. But dementia set in and there are various reasons for that. I’m sure some of which, you know, and some of which we don’t. But watching her attempts to stave off and stay as sharp as she could mentally worked. She was very vibrant until the end. She didn’t have Alzheimer’s. She had dementia, vascular or unspecified dementia they don’t— they didn’t categorize it. But she played pinochle. She played bridge her whole life. And she did that until she couldn’t anymore because it wasn’t around her. So, she lived in a senior living place, and they didn’t have it. But she played and beat her friends well into— her well past her diagnosis.

—61 female

Lastly, an older woman, a retired nurse, shared that her mental and physical health has been a lifelong priority, contributing to her overall well-being in later life. She stated:

I’ve always strived to take care of myself physically and mentally and emotionally, and I have healthy habits.

—77 female

3.2. Middle-Aged Adults Are Learning from Older Adults’ Poor Mental Health Awareness

In speaking with middle-aged adults regarding the impact of racial capitalism and other stressors on their mental health, many (90%) in this age group reported that they felt as though they were underprepared for the impact that racism and capitalistic exploitation would have on their adult lives. Some middle-aged adults cited their Baby Boomer parents’ lack of mental health awareness as a source of this unpreparedness. Similarly, they voiced that they had to unlearn some of the cultural norms surrounding mental health passed down from older cohorts to better assist their own children. For example, one middle-aged woman stated:

I feel like, initially, my generation had a little bit of a mindset of the Baby Boomer generation to quote-unquote “pray it away.” You know, I mean, “You don’t need medicine, no need to talk to psychiatrists, only white people do that”… But I think we’ve educated ourselves. And I think we realized, “Hey, there’s nothing wrong with therapy. There’s nothing wrong with mental health benefits.” And I think we’ve passed that on to our children. Fortunately, our children, and my son is 28, they advocate for their own mental health. They say, “I need this, I need that.”

—47 female

A middle-aged man expressed that his age cohort has been significantly unprepared due to the older cohort’s “hands-off” parenting style, requiring Black latchkey kids (i.e., children who are left unsupervised because their parents or guardians are at work or otherwise unavailable) to navigate racial and socioeconomic stressors on their own as they grew older. He stated:

And I think that the (mental) impact is probably (profound) more than, I would say, half of Gen X would admit to because there’s this whole “our parents let us go outside and play … no one ever looked at us. We were latchkey kids, and it was great for being tough… We walked uphill both ways at school in the snow”… Yes, I was a latchkey kid. Was it ideal? No. So there’s just this whole embellishment, and they believe that it was so much better and that this stuff doesn’t bother them. But I do think that there’s a toll because you got to worry about your finances. You got to worry about your income. You got to worry about this.

—48 male

A non-binary individual spoke of the impact that this parenting style has had on them but that, compared to cohorts before them, older Black Americans saw this parenting style as an improvement. They stated:

They (older cohorts) made terrible parenting decisions (with) the level of non-supervision. Like there’s no way I would even like fathom leaving my child alone the way that I was… And it was just like that. They was on some “get to work in the field four-year-old.” I have some kind of understanding. Like, I’m not (trying) to make an excuse for it. But, you know, we felt like we had it better. My mom would always say that we had it better because she grew up really poor, but my grandma grew up picking cotton.

—42 non-binary.

Additionally, some (36%) of middle-aged adults expressed that, while Black Baby Boomers have undergone significant barriers to educational and career opportunities, the advancements and wealth their parents achieved were not necessarily transferable from one age group to another, creating significant mental strain. One middle-aged woman whose parents went to Ivy League schools expressed the mental and interpersonal strain that is present because her age cohort is one of the first cohorts that is not better off financially than the previous cohort. She stated:

We’re the first generation… at least in my lifetime, that we’re less well off than our parents… there was a period of time where he (her father) was really making me feel really crappy about myself. Like he would say stuff, like, when I was your age, you know, I owned a home and blah, blah, blah… I think he’s embarrassed because he doesn’t… feel like he can brag to his friends about what I’m doing, you know?… So, it’s kind of been banged into my head.

