1. Introduction
China has undergone rapid urbanization since the late 1980s [
1]. Statistics from China’s National Bureau of Statistics indicate that the urbanization rate in China has grown rapidly from 17.9% in 1978 to 64.72% in 2021. Massive rural-to-urban migration has flooded most Chinese cities as regulations on internal migration have been slowly relaxed [
2]. The number of migrants in China has increased from 6.57 million in 1982 to 281.7 million in 2016 [
3]. The rapid urbanization and large scale of rural-to-urban migration has caused serious problems, such as rural decline and farmland abandonment [
4,
5,
6,
7,
8,
9,
10]. Land ownership and land use rights are separated under the current rural land system: land is owned by the village collective, while individual villagers only have land use rights. Villagers have no right to sell their contracted land even though they have actually settled in cities and permanently left the countryside. The land system leads to rising rural labor migration costs and widespread farmland abandonment [
11,
12,
13,
14,
15,
16].
Rural land is considered the rural migrants’ means of social security or insurance to combat unexpected risks in the city, such as unemployment and illness [
17]. Rural migrants are less likely to cede land use rights in the countryside, even though the land has been actually abandoned [
7,
18,
19]. To promote market-oriented allocation of land resources, the Chinese government implemented a rural land system reform that provided increased compensation for rural land expropriation and allowed the transaction of collective construction land for business purposes from early 2015 to late 2017, with 33 counties (cities and districts) selected as the pilot sites [
20] (In February 2015, the 13th meeting of the 12th session of the National People’s Congress passed the
Decision on Authorizing State Council to Temporarily Adjust the Implementation of Relevant Laws and Rules in Administrative Regions of 33 Pilot Counties (Cites, Districts) Like Daxing District, etc. of Beijing, and decided to temporarily stop implementing the provisions on not allowing the transfer of collective construction land usage right in Article 43 and Article 63 of the
Land Administration Law and Article 9 of the
Law on Administration of Urban Real Estates. The 33 pilot sites include Daxing District of Beijing city, Ji County of Tianjin city, Dingzhou city of Hebei Province, Zezhou County of Shanxi Province, and Horinger County of Inner Mongolia, Haicheng County of Liaoning Province, Jiutai District of Changchun city, Anda city of Heilongjiang Province, Songjiang District of Shanghai city, Wujin District of Changzhou city, Yiwu city of Zhejiang Province, Deqing County of Zhejiang Province, Jinzhai County of Anhui Province, Jinjiang city of Fujian Province, Yujiang County of Jiangxi Province, Yucheng city of Shandong Province, Changyuan County of Henan Province, Yicheng city of Hubei Province, Liuyang city of Hunan Province, Nanhai District of Foshan city, Beiliu city of Guangxi Province, Wenchang city of Hainan Province, Dazu District of Chongqing city, Pi County of Sichuan Province, Lu County of Sichuan Province, Meitan County of Guizhou Province, Dali city of Yunnan Province, Qushui County of Tibet, Gaoling District of Xi’an city, Longxi County of Gansu Province, Huangyuan County of Qinghai Province, Pingluo County of Ningxia Province, and Yining City of Xinjiang Province). The land reform promotes the transaction of land use rights in rural areas by increasing potential benefits from rural land transfers.
Using data from the China Migrants Dynamic Survey, this paper examines the impact of rural land transfer on urban settlement intentions of rural migrants. By exploiting a rural land system reform in rural China that provided increased compensation for rural land expropriation and allowed the transaction of collective construction land for business purposes as an exogenous change in rural land transfer of rural migrants, we find an increase in the urban settlement intentions of rural migrants following the reform. In addition, we examine two mechanisms that might explain how the reform increased settlement intentions of rural migrants. The results suggest that the reform increased social integration and reduced rural place attachment of rural migrants. Furthermore, we find variation in the effect of the reform across migrants of different ages, social security benefits, and migration distances.
