1. Introduction
Since the first case was confirmed in December 2019 in Wuhan, China, COVID-19 has spread out across the world. On 11 March 2020, the World Health Organization announced a global pandemic [
1]. Its catastrophic consequences are ubiquitous, greatly changing people’s lives, bringing great pressure to people all over the world [
2,
3] and causing more mental health problems [
4,
5,
6,
7,
8,
9]. What is worth noticing is that certain groups have been disproportionately affected in this regard [
3], such as women [
10,
11,
12], health workers [
13], unemployed [
13], and other groups. Care for public mental health and reducing psychological issues such as depression during the epidemic have become key issues of study for academia, the international community, and governments [
14,
15].
The epidemic in China has been well contained since March 2020, with its impact on the lives of ordinary Chinese people gradually diminishing. However, a regional outbreak of new cases hit Shijiazhuang, Hebei, China in January 2021. On 3 January, Shijiazhuang initiated wartime controls as a quick response: The city was closed, external and public transportation were all suspended, and approximately 10.25 million people were practicing self-isolation at home. Nucleic acid tests on all residents were conducted three times on 7 January, 12 January, and 20 January. More than 20,000 people were quarantined in designated locations. The Chinese who had barely returned to their normal lives were once again confronted with the tension of the epidemic.
During the first COVID-19 outbreak, social media worked as the main channel for information on the coronavirus disease and provided a window for thorough communication with the outside world [
16,
17,
18]. Therefore, the way in which social media affected the psychology of ordinary people during the epidemic has become a great concern to scholars and governments [
19]. Pertinent research all came up with negative conclusions, that is, the more frequently people use social media, the more psychological problems will be incurred [
14,
15,
20,
21]. Some scholars have pointed out that the internal reason for this trend is the “infodemic”. With the spread of the global COVID-19 epidemic, a large amount of information related to the epidemic that is difficult to distinguish between true and false has also been generated on the Internet. This makes it difficult for people to find trusted news and reliable guidance. The World Health Organization calls this phenomenon an “infodemic” [
22]. An infodemic is more complex than rumor or misinformation. It not only spreads false news and rumors, but also extends to promoting unproven treatments to mislead the public. Stigmatizing information and conspiracy theories in an infodemic can also be demagogic and may lead to racial discrimination, xenophobia, and distrust of government authorities, causing social unrest and destabilizing societies.
The deterioration of the social media environment has been observed since the outbreak. During this period, false information and fake reports about the coronavirus disease flooded social media, causing unfounded fear among many netizens [
23,
24]. Massive rumors and health misinformation posed a serious threat to public health [
25,
26], resulting in more emotional problems among ordinary people.
As research conclusions revealed the negative impact of social media on psychological problems during the epidemic, governments and international health organizations have come to a profound insight into the power of the infodemic and have successively called on governments to pay attention to the optimization of the social media environment [
27,
28]. The United Nations created a dedicated COVID-19 information portal called “Myth Busters” to provide the public with reliable and up-to-date information, debunk and refute false information, and publish reports on a daily basis [
29]. Moreover, WHO actively cooperates with industry groups such as search engines and social media platforms and urges them to fight against and filter fake news on their respective platforms. In order to deal with the infodemic, the Chinese government has also taken various measures to combat epidemic-related rumors and fake news: First, the Supreme People’s Court of China issued the “Guiding Opinions on Punishing Fake News” in January 2021 to guide the enforcement of epidemic-related rumors. Local governments, with the support of the Propaganda Department, Health Commission, Public Security Bureau, and other departments, launched anti-rumor campaigns to crack down on local-related fake news. Second, nationwide and all-round network governance measures were launched. The China Internet joint rumor-repudiation platform opened a column for the prevention and control of the COVID-19 epidemic. Major news apps such as Xinhuanet and Tencent.com provided special sections for refuting rumors. Social platforms such as WeChat and Douyin launched a special rectification action against epidemic-related rumors: The rumored accounts will be banned for a limited time or permanently, and fake news will be refuted or deleted in a timely manner. Search engines such as Baidu launched direct search pages related to the epidemic. Medical science websites such as dxy.com launched the COVID-19 epidemic real-time dynamic website, which includes columns such as epidemic maps, rumor refutation, and protection. In addition, governments and authoritative media actively used social media to provide the public with real, positive news and build public confidence in overcoming the pandemic by spreading positive messages through social media.