She went on to say that the opportunities that she has, in her view, have dwindled compared to her parents’ age group; however, the older cohort is out of touch with this dwindling, saying:

I prefer watching, like, really good movies… And so my dad was like, “You should become a movie critic.” He’s like, “Why don’t you just go… and apply to be a movie critic.” And I’m just, like, “It doesn’t work like that.” I think maybe it used to, back in the… I don’t know, 50s or 60s, and they just walk into, like, a newspaper office, and they’re like, “I’m ready.” You know, being all scrappy and whatever. I’m like, “It doesn’t work that way anymore.”

—48 female

3.3. Younger Adults Are Mentally Struggling Under the Weight of Capitalistic Exploitation

While the majority of older age cohorts reported that racial capitalism has not had a lasting impact on their life and middle-aged adults expressed being considerably unprepared to navigate these systems, 90% of younger Black Americans communicated an extreme level of stress and despair unique from the other age groups. Highlighting this state of despair, one participant stated:

The judge literally told me that my mental health was not bad enough to be considered a disability. And then two months, three months later, I’m in a mental health facility for like a week because I am breaking down like, and even still, like to this day, like every, almost everyone around me is telling me, “Oh, you can be strong. Oh, you got this. Oh, don’t stress out.” Like I’m supposed to just keep pushing and keep being strong when I need moments of weakness… When I’m literally in crisis and have been in survival mode for a very long time.

—31 non-binary

Possibly contributing to this stress is technology and social media. Unlike older cohorts, younger Black Americans came of age in an era of unprecedented connectedness. One younger man stated that the rise in Black critical thought, particularly critiques of racism and capitalism, can be attributed to social media platforms like TikTok. He expressed:

I honestly believe that… how social commentators connect with the world is much different now than it was before… Like our favorite philosophers or sociologists of the past… 150 years, they were, when you read about what their work entailed… a lot of times it was them writing passive-aggressive essays to each other, and, you know, theorizing things and writing pamphlets and all of that, and that today looks like people arguing on TikTok or people writing Medium articles slamming each other, arguing about, you know, how we should handle this social issue or something like that.

So, I believe right now, especially with Millennials and our older Gen Z, we’re watching the progression of what sociology looks like, what anthropology looks like in a modern world where connection is instantaneous. You don’t have to hand out 10,000 pamphlets to get people to read about stuff. I can make a five-minute video and have half a million people watch it. And that accomplishes the same thing.

—31 male

This connectedness may be contributing to younger adults sampled expressing a hyper-awareness of racism and capitalistic exploitation. For example, one younger man stated:

But yeah, these things impact us in a real way; it impacts our physical health, our mental health. And, of course, the mental health thing is so huge. Just the things that we have to face. It’s enough to make someone lose themselves and quite literally lose their mind. When you understand the gravity, what we’re facing, and what barriers are put up for us, you know, that prevent us from living the lives that so many people live here, just because they were born with a different skin color.

—30 male

The strained mental health of younger participants was more attributed to socioeconomic circumstances mentioned above (e.g., the gig economy, the cost of housing) than experiences with individual levels of racism; however, younger adults expressed that they felt as though the racial progress older cohorts were experiencing was an illusion. For example, one younger woman stated that if anything, racial progress and capitalistic exploitation have devolved in recent years, stating:

I honestly think that they’re (white people) going to take steps backwards, like 100%, take steps backwards. They have a system based on who is in charge and who has power. It’s typically a white man. And they are set in those ways where Black people don’t have a say, Black people don’t matter. And they’re going to do everything in their power to make sure that people or Black people are not hitting those milestones.

She went further to say how this perceived regression and concrete ceiling (i.e., the impenetrable barrier to career advancement Black women face due to combined racism and sexism) is impacting her mental health, stating [66]:

I have had several mental breakdowns. Especially when I was at Amazon. I knew that I was prepared for the next step (promotion). I knew that I was ready for the next step. And I was not being given that.

