4.1. Land-Use Dynamics and Deforestation
This study defined five land-use types in the northwestern Virunga landscape: forest, savannah, field and fallow, bare and built-up land, and water. A 26-year observation of the northwestern Virunga landscape reveals that, at the landscape scale, field and fallow areas constitute the landscape matrix. Following a 13% spatial increase between 1995 and 2001, the expansion of agricultural areas slowed between 2001 and 2021. As [
29] emphasized, in a landscape under heavy human pressure, natural areas are replaced by dominant agricultural activities characterized by fields, fallow land, pastures, and farm buildings. Likewise, [
30] indicated that the conversion of forest areas to farmland is a common and increasingly frequent process around Virunga National Park that is resulting in a net loss of natural ecosystems.
Agricultural practices in the northwestern Virunga landscape, particularly in the Beni lowlands, have historical roots. They are closely linked to the migration of the Nande people starting in the 18th century as they sought new lands to cultivate. This phenomenon was accentuated by the creation of the Virunga National Park, colonial agricultural policies promoting cash crops such as coffee, and the development of urban centers, including Oïcha, Beni, and Butembo [
16,
31]. Our cartographic analyses support this narrative, revealing that over 40% of the landscape was converted to farmland many years before the major sociopolitical upheavals in the Beni region began in the 1990s. Human migration has also been documented as a factor in the destruction of natural habitats at the Dosso partial wildlife reserve in Niger due to land saturation and climate change [
32]. Furthermore, our results partially align with the trends observed by [
7], who indicated that by 2018, field and fallow land occupied more than half (66.8%) of the Beni region. However, our estimate of field and fallow land differs from those results by more than 30% in 1995, and by a further 10% after that period. These discrepancies primarily stem from the differing accuracy levels of the random forest classification algorithm used in our study and the maximum likelihood method used in [
7]. Furthermore, [
20] mentioned that spatial analysis using random forest classification offers better precision when assessing land cover. Therefore, the land-cover trends provided by [
7] for the overall Beni landscape should be considered in context. Importantly, ref. [
7] focused their analysis on the unprotected area of the Beni landscape that extends into the Mambasa Territory forest between 1995 and 2018 without considering intermediate changes.
Forest constitutes the second-most prominent type of land cover in the landscape studied, followed by savannah. After a decrease between 1995 and 2005, forest cover increased from 2005 to 2021. Meanwhile, savannah experienced a continuous decrease throughout the observation period from 24.18% in 1995 to 8.96% in 2021. Simultaneously, bare and built-up land has increased significantly over the 26-year study period, gaining around 307.31%. The forest loss in the initial decade of observation and continuous savannah loss over the entire 26 study years are closely linked to the expansion of the agricultural frontier and urban areas. Our results support those of [
33] and reinforce the trends observed by [
5] between 2000 and 2005, which indicate a significant loss of forest near Beni city, primarily due to the cultivation of rice, beans, cassava, coffee, palm, and cocoa, as well as charcoal production, followed by a modest recovery of forests between 2005 and 2010. Agriculture, which employs 80% of the population, remains rudimentary and focused on rice, manioc, and beans, combined with cash crops such as cocoa, palm, and coffee. Lacking institutional support, farmers expand fields in the hope of producing more and earning a higher income [
16]. Our results also align with those of [
30] concerning the significant loss of savannah areas north of Lake Edward, but they contextualize the projection these authors made of an intense and continuous loss of forest cover in the Virunga landscape at a rate of 4.21% by 2030. Forest transition to other land use is discontinuous, as the annual change shows. Between 1995 and 2005, forested area decreased by slightly more than 2% each year. However, after 2005, the forested area increased, with values varying between 1.30% and 2.07%. Only the savannah experienced significant loss rather than gain, up to 9.06%. Ref. [
5] estimated a 2.60% annual rate of forest cover loss across the Virunga landscape between 2000 and 2010, attributing this loss to massive forest clearing in North Kivu. This aligns with our observation of the land-cover pattern between 1995 and 2005, which correlates with the intensification of agricultural activities and the search for wood to use as energy and timber by local populations and refugees from Ituri who were deprived of all means of survival.