Most conclusions regarding the correlation between social media and mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic are based on research at the early stage of the epidemic in the first half of 2020. More than a year has passed since, and the current social media environment has already changed to a great extent. Regarding the second outbreak in Shijiazhuang in January 2021, whether the impact of optimized social media on the mental health of Chinese people has altered was yet to be revealed.
In addition, numerous studies have also focused on the heterogeneity of depression that occurred during the pandemic [
30]. For example, during this period, the prevalence of depression in women was significantly higher than that in men [
11,
20,
31], and young people under 40 were more susceptible to depression [
32,
33,
34,
35,
36]. Those with less education tended to display stronger symptoms of depression [
11,
31,
35]. Patterns can be drawn based on the abovementioned: Groups with a higher incidence of depression are often comparatively disadvantaged groups. This implies that during public health emergencies, particular care should be given to vulnerable groups to prevent and alleviate their mental health problems. The impact of social media on public psychology during the COVID-19 pandemic has received due attention, while the heterogeneity of how social media use can affect mental health remains almost unnoted, and how differently it works on the relatively disadvantaged and the relatively advantaged remains unclear.
In hopes of finding an answer, our research has targeted social media use and depression in ordinary Chinese people during the second regional COVID-19 outbreak in China with a particular emphasis on the vulnerable groups (
Figure 1). It aims to obtain reliable information regarding the prevention and alleviation of mental health problems among the vulnerable when a public health emergency occurs. Specifically, the following questions are raised in the research:
What was the prevalence rate of depression in ordinary Chinese people during the regional outbreak of the second round of COVID-19 in January 2021? Were relatively disadvantaged groups facing a higher incidence of depression?
After the social media environment changed, have there been any changes regarding the impact of social media use on the depression of the Chinese public?
How has social media use impacted the depression of different social groups in China? Is there a disparity between relatively disadvantaged and relatively advantaged groups?
3. Results
3.1. Prevalence of Depression
It was found that 38.9% of the overall sample had depression. The prevalence of depression in different groups is 41.4% for women and 34.4% for men; 40.1% among low incomes and 38.3% among high incomes; 39.4% for low education levels and 38.6% for high education levels; 40.8% for those under 40 and 37.4% for those of 40 and above; and 41.8% of the migrating population and 38.6% of the registered population (see
Table 2).
The results also showed that the prevalence of depression in women is 7% higher than that of men; the prevalence in the low-income group is 1.8% higher than that in the high-income group; the prevalence for the low-education group is 0.8% greater than that of the high-education group; the prevalence of people aged 40 and above with depression is 3.4% more than those under 40; and in the migrating population, this figure is 3.2% higher than that of the registered residents. Among relatively disadvantaged groups (women, low-income, and the migrating population), those suffering from depression all accounted for over 40% (see
Table 2 and
Figure 2).
3.2. The Use of Social Media
In the overall sample of social media use frequency, those who “often” and “always” used social media accounted for 40.3% and 39.8%, respectively, with a total percentage of 80.1. The combined percentages for “frequent” and “always” using social media in different groups were 80.2% among females and 80.0% among males; 78.3% for low income and 81.0% for high income; 75.3% for low education and 83.0% for high education; 81.5% for those under 40 and 79.8% for those 40 and above; and 62.1% for the migrating population and 81.7% for the registered residents (see
Table 3).
3.3. Overall Model
The model-fitting results based on the overall sample are shown in
Table 4. When all covariates are controlled, social media has a significant positive correlation with depression, with a standardized effect value of 0.178 Among the control variables, only age and self-rated health have significant positive impacts on depression, with the standardized impact coefficients being 0.119 and 0.273, respectively.