—31 female

Moreover, younger adults conveyed that not only are Black bodies used for physical labor, but in an era of service economics and content creation, the mental and emotional labor that younger Black Americans put forth is immense. One participant stated:

White people try to take all the credit. Like, “Hey, let me pick your brain.” That’ll be $100. Like, you want to talk to me about something, you want my advice? Pay me. Don’t make me do all of your mental labor. There is an Instagram I follow… they have a shirt that… says basically, “F*ck you, pay me” like, because I’m not gonna do the mental and emotional labor for you without money. You’re so far ahead already. Make it work.

—31 non-binary

Similar to this point, another younger man stated:

I think that, because we’re exploited in so many different ways, because we’re exploited physically and in the kinds of work that we have to do in order to sustain ourselves, we’re exploited mentally, in terms of misinformation and disinformation. A lot of it coming through institutions, like the church, but also from our educational systems.

—30 male

3.4. The Resultant Theory

The resultant theory, or CRCT, became more apparent as themes became clear through coding and constant comparison. This theory’s formation entailed an iterative process of rereading the data within and across individual interviews, comparing recurring patterns, contradictions, and unique insights into the lived experience of racial capitalism. This constant comparison allowed the researcher to refine the emerging theory’s tenets and determine how individual experiences collectively illustrate more systemic processes. For example, the focus on individual-level racism experienced by older adults, the generational challenges faced by middle-aged adults, and mental distress among younger adults uncover a progression in how racial capitalism is manifested across age cohorts.

CRCT builds on CRT, the racial capitalism theory, the cumulative advantage/disadvantage theory, and the mental health paradox [67]. Three key tenets should be considered foundational to this theory in its infancy: (a) racial capitalism continually evolves to maintain white supremacy, (b) racial capitalism is permanent, and (c) differences between what is measured and what is experienced could underlie the mental health paradox.

Racial capitalism continually evolves to maintain white supremacy. Black Americans expressed experiencing racism as increasingly obscure with each subsequent age group. Middle-aged and younger Black Americans communicated how racism continually evolves from more micro-level interactions (e.g., blatant discrimination) to more meso (e.g., the concrete ceiling in employment) and macro (e.g., the overturning of Affirmative Action) forms of racial oppression [66]. Simultaneously, capitalism increasingly takes the helm in perpetuating inequality, creating many of the similar disparities in income, wealth, and health that have followed Black Americans for hundreds of years. This evolution provides the plausible deniability of white institutions, corporations, legislators, and everyday Americans, further greenlighting exploitation under the guise that racism has ended.

Racial capitalism is permanent and cannibalistic. In considering these lived experiences combined with the hundreds of years of racial violence and oppression economically benefiting white Americans as a collective, the second key tenet is that racial capitalism is permanent and cannibalistic. The permanence of racism is also a key tenet of CRT [67]. Bell referred to this dynamic as “the faces at the bottom of the well” because the oppression of Black Americans is a consistent reminder to white Americans of their superior position in the racial hierarchy [68]. For the older Black Americans sampled in this study, however, racism and socioeconomic progress were experienced as linear. In other words, there was an impression of racism having a beginning and an end. In considering the evidence to the contrary, not only by younger participants but also by the ever-present disparities in health, income, and wealth, the argument can be made that the evolution of racial capitalism creates the illusion of linearity [1,24,42,45,69]. Each age group must be cognizant of this illusion and how its mechanisms evolve to remain intact regardless of the current social and political climate.

In addition to its permanence, each younger cohort expressed a sense of mental deterioration more intensely than the cohort before them. This indicates capitalism’s cannibalistic nature, as theorized by Black Marxists like Robinson [24]. Capitalism tends to consume and exploit its own resources, including human labor, in destructive but self-perpetuating ways. Marxists and Black Marxists argue that the working class will eventually be priced out of their socioeconomic ability to consume [70]. CRCT expands on this cannibalistic nature of capitalism, arguing that not only is racial capitalism pricing Black Americans out of their ability to consume (e.g., the rising cost of groceries), but that the increased connectedness between younger age groups and the awareness of the inner workings of capitalism due to social media are paradoxically increasing the mental stress related to exploitation. Moreover, this fuels resistance to capitalism (e.g., the quiet quitting phenomenon exhibited by younger age groups) as the working class of Black Americans tries to “opt out” of capitalistic pressures despite its ability to evolve to sustain itself continually [1,24,42,45,69].

