1. Introduction
Since its appearance in December 2019, coronavirus disease (COVID-19) has become a global pandemic, and to date, it has not been effectively curbed. In particular, the emergence of COVID-19 variants such as Delta and Omicron led to a new wave of COVID-19 in many countries. Although countries around the world implemented a series of public health and social measures, such as movement control, social distancing, and personal measures [
1], people still urgently need an effective vaccine to control the pandemic. The research and development of COVID-19 vaccines have recently been the focus of worldwide attention. Although Russia approved its COVID-19 vaccine for the market as early as 11 August 2020, large-scale vaccine approval began in December 2020. As of December 2020, the UK (2 December) [
2], the US (11 December) [
3], the EU (21 December) [
4], China (31 December) [
5], and other countries and regions successively approved the use of their own COVID-19 vaccines.
Previous research showed that taking a COVID-19 vaccine, and taking vaccines in general, is a controversial and debatable topic in many societies. Some people doubt the effectiveness of the vaccines, while others worry about possible side effects [
6]. Cornwall [
7] pointed out that a series of reports on side effects on social media increased the public’s hesitation regarding COVID-19 vaccines and distrust of the vaccination plan. Lazarus and colleagues’ research found that, although COVID-19 vaccines are proven to be safe and effective, only 71.5% of the respondents from 19 countries or regions had the intention of vaccination [
8].
Reducing public vaccine hesitation and promoting vaccination is an important task in the fight against COVID-19 [
9]. In terms of the discursive construction of the reality, news media could play an important role [
10]. As the most important global news distributors, international news agencies’ reports about COVID-19 vaccines have a great influence on people’s understanding of vaccines. Research found that international news agencies can set not only the agenda of print news media but also the agenda of online news media [
11]. Among the many international news agencies, the big three agencies, namely, the Associated Press (AP), Reuters (Reuter Ltd.), and Agence France-Presse (AFP), have continuously provided non-partisan news to all subscribers [
12]. In recent years, these agencies have also used Twitter to communicate with their audiences. However, researchers pointed out that Twitter is often used as a one-way information channel, and senders often do not pay enough attention to the needs and preferences of the public [
13,
14]. To make full use of the advantages of Twitter, scholars argued that senders should improve their social media content to stimulate audience engagement [
15]. Audience engagement can improve the awareness of health-related information, a sense of belonging, and social connection [
16].
To measure Twitter engagement, appropriate evaluation criteria and metrics need to be applied. Many scholars used specific behavior indicators, such as the number of “likes” and “retweets”, to measure Twitter engagement [
17,
18]. A “like” is a way for users to indicate their interest in the tweet [
19]. When users retweet a post, it indicates that, after processing the information, they consciously decided to share it [
20] and hoped to spread the information that they believe has news value [
21]. By using likes and retweets, followers show more attention, and their level of participation increases [
22].
In this study, we aimed to explore how news agencies’ Twitter posts on COVID-19 vaccines attracted audiences’ Twitter engagement. By inducing positive Twitter engagement, news agencies could potentially change their audiences’ views on COVID-19 vaccines and further increase the inoculation rate. To this end, we used a content analysis to examine the information that was posted about COVID-19 by three news agencies’ Twitter accounts. Specifically, we examined which constructs in the health belief model (HBM) were related to audiences’ Twitter engagement and whether there were differences among the three news agencies. While traditional research on health information communication using content analysis can only study the health information itself, the current study was designed to take advantage of social media and to test the communication effect of different health messages. The results of the study can also provide references for health communication design on social media in the future.
1.1. Health Belief Model Constructs and Twitter Engagement
The health belief model (HBM) is a theoretical model based on psychology and sociology [
23], emphasizing that individuals’ adoption of health behavior is affected by a series of beliefs, including (a) whether they are vulnerable to the disease or health risks (perceived susceptibility), (b) the severity of the disease (perceived severity), (c) the difficulty of taking preventative actions (perceived barriers), (d) the benefits of taking those actions (perceived benefits), (e) whether they can successfully implement the recommended health behavior (self-efficacy), and (f) whether they are prepared to adhere to appropriate health measures [
24]. Although HBM was originally proposed and examined as a psychological model to predict people’s health behavior, such as with vaccine uptake [
25], it has been used to guide the information design of various health intervention plans and activities [
26]. Recently, researchers have begun to study the expression of HBM concepts on various media platforms, including Twitter [
16,
27,
28,
29], Facebook [
30,
31], and Pinterest [
32]. Understanding the frequency of the HBM constructs appearing on the three news agencies’ Twitter feeds and the extent to which these constructs can promote Twitter engagement will help media practitioners and health professionals determine publicity strategies conducive to good health attitudes and behaviors.