We used PSM to conduct a robustness analysis and sensitivity analyses on the results of the structural equation model analysis. First of all, we divided the resident sample into an experimental group and a control group according to the difference in social media use frequency. We took the samples with the top 50% use frequency of social media as the experimental group and the remaining samples as the control group. Then we took gender, age, education, income, marital status, number of people living together, years of residence, and SRH as interference factors. We use the binary Logit model to estimate the probability of each sample falling into the experimental group and obtain its propensity score. After that, we matched the samples with the closest propensity score but belonging to two groups, one by one.
To ensure the reliability of the results, we chose the nearest neighbor matching method and the radius matching method. The results showed that the matching success rates of the two matching methods are 100%. The absolute values of standardized deviation after matching were all less than 20%, and the standardized deviation decreased significantly. The t tests were not significant (p > 0.05), indicating that the matching effect was better.
We performed an average treatment effect analysis for the matched data. (
Table 5) The results showed that after the two matching methods were used, the ATT effect was still significant (
p < 0.05). This showed that after PSM analysis, there were significant differences between social media use and depression, and social media use had a positive effect on depression.
3.4. Comparison of Model Paths of Different Groups
Table 6 compares the model fitting results based on samples from different groups. The results show that the frequency of social media use works on depression in significantly different ways across various groups. It has a considerably higher impact on women’s depression than that on men, with respective effect values of 0.218 and 0.111. In low-income groups, its impact on depression is much greater than in high-income groups, with the effect values being 0.251 and 0.129, respectively. The frequency of social media use also works more prominently among low-educated groups compared with those of high education levels, with the effect values being 0.186 and 0.169, respectively. For the group under 40, the impact effect value is 0.247 compared to 0.123 for the group aged 40 and above, almost double the value. The migrant population also saw a more positive effect of social media use on their depression than the local registered population, with impact values of 0.314 and 0.174, respectively.
Among the covariates, only age and self-rated health have a significant impact on female depression; the standardized impact coefficients are 0.174 and 0.274, respectively. Other covariates show no significant correlation with female depression. On the other hand, education, marriage, and self-rated health impact male depression to a great extent, with the standardized impact coefficients being −0.116, −0.137, and 0.251, respectively. For low-income groups, variables such as age, income, and self-rated health impose a prominent effect on their depression, with standardized impact coefficients of 0.186, −0.109, and 0.289, respectively. For high-income groups, education and self-rated health play a crucial role in depression as the standardized impact coefficients are −0.109 and 0.289. In low-income groups, the variables with influence on depression are age and self-rated health, with standardized impact coefficients of 0.177 and 0.272. Self-rated health is the only variable that relates to depression among high-educated groups, with a standardized impact coefficient of 0.281. Gender, marriage, and self-rated health all have a considerable effect on depression in the group under 40; the standardized impact coefficients are −0.104, −0.099, and 0.148, respectively. For those 40 and older, the influential factors are age, marriage, and self-rated health, with standardized impact coefficients of 0.149, 0.092, and 0.383. Gender, education, marriage, and self-rated health have significant effects on depression in the migrant population, and the standardized impact coefficients are −0.298, −0.213, −0.259, and 0.15, respectively. Age and self-rated health contribute to the depression of local registered residents, with standardized impact coefficients of 0.105 and 0.189.
4. Discussion
Our cross-sectional research explored social media use and depression in ordinary Chinese people during the second COVID-19 outbreak in China. The purpose of this study is to reveal whether the relationship between social media use and depression changed after the social media environment was optimized in China, and the differences in the relationship among different groups.
Generally speaking, in the case of public health emergencies, the prevalence of mental health problems among ordinary people is higher than that under normal circumstances [
53,
54,
55,
56,
57,
58]. Our research came to the same conclusion. During the second round of the outbreak in China in January 2021, the incidence of depression among Chinese people reached 38.9%, much higher than 6.9% under normal circumstances [
52].
We concluded that during the second COVID-19 outbreak in China, vulnerable groups faced more serious problems of depression. During the pandemic, the depression incidence among the public demonstrates obvious heterogeneity characteristics [
30,
32,
33,
34], and relatively disadvantaged groups (women, low-income, low-educated, youth, and migrant populations) have a significantly higher prevalence of depression than relatively advantaged groups (male, high-income, high-educated, middle-aged, and locally registered populations).
