Democracy, Social Networks and Mediatization

A special issue of Societies (ISSN 2075-4698).

Deadline for manuscript submissions: 31 July 2024 | Viewed by 2434

Special Issue Editors


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Guest Editor
Dpto de Periodismo y Comunicación Corporativa, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos de Madrid, 28942 Fuenlabrada, Spain
Interests: public opinion; media; political communication

E-Mail Website
Guest Editor
Estudios Internacionales y Comunicación, Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, Quito 170201, Ecuador
Interests: political communication; media; electoral campaign; social media

Special Issue Information

Dear Colleagues,

Throughout history, communication has introduced more complex and sophisticated processes by which closer and more accessible means of communication for individuals have been added to the use of mass media. In that sense, social networks, together with other elements which facilitate direct or interpersonal communication, are also increasingly popular means for the general public to interact.

The management of public problems has a key position in modern democratic societies and, thus far in the 21st century, it is unquestionable that the media, alongside social networks, have contributed to a noticeable change in the visibility and perception the different echelons of citizens’ power and action. Consequently, from the point of view of mediatization (Manin, 1998; Mazzoleni and Schulz, 1999) not only is the action of parties analyzed through the press but there is also the instantaneous nature and interaction of the digital world, suggesting a possible “digital democracy” and the appearance of a virtual public sphere (Papacharissi, 2008).

Terms in office and election processes are a moment of particular interest when citizens observe their elected representatives. As such, the press becomes a strategic place for knowing about the candidates, their electoral programs and the issues they propose. These are also shared on their social network accounts, favoring close communication between representatives and the represented. Is that really the case? Are social networks a place for coming together or falling apart, for informing or misinforming? At times the traditional and digital media generate a climate of opinion which can lead to polarization in which the elections are perceived as a social mood: euphoria, negativism, vertigo, etc. To what extent does all that affect democracy and public opinion.

The boom in social networks has brought with it an increase in the spreading of false information (Wardle, 2017) and discriminatory content, thus turning the digital sphere into a place with a propensity for disinformation and hate speech (Piñeiro and Martínez, 2021). The debate regarding whether social networks improve public debate and democracy or if, by contrast, they polarize and block it, remains open and there are claims on both sides. According to some proposals, one way of reducing this noise in the digital sphere needs there to be a guarantee of the right of access to information and an improvement in the processes of transparency and accountability of public authorities. This would achieve two objectives. On the one hand, it would reduce the dependence of civil society on the media and networks to know which public issues are of interest to it. On the other, it would strengthen governance and bring public institutions nearer to the general public, thus improving levels of trust in institutions.

This issue focuses particularly on giving an answer using several case studies or a literature review of mediatization and the elements of which it is composed. As such, the most appropriate pieces of work for this monograph are those which focus on:

  • Mediatization and Public communication;
  • Analyses of election campaigns and debates in the media and/or social networks, from different points of view;
  • A study of the main issues on the public, media and political agendas;
  • Disinformation, parties and the digital society;
  • Democracy and press;
  • Cyberdemocracy;
  • Leaders on Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, Tik Tok, etc.;
  • Transparency and access to public information;
  • Accountability and the use of public resources;
  • Hate speech and the violation of rights on social networks;
  • Communication tools for strengthening democracy;
  • Relationships of consensus and conflict between political, media and civil players;
  • Discourse and leadership;
  • Public opinion, framing and agenda-setting;
  • Emotions in legislature;
  • The use of big data Citizen participation and its influence on democracy.

References

Mazzoleni, Gianpetro y Schulz, Winfried. Mediatization of politics: a challenge of democracy? Political Commun. 1999, 16, 247–261.

Manin, Bernard. Los Principios del Gobierno Representative; Alianza: Madrid, Spain, 1998.

Papacharissi, Zizi. The Virtual Sphere 2.0: The Internet, the Public Sphere and Beyond. In Andrew Chadwick; Howard, P., Ed.; Handbook of Internet Politics; Routledge: New York, NY, 2008.

Piñeiro-Otero, Teresa y Martínez-Rolán, Xabier. Eso no me lo dices en la calle. Análisis del discurso del odio contra las mujeres en Twitter. Prof. Inf. 2021, 30, 5. https://doi.org/10.3145/epi.2021.sep.02.

