1. Introduction
A child’s exposure to conditions that are less than optimal might impact the capacity to attain his or her height potential [
1]. This is the case because physical stature reflects how a human organism fares during childhood and adolescence in its socio-economic and epidemiological environment [
2]. As much as 20 percent of the variation in human stature is attributed to ‘environmental’ factors, both adverse and beneficial [
3]. For instance, exposure to civil or military conflict between birth and adolescence exhibit reduced adult stature [
4]. A question that emerges is whether structural reforms, such a country’s transition to a liberal democracy, which one would expect to impact on beneficial psychosocial environments (e.g., increasing social participation, equal rights, freedom of speech, stability, impacting on lower stress etc.), reflects in changes in human stature.
The meltdown of the Soviet bloc provides a natural experiment to test for the “fit through democracy” hypothesis [
5], which states that extending the “franchise for all adults” enables reforms that bring about wellbeing. Democratization in such a context might have structurally reshaped minority inclusiveness, improved perceptions of safety and health information, and produced a cultural change in attitudes [
6]. In examining the effects of German reunification, evidence suggests that although West Germans are taller than East Germans, since unification there has been convergence in heights between East and West German males but, paradoxically not among females [
7]. The latter finding has yet to be better understood. Furthermore, it seems important to examine whether the latter findings can be made extensive to all Eastern European countries in the area of Soviet influence.
A priori it is not clear that everyone benefited from the transition to a liberal democracy given the elitist nature of democracy in Eastern Europe, and whether it affected human heights, as it would have to have influenced key periods of human growth [
2]. The advantage of using height measures over other measures of wellbeing is that is mostly free of measurement error related to other individual characteristics [
8]. However, from other studies [
7] one can expect significant heterogeneity on the effect of gender and socio-economic status [
9,
10]
This paper draws on evidence from Czechoslovakia, a country that was in the Soviet bloc, but was broken up in the following few years, after the transition to democracy. Thus, it gave rise to a rare case in history where two large liberalisation forces coincided, often referred to as a “double bang” [
11]. A country’s break up offers an opportunity to reshape each country’s institutions, reduce conflict, and more generally improve institutional quality [
12,
13]. Our paper contributes to the following:
First, we attempt to add a wider literature on democracy and health [
14] which examines the benefits of the adoption of a liberal democracy. Democracies reduce instability [
15], which can benefit children by reducing their levels of exposure to environmental stress. However, empirical evidence on this question is still scarce, and it should account for the fact that poor nutrition was a problem in Eastern Europe prior to the transition due to seasonal unavailability of certain foods. Another problem is that in many Eastern European countries, there was a deterioration in living standards before any visible improvements took place [
16,
17,
18]. Hence, it is not even trivial that one should expect an effect overall. This paper contributes to the literature by documenting evidence of the height changes in the Czech Republic and Slovakia before and after the transition of liberal democracy and breakup. Further, we control for differences in observable socio-economic status (income) which captures individual specific changes in economic status alongside some other covariates. It adds to a growing literature that has documented an effect of democracy and female franchise on heights [
19].
Second, we examine gender and income heterogeneity. Males are found to be more affected by environmental stress, are more sensitive to changes in the environment than females and exhibit a greater response to nutritional supplementation [
20]. Similarly, studies examining social inequality in Eastern Europe suggest heterogeneous patterns of income and gender disparities after 1989 [
21]. That is, they show that income inequalities declined consistently with other related evidence that finds that environmental shocks affect primarily the heights of children in low socio-economic conditions [
22] This is important given that democracy might not benefit all equally. Individuals who were at the ‘elite’ of the previous regime (before the transition), might not exhibit comparable changes in stature as the rest. Komlos and Kriwy [
7] find evidence of German unification on male but not female stature. Consistently, evidence suggests that transition to a liberal democracy in Eastern Europe has exerted small effects on gender inequality [
23] Hence, it is an empirical question whether transition did affect women’s heights as much as it did men.
Third, the break-up of Czechoslovakia allows us to identify two different trajectories of reform which depart from comparable institutional conditions. This evidence adds to the literature on the effects of self-determination on health [
24]. One of the potential concerns is that democracy is not a categorical variable, and hence we should not only measure the effects of exposure to a democracy while growing up but account for its quality, which we do by adjusting our exposure measured by the Polity IV index of each of such years of exposure.
The next section contains the background on the specific case study. Section three reports the data and methods. Section four contains the results, section five the robustness checks, and a final discussion section concludes the paper.