This paper contributes to the literature on the effect of land rights on household decision-making in several ways. First, previous studies have primarily focused on the effects of individual characteristics and factors in destination cities on the urban settlement intentions of rural migrants [
21,
22,
23,
24,
25,
26]. Less attention has been paid to the barriers to migration out of rural areas. This paper examines how the urban settlement intentions of rural migrants are associated with rural land transfer. Several studies have examined the effect of rural landholdings on rural–urban migration in China, and the results are inconsistent. On the one hand, a few investigations indicate a positive relationship between rural landholdings and participation in outside labor markets due to the wealth effect of the land resources in rural China. Using data from a migrant survey in Jiangsu Province, Hao and Tang (2015) revealed that the possession of farmland or housing land in rural areas significantly decreases the intention of rural migrants to obtain an urban hukou in their destination cities [
17]. Using data from a rural household survey conducted in Sichuan Province, Zhao (1999) determined that a decrease in the size of household land increases the probability of migration because the shortage of farmland reduces the relative marginal income from labor in farming [
27]. Mullan et al. (2011) also observed that in the absence of complete property rights, increased land tenure security reduces the likelihood of migration [
14]. On the other hand, rural landholdings are suggested to promote migration by several studies. Using data from three villages in the northeast of the Jiangxi Province, Feng and Heerink (2008) have shown that households with smaller landholdings are less likely to migrate due to economic constraints [
12]. Rural land is also determined to encourage return-migration because it is an incentive for rural migrants to maintain strong ties with the village [
28,
29]. Some studies indicate an insignificant relationship between rural land and migration. For example, using data from the Chinese Household Income Project, Li and Zahniser (2002) determined that the amount of land controlled by a household on average does not have a significant effect on migration, although increased farming income reduces the probability of migration [
19]. The inconsistent results in previous analyses may be driven by the endogeneity issue of land transfer choice. For example, rural migrants who have rural landholdings tend to have a higher likelihood of return migration and a lower probability of urban settlement intention. The research design adopted in this paper, which exploits the rural land system reform in rural China as an exogenous change in rural land transfer of rural migrants, helps mitigate this concern.
The second key contribution of this paper aims to shed light on the mechanisms behind the relationship between rural land transfer and settlement intentions. Using data from the China Migrants Dynamic Survey (CMDS), this paper provides new evidence on the rural land transfer’s impact on the urban settlement intentions of rural migrants. Our results indicate that an increase in the urban settlement intention of rural migrants following the reform that provided increased compensation for rural land expropriation and allowed the transaction of collective construction land for business purposes. We examine two mechanisms that may explain how the reform increased the settlement intentions of rural migrants, and our empirical evidence suggests that the reform increases the social integration of rural migrants into the urban life and reduces their rural place attachment. The examination of the potential mechanisms helps in obtaining a better understanding of the effects of rural landholdings on the urban settlement intention or return migration of rural migrants. We determine variations in the effect of the reform across migrants of various ages, social security benefits, and migration distances, which provides supportive evidence to the baseline results and carries broad policy implications.
The rest of this paper is structured as follows.
Section 2 introduces the background of China’s rural land system reform and develops the key hypothesis that the reform affects the settlement intentions of rural migrants.
Section 3 describes our data and empirical specification.
Section 4 reports the results from baseline regression and several robustness checks.
Section 5 investigates the heterogeneity effect of the reform.
Section 6 concludes this study with some brief remarks.
3. Data and Identification Strategy
3.1. Data Source
Our analysis is based on the constructed dataset from the China Migrants Dynamic Survey (CMDS), which is a nationwide household survey conducted by the Migrant Population Service Center at the National Health Commission of China. CMDS focuses on the migrant population who are aged 15 or above, have a non-local hukou and have resided in their current city for one month and longer. A stratified and multi-stage sampling with probability proportional to size is used in this survey for a better representation of Chinese society. The first wave of the CMDS survey began in 2010, and was conducted annually afterwards. The latest available data of this survey were gathered in 2018. We used data from the 2017 wave, as only this wave comprises information on the hometown of migrants after the land reform in 2015. Approximately 169,989 migrants working or living in 31 mainland provinces or their administrative equivalents (municipalities and autonomous regions) in China were interviewed in the 2017 CMDS.
The CMDS dataset is unique for the current study in several respects. First, the CMDS incorporates the hukou registered residence (district or county) of each respondent, from which we can define whether the respondent’s hometown is one of the pilot areas during the rural land system reform. Second, respondents are asked if they have decided to stay in their current city. Based on the answer to this question, we can measure the respondents’ settlement intentions. Third, the dataset comprises detailed household characteristics (i.e., age, gender, health status, medical insurance, housing tenure, educational attainment, marital status, household income, and migration distance), and socioeconomic characteristics (i.e., education, self-employment, household wealth, and household income). These details allow us to control not only for the common variables (e.g., age, gender, health status, housing tenure, educational attainment, marital status, and household income) that are found to be critical in explaining settlement intentions, but also for several unique social and cultural variables (e.g., medical insurance and migration distance).