Differences between what is measured and what is experienced could underlie the mental health paradox. In considering the realities that middle-aged and younger participants reported regarding their mental health, the study points to a potential breaking point of the mental health paradox [10,16,17,18,19,52].

4. Discussion

This study explored the mental impact of racial capitalism across different age cohorts of Black Americans, providing theoretical insights into how systemic racism and capitalistic exploitation shape mental health differently across age groups. The three themes that emerged from the interviews were: individual-level racism impacts older adults’ mental well-being; middle-aged adults are learning from older adults’ poor mental health awareness; and younger adults are mentally struggling under the weight of capitalistic exploitation. These themes came together to form CRCT.

4.1. CRCT and the Mental Health Paradox

This qualitative study provides rich insight into the mental health paradox among different age groups of Black Americans [16,17,18,52]. Older adults emphasized the profound impact of individual-level racism on their mental well-being and simultaneously demonstrated resilience shaped by their lived experiences. In contrast, middle-aged participants noted the insufficient mental health awareness within the older generation, prompting a deliberate effort to reframe their mental health strategies. Lastly, younger adults identified the pressures stemming from capitalistic exploitation and systemic racism as significant contributors to mental stressors, underscoring an urgent need for coping mechanisms that effectively address structural barriers.

Despite the formation of CRCT and the findings of this study, the quantitative literature following the pandemic suggests that the paradox has held true [52]. Considering the drastic rise in depression, anxiety, and suicide, however, biased methodologies—not coping—may be the underlying mechanisms of this paradox. For example, measurement and sampling biases exist. As LaMotte, Elliot, and Mouzon argue, Black Americans often perceive greater stigma surrounding mental illness compared to racial majorities [52]. This perceived stigma could lead Black individuals to downplay their mental health symptoms. Moreover, survey measures that classify respondents as depressed typically focus on psychological symptoms. Black individuals, particularly Black women, may, however, be more likely to experience depression through physical symptoms such as bodily pain, which can lead to underdiagnosis.

With a researcher of the same racial and ethnic background, it is possible that participants were able to speak more freely about their mental health than when answering a questionnaire. CRCT should recognize that there may be differences between what is measured quantitatively and what is experienced daily and should seek to clarify further the nature of the mental health paradox [16,17,18,52]. This is imperative for creating interventions that address the statistical disparities in mental health.

4.2. Policy Implications

Short of dismantling racism and capitalism, the findings of this study suggest several key policy implications to address the mental health impacts of racial capitalism on Black Americans across different life stages. First, expanding access to culturally competent mental health services is crucial. The research shows that there has been a slight increase in Black mental health professionals (MHPs); however, MHPs like psychiatrists, counselors, and psychologists make up 4–11% of professionals in their fields [71]. On top of increased representation and patient–MHP race concordance, the education and training of MHPs should take critical stances not only towards racism but also towards capitalism.

There are also age-specific interventions to consider as well. Regarding older adults, it is important to consider survivor and positivity bias surrounding the findings reported by older participants [72,73]. According to the socioemotional selectivity theory, survivor bias is when people often exhibit more positive perceptions of their lives than others who did not experience such events. Similarly, positivity bias is the tendency for older individuals to focus more on positive experiences and memories while paying less attention to harmful or distressing ones. These biases in older adults can lead them to undervalue their own needs and underestimate the gravity of the oppression they have faced, focusing instead on the challenges faced by younger age groups. Even without these biases, interventions that foster intergenerational connections, such as programs where older adults mentor younger people or engage in community activities, are beneficial to older adults. More positive and healthy older adults, like those sampled in the study, can better maintain their status by engaging in activities that allow them to pass down their knowledge and experience.