From 2002 to 2005, the Beni Territory hosted several thousand refugees fleeing the war in Ituri. Due to a lack of alternatives, these refugees settled in the forested area bordering Virunga National Park, notably in Ngadi, Mavivi, Mbau, and Oïcha [
16]. The influx of refugees led to a rapid increase in the population in northwestern Virunga and an increased the demand for natural resources. The arrival of so many people into an area that was unprepared for such pressure, coupled with the endogenous demographic growth, indirectly contributed to deforestation. Population growth, economic growth, and weak institutional structures are leading to increased deforestation in the Democratic Republic of Congo [
34,
35] and several other developing countries [
36,
37].
However, contrary to [
5], our study reveals a forest cover gain of 2.07% per year between 2005 and 2010 and of more than 1% between 2010 and 2021. This difference may reflect the scale of each study: while [
5] focused on analyses at the national and provincial levels, our study focused exclusively on the northern sector of the Virunga landscape. Therefore, the increase in forest area primarily reflects insecurity in the Beni Territory and the neighboring province of Ituri, resulting in almost continuous population movements. Since the security situation in Ituri stabilized in 2005, refugees have vacated occupied land and have cultivated in the Beni Territory, allowing reforestation to occur in degraded areas. After the departure of the Iturian refugees, the Beni Territory experienced the activity of armed factions and terrorism. Since 2010, this insecurity has prompted a massive movement of rural populations toward major urban centers, such as Beni and Butembo, and into Mambasa Territory and the savannah areas in the Virunga National Park, especially north of Lake Edward. Agricultural abandonment due to insecurity has led to the passive reconstitution of forested land. The activities of armed groups often interfere with agricultural activities and prevent farmers from accessing their fields [
38]. Therefore, as [
39,
40] demonstrate, the influx of population from Beni and Butembo into the Mambasa Territory in search of land for cultivation, timber, and charcoal has led to a 12% decline in primary forest in 2019.
The trend of slower deforestation during insecure periods was also reported by [
41] in the Yangambi Biosphere Reserve from 1995 to 2003. Ref. [
42] noted a forest-restoration rate of more than 4% in the Volcan National Park landscape, another portion of the greater Virunga landscape, in Rwanda during the genocide. Ref. [
43] revealed passive forest restoration during periods of armed conflict in Nepal, Sri Lanka, Peru, and the Republic of Côte d’Ivoire. Ref. [
38] also documented a decrease in deforestation during armed conflicts. Conversely, ref. [
44] noted a decrease in forested area in protected areas, notably in Macaya National Natural Park, La-Visite National Natural Park, and Pine Forest Unit 2 during a period of political instability in the Republic of Haiti. In addition to economic and demographic factors, this study emphasizes that spatial transitions in the northwestern Virunga landscape are heavily influenced by the nature and intensity of insecurity. In areas where armed and terrorist groups are more active, forest passively covers the large agricultural areas left by the retreating population. This contradicts our initial hypothesis that anthropization would be more pronounced during wartime than during peacetime.
According to [
41,
45], the national annual rate of deforestation in the Democratic Republic of Congo varies from 0.2 to 0.4%. These values are lower than the minimum forest loss rate recorded in our study area (2.57–2.90%). This suggests that, without insecurity or regulatory constraints, annual forest loss in the northwestern Virunga landscape may be 10 times higher than the national average. Insecurity is, therefore, not a factor in the widespread destruction of forest ecosystems in the northwestern Virunga landscape, as insecurity, characterized by terrorist activism, reduces the local people’s ability to extend their activities into the forest. In addition to insecurity, Virunga National Park, as an integral part of the landscape, appears to be significantly slowing the rapid expansion of the human footprint in forested areas. Nevertheless, the savannah remains permanently vulnerable. Farmers and herders surrounding the park can easily enter savannah areas illegally; these areas are vulnerable to anthropogenic pressure [
46].