Similar to previous research conclusions, during the second outbreak, social media was one of the main channels for obtaining information on Coronavirus disease [
17,
18]. Chinese people are highly dependent on social media with more than 80% of the public using it frequently.
Our research observed a fundamental change in the relationship between social media use and depression in Chinese people during the second COVID-19 outbreak in China. The higher the frequency of social media use, the lower the prevalence of depression. This finding is contrary to the conclusions of previous research [
14,
15,
21]. We believe that an important reason that the impact of social media on depression in the Chinese public has turned from negative to positive may be the optimization of China’s social media environment. After the outbreak of COVID-19 in 2019, a large amount of false news, rumors, and even conspiracy theories about the epidemic spread wildly on social media. This caused public psychological pressure, panic, and emotional problems, resulting in an infodemic. In order to deal with the infodemic, Chinese governments and social organizations enacted various measures to combat rumors and fake news related to the epidemic in social media, and spread positive information through social media to build public confidence in overcoming the epidemic. After a series of governance actions, China’s social media environment has been significantly optimized at the time of the second COVID-19 outbreak. Indeed, social media plays a key role in public mental health, but whether it is positive or negative depends on the quality of the social media environment. A positive and peaceful social media environment is likely to alleviate emotional problems, while a negative and poor environment may exacerbate mental health problems.
More importantly, this study found, for the first time that social media use has a stronger correlation with depression in vulnerable groups. In other words, depression in women, low-income people, low-educated groups, youth, and migrants is much more positively affected by social media. In contrast, men, high-income populations, highly educated groups, and the registered local population benefit less from social media in terms of coping with depression. During the period of a public health emergency, a benign social media environment would allow social media to better mitigate anxieties from the depression of relatively disadvantaged groups. The reason behind this may be that relatively disadvantaged groups are relatively less confident and firm in their belief and are more susceptible to external information [
48]. Vulnerable groups normally face greater depression issues; meanwhile, their depression is more likely to be affected by the use of social media. To deal with this problem, not only should governments at all levels and relevant authorities pay special attention and provide assistance to relatively disadvantaged groups, but they should also continue to improve the social media environment, with particular emphasis on increasing care of relatively disadvantaged groups and encouraging groups of women, youth, low incomes, low education level, and migrating populations.
Our research provides government departments and experts with effective evidence to solve the infodemic problem and improve the social media environment from a macro perspective. Moreover, we offer the following suggestions to minimize the public’s mental health issues through the optimization of social media environments. First, the influence of public health and medical professionals on social media should be increased by posting their latest research findings, videos, and health information online, as well as setting up columns, interviews, and popular science sections [
59,
60] on social media. This is to ensure that the public’s access and understanding are guided by reliable sources and factual information. Second, encouraging the sharing of positive real stories or personal experiences on social media enhances public confidence and helps to improve public misperceptions of COVID-19 and related information [
61]. Third, attention should be paid to relatively disadvantaged groups and special groups such as women, low-income, and floating populations. Different groups are affected differently by COVID-19 and social media use [
62,
63]. Therefore, we need to pay particular attention to those groups with more severe mental health problems during the COVID-19 epidemic and who are more affected by social media. Health information columns, friendly interaction columns, and other service columns dedicated to different groups can be set up on major social media platforms to provide more care and help for these relatively disadvantaged groups.
Additionally, our research also offers advice to the general public on how to deal with infodemic issues from a micro-individual perspective: First, selectively tap into information on social media from trusted sources. In the face of the massive amount of information, correctly identify trusted information as much as possible for dissemination and sharing. Second, people should strengthen independent thinking and critical thinking, with a scientific attitude and rational judgment to evaluate all kinds of information. Individuals should pay attention to distinguish authenticity and not be deceived by false information. Third, individuals should strengthen their sense of social responsibility and responsibility and avoid sharing disinformation, hate speech, and stigmatized information. These will help to improve the mental health of the general public.