1.2. News Agencies, HBM Constructs and Twitter Engagement
News agencies were jointly initiated by newspapers in the 1830s and 1840s. Their initial purpose was to reduce production costs and expand the scope of foreign correspondence [
33,
34]. With the decline of the American agency UPI in the late 1990s, scholars argued that three large news agencies (i.e., the Associated Press, Reuters and Agence France-Presse) dominate the worldwide flow of today’s news [
35]. The Associated Press (AP) is a non-profit news agency founded in New York City in 1846. Data from 2020 showed that it operates in 245 locations in 97 countries [
36]. Reuters is an international news agency founded in London in 1851. In 2008, it was acquired by the Thomson Corporation and became the media division of Thomson Reuters. Reuters has received government subsidies in the past [
37]. It became a listed company in 1984 [
38] and operates in over 100 countries [
39]. Agence France-Presse (AFP) is an international news agency founded in Paris in 1835 as Havas. It was renamed Agence France-Presse in 1944. Founded as a state enterprise, AFP still receives subsidies from the French government [
40]. AFP’s staff members in 2021 were located in more than 260 locations in 151 countries [
41]. The big three news agencies enjoy a good reputation for providing accurate, fast, and unbiased reports [
33]. Although international news agencies have long been the core of global news distributors, they have not attracted much academic interest. Because international news agencies have created an objective and fact-oriented ideal public image [
42], their professionalism is considered indisputable [
43]. The few studies that have examined the news agencies’ objectivity have confirmed such an image. For example, Horvit [
44] compared six news agencies’ reports of the 2003 US–Iraq conflict and found that AP, Reuters and AFP were more balanced in their reporting than Xinhua news agency, Information Telegraph Agency of Russia (ITAR-TASS) and Inter Press Service (IPS) were.
Scholars believe that the three major news organizations monopolize or at least dominate the global news flow, and thus play significant roles in people’s understanding of global issues [
33,
35]. Wu [
45] found that developing countries rely primarily on the big three news agencies for international news. That is, the big three news agencies often serve as agenda setters for the local media and citizens of those countries, not only regarding “what to think about” (first level agenda setting) but also “how to think about” a global issue (second level agenda-setting) [
46].
Although the three news agencies share the same principle of objectivity, their relationship is both competitive and cooperative [
43]. Today, all three news agencies post news tweets through their Twitter accounts to reach global audiences. At the time of our study, the number of followers was 15,077,382 for AP, 1,979,830 for AFP, and 23,204,432 for Reuters. Given their vital role as worldwide purveyors of information, how these news agencies use Twitter to report on a significant issue such as COVID-19 vaccines takes on added importance. Using the HBM, we aimed to explore the differences among the three news agencies in terms of the HBM constructs used and their different impact on Twitter engagement variables. Therefore, we posed the following questions:
RQ1: Are there differences among the three news agencies in applying the HBM concepts (susceptibility, severity, benefits, barriers, cues to action and self-efficacy) when using Twitter to report on COVID-19 vaccines?
RQ2: Are there differences among the three news agencies in the impact of the HBM concepts (susceptibility, severity, benefits, barriers, cues to action and self-efficacy) on Twitter engagement?
1.3. Sentiment with Regard to COVID-19 Vaccines
The vaccine controversy began in the 1990s when several papers and published books linked vaccines with autism, AIDs and Gulf War syndrome [
47]. Although the papers were later discredited and withdrawn, the public still has concerns about the safety of vaccines in general. In terms of the vaccine debate, previous research has shown that social media such as Twitter could set the agenda for other online news media [
48].
In terms of COVID-19 vaccines, most studies have found that positive sentiment outnumbered negative sentiment toward COVID-19 vaccines on Twitter [
49,
50,
51]. In contrast, other scholars found an 80% increase in vaccine opposition on Twitter when comparing vaccine opposition four months before and four months after the community spread of COVID-19 in the US [
52].