4.2. Landscape Stability Is Enhanced by Protected Areas
The anthropization of protected areas differs from the pattern observed in unprotected areas. The protected area in the northwestern Virunga landscape displayed a greater stability of natural elements than the unprotected area over the study period. This stability confirms our second hypothesis, that regardless of stability or insecurity, the Virunga National Park is less disturbed than its peripheral areas. The LPI values also indicate that natural land cover remains more contiguous in the protected area than in unprotected areas.
Moreover, the loss of forest area within the park is often attributed to dissection and removal, whereas in the peripheral zone, it mainly occurs through dissection. The forest loss of 2.10% per year between 1995 and 2005 is lower than the 3.40% observed by [
47] during the same period in Kundelungo National Park. The increase in field and fallow land inside the protected area is attributed to creation, while in the peripheral zone, the increase in field and fallow land occurs through both aggregation and the creation of new patches. These results align with global trends in land-use change, which is greater in the vicinity of the protected areas than within them [
1]. As [
29] noted, constraints on access to protected areas contribute significantly to the landscape-transformation process. These may include physical or regulatory measures, as in the case of Virunga National Park. Virunga, as a national park and World Heritage Site, is governed by national and international laws prohibiting the exploitation of natural resources in any form. Furthermore, as protected areas cover a large area, the “Institut Congolais de Conservation de la Nature (ICCN)” has developed partnerships with organizations and private partners to manage protected areas. This strategy enabled the protected areas sector to be revitalized both technically and financially. In the Virunga National Park, ICCN has signed a public–private partnership with the “Virunga Foundation” to manage the park. The Virunga National Park is also one of four protected areas in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which accounts for 90% of investment in protected area management, with 85% provided by international partners. The technical and financial resources available to the Virunga Park manager contribute to the preservation of natural areas despite security challenges [
3].
The dissection of forested land within the park can be explained by natural and anthropogenic factors. One natural factor is the local hydrography, which is dominated by the Semuliki River. The primary anthropogenic factor is the rehabilitation of the Beni-Kasindi and Mbau-Kamango roads between Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo and the military roads in Virunga National Park. The highly fragmented residual forest in the periphery of the Virunga National Park is typical of a shifting system. These residual forests serve to regulate soil fertility and provide firewood and building materials for the local population [
46]. Unlike the proposed theoretical process of spatial landscape transformation, the natural classes are characterized by a certain amount of creation and aggregation within both the protected and unprotected areas. Forest and savannah creation within the protected area may be the result of the healing of anthropized areas after the illegal users of the protected area have been removed. Similarly, the dissection of field and fallow land shows the transient nature of local agriculture, in which field continuity over time is interspersed with passive forest restoration through long-term fallowing.
4.3. The Usefulness of Local Mapping
Today, remote sensing imagery offers significant potential for monitoring changes in land use not only on a local scale but also on a global scale. This is crucial in areas with high conservation value that face threats from armed factions and terrorism [
42]. Land-cover maps have been made available to the public for decision-making purposes. However, as [
15] highlighted, some of these maps provide an overly general representation of the local dynamics of a landscape. Comparing our land-cover results for 2021 with those extracted from ESA World Cover 2021 [
48] reveals some disparities. The map by [
48] designates more areas as forest (66.10%) than ours, while our map identified more areas as field and fallow land (53.40%). This variation exists because [
48] categorized perennial crops, such as oil palms, as forested land; however, in the context of Virunga, we included multi-annual crops as field and fallow land. Similarly [
49] and [
50] have used the same definitions of forest and agricultural land classes to monitor world land-cover trends.
In the context of the Virunga landscape, excluding some perennial crop areas from the farming land class diminishes the trend toward landscape anthropization. Conversely, integrating perennially cultivated areas into the farming category increases the visibility of the trend toward anthropization. As [
14] noted, the Virunga National Park manager’s use of the ESA World Cover maps necessitates agreement on the definition of land-use classes and comparison with maps produced using local knowledge. Another spatial land-cover framework was proposed by [
51], comprising 10 transition classes to monitor forest-cover changes in the humid tropics. The authors considered the absence of tree-foliage cover in a pixel as an indicator of disturbance. However, given the difference in approach and class definition, direct comparison with these results is difficult.