Wardle, Claire. Fake News. It’s Complicated. First Draft. 2017. Available online: https://medium.com/1st-draft/fake-news-its-complicated-d0f773766c79.

Contributions must follow one of the three categories of papers for the journal (article, conceptual paper, or review) and address the topic of the Special Issue.

Prof. Dr. Raquel Rodríguez-Díaz
Prof. Dr. Palmira Chavero
Guest Editors

Manuscript Submission Information

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Keywords

  • democracy
  • public opinion
  • election campaign
  • social networks
  • media
  • disinformation
  • mediatization
  • debates
  • digital society
  • transparency
  • discourse
  • public information

Published Papers (2 papers)

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Research

17 pages, 1929 KiB  
Article
Verification Agencies on TikTok: The Case of MediaWise and Politifact
by Antonio Díaz-Lucena and Pablo Hidalgo-Cobo
Societies 2024, 14(5), 59; https://doi.org/10.3390/soc14050059 (registering DOI) - 28 Apr 2024
Viewed by 227
Abstract
This research aims to analyse the work of two international information verification agencies on TikTok—MediaWise and Politifact—according to their evolution, approach, content, and format. To this end, a quantitative approach has been used with an inductive content analysis with nominal variables, [...] Read more.
This research aims to analyse the work of two international information verification agencies on TikTok—MediaWise and Politifact—according to their evolution, approach, content, and format. To this end, a quantitative approach has been used with an inductive content analysis with nominal variables, which offers specific nuances adapted to the unit of analysis. In a first phase, an empirical analysis was carried out, focusing on the measurement and quantification of the number of publications and interactions of the audience, from the time Fthey started operating on this platform until 31 December 2023. The total number of posts extracted was N > 704, which generated N > 4,166,387 user responses. In a second phase, an in-depth content analysis of all the posts published by these two agencies in four months (October and November 2021 and October and November 2023) was carried out, allowing us to analyse their evolution, but also to compare the two agencies in terms of approach, themes, and style. The most important findings show that both agencies adapt the style and narratives to this social network through the use of dynamic resources, a casual and informal tone, and elements of humour. In addition, both contribute to public reason through different strategies: MediaWise focuses on media literacy and Politifact on verification, using resources, effects and content in line with that purpose. Finally, we observe a downward evolution in terms of reach and impact on the audience, as well as a lower dynamism in 2023 than in 2021, which opens the door to future lines of explanatory research that delve deeper into possible causes. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Democracy, Social Networks and Mediatization)
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17 pages, 449 KiB  
Article
Exploiting Sociocultural Issues in Election Campaign Discourse: The Case of Nyans in Sweden
by Mohammed Almahfali and Rola El-Husseini
Societies 2023, 13(12), 257; https://doi.org/10.3390/soc13120257 - 13 Dec 2023
Viewed by 1270
Abstract
The Swedish far-right party, the Sweden Democrats (SD), came to power in 2022 and is currently the second-largest party in the Swedish Parliament, the Riksdag. While it has been propagandizing an anti-migrant discourse, another newly founded party has been producing a counter-discourse. The [...] Read more.
The Swedish far-right party, the Sweden Democrats (SD), came to power in 2022 and is currently the second-largest party in the Swedish Parliament, the Riksdag. While it has been propagandizing an anti-migrant discourse, another newly founded party has been producing a counter-discourse. The newly created Nyans party claims to represent migrants and minorities in Sweden. However, its discourse uses controversial issues that could potentially misrepresent those communities. Our study aimed to analyze Nyans’ Facebook posts published in the month leading up to the 2022 elections. Through our analysis process, which lasted from January to August 2023, we applied a critical discourse analysis approach to uncover the relationship between sociocultural issues and their social, political, and ideological contexts. The results reveal that Nyans’ discourse focused on opposing left-wing parties and aligned itself with the far-right. The discourse aligned with misinformation campaigns on social media when addressing sociocultural issues. These issues include the childcare law, the burning of the Qur’an, and the veil, which are pertinent to a particular perspective in the Muslim community and do not necessarily represent immigrants or minorities. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Democracy, Social Networks and Mediatization)
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