Although big data has been used to show the general pattern of the Twitter sentiment toward COVID-19 vaccines, it is unclear if the same attitude has prevailed in regard to the three news agencies’ tweets. In addition, Yousefinaghani and colleagues [
51] found that tweets that were positive toward COVID-19 vaccines motivated higher engagement than other tweets. We aimed to explore whether this is also the case for the three news agencies’ tweets. Therefore, we ask the next research questions:
RQ3: What sentiments were used on Twitter by the three news agencies toward COVID-19 vaccination?
RQ4: Do the sentiments with regarding to COVID-19 vaccines have an impact on Twitter engagement?
3. Result
3.1. Descriptive Statistics
The descriptive statistics are shown in
Table 3. Among all 1162 tweets, the most used HBM construct was barriers (n = 684, 58.9%), followed by benefits (n = 359, 30.9%), susceptibility (n = 325, 28%), cues to action (n = 248, 21.3%), severity (n = 231, 19.9%), and self-efficacy (n = 25, 2.2%).
Of the sub-themes of susceptibility, 21.1% (n = 245) mentioned the susceptibility of vulnerable people such as older adults and medical staff to COVID-19, while 11.1% (n = 129) mentioned the susceptibility of the general public to COVID-19. Of the sub-themes of severity, 19.3% (n = 224) mentioned the severity of COVID-19 for the general public, while 1.0% (n = 12) mentioned the severity of COVID-19 for the vulnerable people.
Of the sub-themes of benefits, 30.9% (n = 359) mentioned that vaccines are effective at preventing COVID-19 for individuals, 0.9% (n = 11) mentioned that some vaccines are not effective at preventing COVID-19 for individuals, 1.7% (n = 20) mentioned the benefits of vaccination for society, and 0.1% (n = 1) mentioned that vaccines are not effective at preventing COVID-19 in society.
The most often-mentioned effective COVID-19 vaccines were American vaccines (n = 206; 17.7%), followed by British vaccines (n = 69, 5.9%), Chinese vaccines (n = 33; 2.8%), Indian vaccines (n = 15; 1.3%), and Russian vaccines (n = 14; 1.2%). The most often-mentioned ineffective COVID-19 vaccines were Chinese vaccines (n = 7, 0.6%), American vaccines (n = 6, 0.5%), and Russian vaccines (n = 2, 0.2%).
The most mentioned barriers are access barriers (n = 184, 15.8%), followed by harm barriers (n = 62, 5.3%), and belief barriers (n = 17, 1.5%). The most mentioned cues to action were testimony of ordinary people (n = 114, 9.8%), followed by testimony of celebrities (n = 101, 8.7%), expert recommendations (n = 25, 2.2%) and government recommendations (n = 14, 1.2%).
Of the sub-themes of sentiment with regard to COVID-19 vaccines, 48.5% (n = 564) of tweets were positive in regard to COVID-19 vaccines, 3.1% (n = 36) were negative in regard to COVID-19 vaccines, and 48.4% (n = 562) did not show an attitude toward COVID-19 vaccines.
3.2. HBM Constructs Used by Three News Agencies’ Twitter
To answer RQ1, a series of Chi-square analyses were run to compare the use of each HBM construct by news agencies. The results in
Table 4 show that the three news agencies’ Twitter accounts used significantly different frequencies of susceptibility (χ
2 = 16.57,
p < 0.001), severity (χ
2 = 65.49,
p < 0.001), benefits (χ
2 = 25.02,
p < 0.001), barriers (χ
2 = 26.31,
p < 0.001), and cues to action (χ
2 = 24.20,
p < 0.001).
A post hoc analysis showed that the three news agencies emphasized the HBM constructs differently. AP mentioned significantly more susceptibility (n = 59) than the expected count (n = 38.9), while AFP and Reuters showed no differences between the actual frequency and the expected count. AP mentioned significantly more severity (n = 63) than the expected count (n = 27.6), Reuters mentioned significantly less severity (n = 87) than the expected count (n = 114.1), while AFP showed no differences between the actual frequency and the expected count. AP, AFP and Reuters showed no differences between actual frequency and expected count in terms of self-efficacy. AFP mentioned significantly more benefits (n = 170) than the expected count (n = 138.7), Reuters mentioned significantly less benefits (n = 138) than the expected count (n = 177.3), while AP showed no differences between the actual frequency and the expected count. AP mentioned significantly more barriers (n = 101) than the expected count (n = 81.8), Reuters mentioned significantly less barriers (n = 298) than the expected count (n = 337.9), while AFP showed no differences between the actual frequency and the expected count. AFP mentioned significantly more cues to action (n = 126) than the expected count (n = 95.8), Reuters mentioned significantly less cues to action (n = 89) than the expected count (n = 122.5), while AP showed no differences between the actual frequency and the expected count.