2. Czechoslovakia’s Double Bang
After World War II, in 1948, Czechoslovakia fell under the Soviet influence. The latter implied a ban on civil and political liberties alongside media censorship and economic dirigisme with the implementation of production plans and quotas. The regime lasted forty years until 1989 with only a small spell of the Prague spring when reform was attempted. Although initially, the steps taken in the two federations of Czechoslovakia were similar, in 1992 a peaceful secession process was designed by the two main community leaders to create two separate countries in 1993. The events of 1989 and 1992 can be regarded as a “double bang”, a rare case in history where two large forces coincided [
11]. It was first a transition from centrally planned to a market economy and then the secession of Slovakia that happened virtually simultaneously. Some even suggest that it was a “triple transition”: Democratization, marketization, and a national transformation [
25]. However, whilst marketisation can be examined by examining the effect of income and standards of living, the democratization and its subsequent reforms might produce wider effects on wellbeing that are not necessarily measured in traditional welfare indicators, such as changes in gender, income, and other inequalities, and access to welfare services that might not produce immediate effects on economic outcomes.
Already during the communist period, the Czech Republic and Slovakia differed in their level of economic and social development. After secession, the form and speed of the democratization and liberalization reforms gradually began to differ. The Czech Republic initially implemented aggressive economic reforms in combination with socio-economic entitlements and democracy. In contrast, in Slovakia, the first years after the break-up were characterized by a continuation of an authoritarian rule which left the country economically and politically isolated [
26]. Slovakia was severely disadvantaged throughout the 1990s, but by 1998 the rapid progress in the Czech Republic slowed down and the reverse happened in Slovakia. The period between 1989 and 2004 is defined as a ‘transformation shock’ [
26]. Hence, it is an empirical question whether such reforms produced desirable welfare effects on human stature. The remainder of the paper will be devoted to measuring such effects.
6. Conclusions
This paper has documented a change in stature trends of both Slovaks and the Czechs after the adoption of liberal democracy and breakup from the pre-existing Czechoslovakian federation. We have drawn on two representative datasets and three measures of exposure to democracy to examine the effect of exposure to democracy on human stature. The following results emerge:
First, we estimate that every additional year exposed to democracy increases heights by 0.2–0.4 cm on average; and 0.18–0.36 cm for the sample younger than 50 years. These estimates for the sample under 50 years are more relevant, as height shrinks after the age of 50, and hence older individuals might not provide an equally accurate estimate of their stature. However, the effects are primarily driven by a change in male stature alone, consistent with previous studies [
7]
Second, the transition to a liberal democracy appears to have exerted effects on heights that compare to those of other studies in East and West Germany [
31] Our findings are robust to adjustments for democratic quality (weighting exposure to democracy by the year’s specific Polity IV index value). Our results suggest some evidence that the yearly change in stature after the exposure to democracy was larger in Slovakia than the Czech Republic.
Finally, we find evidence suggesting heterogeneous height changes by socio-economic status (income tercile). That is, height increases more than proportionally among individuals at the poorest income tercile. These results are consistent with the fact that social differences endure after the transition to democracy in both the Czech Republic and Slovakia, as inequalities were present already under communism [
32].
It is important to point out several limitations of this study for future research to consider improving upon. First, our estimates rely on a low response rate of the WHS data for the Czech sample. The latter has led to use an alternative dataset (the Eurobarometer 64.3) which replicates WHS estimates. Hence, we believe that it is unlikely that our estimates are biased. Second, given that we rely on survey data, our results might be affected by self-reporting bias. Such a bias is unlikely to affect the relative change in heights across counties and age groups, and hence our estimates of exposure to liberal democracy. Third, one of the potential concerns of our analysis is that after the transition, there was a potential for migration of younger cohorts who might be relatively taller. However, if that were the case, it would produce a downward bias in our estimates, rendering our results as a lower bound. But more importantly, the main barriers to migration were to be lifted post-2004, and our data is predating that period. That said, there are still some outstanding concerns we have not been able to address. More specifically, we cannot separate out cohort and age effects, nor account for potential unobservable trends. Even more importantly, our results mainly report ‘robust associations’, and call for future research to use cross-country data to retrieve a causal effect of transitions to liberal democracy on stature.
Our preferred explanation of the above findings is that the adoption of liberal democracy brought about new institutions (reduced police surveillance, socio-economic freedoms, among others) that might have reduced environmental stress, enabled human capital formation, alongside with social participation and freedom of speech, all of which would have exerted beneficial direct or indirect effects on well-being, as measured by human heights of men [
33]. However, we cannot disentangle the specific mechanisms that are driving our results. The latter, as well as the specific effects of psycho-social environments, are left for future research. Our results are consistent with [
19], who reported causal evidence of an effect of female enfranchisement and expansion of democracy on male human stature. On the other hand, they are likely to be underestimated as the first years of transition leads to a reduction of human stature [
34]. Overall, our findings suggest that both the transition to democracy and the institutions resulting from them have real effect on wellbeing of communities.