In addition to policies that support breaking through the concrete ceiling and supporting the professional development of middle-aged workers, policymakers should also address the intergenerational transfer of wealth that impacts this age group [66]. As middle-aged participants noted, there are limited generational wealth transfers and opportunities compared to older age groups, which exacerbates mental health stress. Policymakers should develop programs that support wealth-building opportunities for Black families, such as housing assistance, student debt relief, and business grants. These financial equity initiatives can help mitigate the economic pressures contributing to mental health disparities.

Younger adults, especially those struggling with housing costs, could benefit from policies supporting co-housing arrangements where younger individuals live with or near older adults. This could reduce housing costs for younger adults while allowing older adults to engage with youth. Younger adults expressed struggling with career establishment and development, resulting in many of them being subjected to the gig economy. Many gig workers need access to affordable education and retraining programs to move into more stable, higher-paying careers. Policies should provide additional support for gig workers to upskill or reskill through free career development workshops, tax credits, or scholarships, helping them transition out of precarious employment and into secure, long-term roles.

4.3. Limitations and Future Directions

Like any study, this work has several limitations. In CGT, the researcher plays an active role in co-constructing the theory with participants [62]. While this is a strength, it also introduces researcher bias, which could shape the development of themes based on the researcher’s perspective. Reflexive practices, such as journaling, were employed to help mitigate this, but they cannot eliminate subjectivity entirely. While the study captures rich, detailed insights into how different age groups experience racial capitalism, variations in other regions or subgroups may remain unexplored [24]. For example, the intersection of racial capitalism and sexism has yet to be fully explored. Additionally, the study’s reliance on recruitment through social media or local organizations may have resulted in a self-selection bias. Participants with a strong interest or awareness of racial capitalism may have been more likely to participate, potentially skewing the findings.

While this study introduces CRCT as a framework for understanding the cumulative mental health impacts of racial capitalism across Black American age cohorts, it is essential to note that the findings are based on a sample size of 27 participants. Therefore, this theory is exploratory, and the results should be interpreted in a preliminary nature as a step deeper in further investigation. The findings require additional validation of RCT through more extensive future studies, especially those more diverse in sample size and including quantitative approaches.

The last limitation of this study is the challenge of separating age, period, and cohort effects, especially considering the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic [74]. While the study focused on cohort effects, the pandemic likely influenced all age groups, making it difficult to isolate cohort-specific experiences of racial capitalism from broader period effects. Additionally, age-related factors, such as life stage, may have played a role in shaping mental health outcomes like positivity and survivor bias potentially exhibited by older adults.

Qualitative research is often the first step in theory development. Thus, future research should test and develop CRCT as a sound theory, examine coping mechanisms in response to racial capitalism, and explore intersectional perspectives to develop a more comprehensive understanding of these issues. To fully validate CRCT as a sound theory, quantitative studies should be conducted to measure the effects of racial capitalism on mental health outcomes across different populations and time periods. LaFave et al., for example, have developed a measure of structural racism that could possibly be applied to CRCT [75]. Additionally, exploring coping mechanisms is crucial for understanding how individuals navigate the pervasive stressors of racial capitalism. This would shed light on both adaptive and maladaptive strategies used by Black Americans and how these mechanisms differ across age groups and socioeconomic lines.

5. Conclusions

This study highlights the cumulative mental impact of racial capitalism across the Black American life course, examining how different age groups perceive and internalize the toll of systemic racism and economic exploitation. Older age groups tend to focus on past experiences of overt racism while maintaining a relatively positive outlook on capitalism. In comparison, middle-aged and younger age groups are more acutely affected by contemporary forms of economic exploitation and systemic inequality. Furthermore, the study calls for policy and intervention-based approaches that address the mental health effects of racial capitalism, ensuring that solutions are as systemic and multidimensional as the problems they aim to address.