In general, Reuters tended to mention less severity, benefits, and cues to action than expected; AP tended to mention more susceptibility, severity, and barriers than expected; and AFP tended to mention more benefits and cues to action than expected.
3.3. Differences in the Twitter Engagement
For the entire sample, the mean number of retweets was 96.03 (SD = 45.00) and the mean number of likes was 325.39 (SD = 95.00). As neither of the engagement variables, the number of retweets or likes were normally distributed, we also examined the median of the engagement variables (Mdn = 45 for retweets and Mdn = 95 for likes), since the median would be a better measure of central tendency than the mean.
In general, AP generated the highest Twitter engagement among the three news agencies.
AP’s Twitter account generated the highest mean number of retweets (
M = 321.32,
SD = 112.00), followed by APF (
M = 72.16,
SD = 39.00), and Reuters (
M = 60.14,
SD = 38.00). AP’s Twitter account also had the highest mean number of likes (
M = 1140.81,
SD = 292.00), followed by Reuters (
M = 246.20,
SD = 57.00), and APF (
M = 189.88,
SD = 101.00). See
Figure 1 for complete results.
The median number of retweets was highest for AP’s Twitter account (Mdn = 112), followed by AFP (Mdn = 39), and Reuters (Mdn = 38). The median number of likes was highest for AP’s Twitter account (Mdn = 292), followed by Reuters (Mdn = 101) and AFP (Mdn = 57). See
Figure 2 for the complete results.
In general, AP generated the highest Twitter engagement among the three news agencies.
3.4. The Effect of HBM Constructs on Twitter Engagement
To answer RQ2, a nonparametric Mann–Whitney U test was used to examine the relationship between the presence of HBM constructs and Twitter engagement variables (likes and retweets), as the Twitter engagement variables were not normally distributed.
For each HBM variable, we first compared the shape of the distribution of likes and retweets of the group with the HBM variable present and the group with the HBM variable present. The results showed that the shapes of the distribution of likes and retweets were different for each of the present and absent two groups. As our two distributions have different shapes, we can only use the Mann–Whitney U test to compare mean ranks rather than medians (Laerd Statistics, 2021).
As can be seen in
Table 5, Mann–Whitney U tests showed that, for AP, only one HBM construct (cues to action) can significantly predict Twitter engagement. Tweets emphasizing cues to action were liked more often (mean ranks = 83.39) than tweets that did not (mean ranks = 65.83), Mann–Whitney U = 1307.00,
p = 0.03.
For AFP, tweets emphasizing three variables (susceptibility, severity, and cues to action) were retweeted less often than those that did not emphasize these variables; tweets emphasizing susceptibility and severity were liked less often than tweets that did not emphasize the two constructs. In contrast, tweets emphasizing self-efficacy were liked and retweeted more often than tweets that did not emphasize self-efficacy.
For Reuters, tweets emphasizing five variables (susceptibility, severity, benefits, barriers, and cues to action) were liked more often than those that did not emphasize those variables. Tweets emphasizing four variables (severity, benefits, barriers, and cues to action) were retweeted more often than those that did not emphasize those variables. In contrast, tweets emphasizing self-efficacy were liked less often (mean ranks = 155.83) than tweets that did not emphasize self-efficacy (mean ranks = 289.60), Mann–Whitney U = 1357.50, p = 0.01.
In general, the HBM variables were effective for inducing Twitter engagement for Reuters but demonstrated reversed effects for AFP.
We further examined the effect of sub-themes on Twitter engagement as shown in
Table 6. For AP, tweets emphasizing the American vaccines are effective were liked more often than those that did not emphasize this sub-theme. By contrast, tweets emphasizing two sub-themes (Chinese vaccines are effective and access barriers) were liked less often than those that did not emphasize those sub-themes. Tweets emphasizing that Chinese vaccines are effective were retweeted less often than those that did not emphasize this sub-theme.
For AFP, tweets emphasizing six sub-themes (susceptibility of the general public, susceptibility of vulnerable people, severity of the general public, the benefits of vaccination to society, harm barriers and access barriers) were liked less often than those that did not emphasize those sub-themes. Tweets that emphasize six sub-themes (susceptibility of the general public, susceptibility of vulnerable people, severity of the general public, the benefits of vaccination to society, harm barriers, access barriers, testimony of ordinary people) were retweeted less often than those that did not emphasize this sub-theme.
For Reuters, tweets emphasizing seven sub-themes (susceptibility of the general public, susceptibility of vulnerable people, severity of the general public, vaccines are effective at preventing COVID-19 for individuals, American vaccines are effective, American vaccines are NOT effective, and the testimony of celebrities) were liked more often than those that did not emphasize those sub-themes. Tweets emphasizing nine sub-themes (susceptibility of the general public, severity of the general public, vaccines are effective at preventing COVID-19 for individuals, American vaccines are effective, vaccines are NOT effective at preventing COVID-19 for individuals, American vaccines are NOT effective, harm barriers, and the testimony of celebrities) were retweeted more often than those that did not emphasize this sub-theme.
In contrast, tweets emphasizing the benefits of vaccination to society and access barriers were liked and retweeted less often than those that did not emphasize these sub-themes.
Similar to the HBM constructs, in general, the subthemes were effective for inducing Twitter engagement for Reuters, but reducing Twitter engagement for AFP.
3.5. News Agencies’ Sentiment Regarding COVID-19 Vaccines
The answer to RQ3 is shown in
Table 7. The results showed that 48.5% (n = 564) of the total sample was positive regarding COVID-19 vaccines, 3.1% (n = 36) of the total sample were negative regarding COVID-19 vaccines, while 48.4% (n = 562) of the sample held a neutral sentiment regarding COVID-19.
There were significant differences among the three news agencies in their positive sentiments regarding COVID-19 vaccines (χ2 = 14.35, p < 0.001). A post hoc analysis showed that AFP demonstrated significantly more positive sentiments (n = 246) than the expected count (n = 217.9), while Reuters used significantly fewer positive sentiments (n = 247) than the expected count (n = 278.6). There were no differences between actual count and the expected count for AP.
There were significant differences between the three news agencies in their negative sentiment regarding COVID-19 vaccines (χ2 = 7.78, p = 0.02). A post hoc analysis showed that Reuters used significantly more negative sentiments (n = 26) than the expected count (n = 17.8), while there were no differences between the actual count and the expected count for AP and Reuters.
Finally, there were also significant differences between the three news agencies in expressing a neutral sentiment regarding COVID-19 vaccines (χ2 = 8.24, p = 0.02). A post hoc analysis showed that AFP used significantly less neutral sentiments (n = 195) than the expected count (n = 217.2), while Reuters used significantly more neutral sentiments (n = 301) than the expected count (n = 277.6). There were no differences between the actual count and the expected count for AP.
In general, Reuters tended to show more negative and neutral sentiments toward COVID-19 vaccines, while AFP tended to show more positive sentiments toward COVID-19 vaccines.
3.6. News Agencies’ Sentiments Regarding COVID-19 Vaccines and Twitter Engagement
To answer RQ4, we ran a series of Kruskal–Wallis H tests, nonparametric equivalents of one-way ANOVA. For AP, a Kruskal–Wallis H test showed that there were significant differences between the three sentiments in inducing the number of likes, H (2) = 6.64, p = 0.04. Pairwise comparisons using Dunn’s test showed that for AP, tweets using a positive sentiment (mean rank = 78.08) were liked more than tweets using a neutral sentiment (mean rank = 60.80), p = 0.04. A Kruskal–Wallis H test showed that there were no statistically significant differences among the three sentiments in inducing the number of retweets, H (2) = 5.04, p = 0.08.
For AFP, Kruskal–Wallis H tests showed that there were no statistically significant differences among the three sentiments in inducing retweets, H (2) = 2.72, p = 0.26, nor were there significant differences among the three sentiments in inducing likes, H (2) = 0.64, p = 0.73.
For Reuters, a Kruskal–Wallis H test showed that there were significant differences between the three sentiments in inducing the number of likes, H (2) = 8.34, p = 0.02. Pairwise comparisons using Dunn’s test showed that tweets by Reuters that showed a positive sentiment (mean rank = 310.50) were liked more than tweets using a neutral sentiment (mean rank = 270.12), p = 0.01. However, a Kruskal–Wallis H test showed that there were no statistically significant differences among the three sentiments in inducing the number of retweets, H (2) = 5.30, p = 0.07.
In general, tweets showing a positive sentiment toward COVID-19 vaccines were liked more than tweets showing a neutral sentiment toward COVID-19 vaccines for both AP and Reuters. For details, see
Table 8.