3.2. Identification Strategy
The regressions with a binary outcome of settlement intentions in this analysis are estimated with a logistic regression. The baseline model that examines the relationship between the rural land system reform and settlement intentions of rural migrants is implemented in the following form:
where the dependent variable
is an indicator variable of settlement intention that equals 1 if the respondent
i in province
j has decided to stay in their current city and 0 if otherwise.
is an indicator variable of the treatment group that is equivalent to 1 if the respondent’s hometown or the city that governs the hometown is one if the pilot areas during the rural land system reform and 0 if the respondent’s hometown or the city that governs the hometown is not.
is a vector of household characteristics, as described in
Table 1. Province dummies (
) are included to control for time-invariant characteristics at the province level. Finally,
is the error term.
We apply two screenings to the sample. First, we restrict our attention to the migrants whose hometown and the city that governs the hometown was designated as a pilot area during the land reform. This allows individuals in the treatment and control groups to be comparable. Second, we eliminate observations with missing values. The final sample contains a total of 11,802 observations from 31 provinces in mainland China, of which 1459 respondents migrated from the pilot areas of the land reform (treatment group), while the remaining 10,343 are those who migrate from non-pilot areas (control group).
Table 1 provides summary statistics for the full sample and two subsamples of treatment and control groups. In the dataset, 80.99% of respondents have decided to stay in their current city. Migrants who are affected by the land reform and those who are not have shown different settlement intentions. Approximately 82.19% of respondents in the treatment group and 80.83% in the control group are likely to settle down in cities. The average age of the respondents in our sample is around 37; 57.03% of respondents are men; 83.07% have a good health status; 5.61% are communists; 42.25% have medical insurance; 20.50% have a college degree or higher. Overall, the average annual personal income is 4406 yuan per month. Only 14.49% of respondents migrate from the rural areas of the destination city, indicating a long-distance migration on average for the sample population of rural migrants. Overall,
Table 1 reveals that migrants affected by the land reform are more likely to stay in their current city than those unaffected, unconditionally. The treatment group differs from the control group along several dimensions. These differences highlight that further investigation by controlling for these characteristics is needed.
5. Further Analyses
We investigate the heterogeneity effect of the land reform on the settlement intentions of migrants with different characteristics in this section. This attempt helps enrich our understanding of how the land reform affects the settlement choices of rural migrants.
First, we classify migrants into two categories according to their age: young (age 40 and below) and old migrants (age 41 and above). We focus on the age difference because old migrants are more willing to move back to their hometowns than young migrants, and thus, could be less vulnerable to the effect of the land reform. Results in Column (1) of
Table 7 show that the land reform significantly increases the settlement intentions of young migrants, while its impact on old migrants is insignificant.
Second, we examined whether the effect of the land reform varies between migrants who have urban medical insurance and those who do not have urban medical insurance. We replaced the dependent variable in the baseline model with the interaction terms between an indicator variable of the treatment group, an indicator variable of having urban medical insurance, and an indicator variable of having no urban medical insurance to test this hypothesis. The results, as reported in Column (2) of
Table 7, show that land reform has a significant and positive effect on the settlement intention of migrants who have urban medical insurance, while its effect is insignificant for migrants who do not have urban medical insurance.
Third, we investigated the cross effect of the land reform and migration distance on settlement intentions of migrants by replacing the dependent variable in the baseline model with the following two variables. The first one is the interaction term between an indicator variable of the treatment group and an indicator of intra-city migration. The second one is the interaction term between an indicator variable of the treatment group and an indicator of inter-city migration that equals 1 if the respondent migrates from rural areas of other cities and equals 0 if otherwise. The regression results are reported in Column (3) of
Table 7. The land reform significantly increases the settlement intentions of migrants who come from the rural areas of the destination city, while its influence on the migrants who come from the rural areas of other cities is not obvious.
6. Conclusions
This paper examines the rural land transfer’s effect on the urban settlement intentions of rural migrants by using a land reform that increases the probability that farmers give up their right to use rural land. It determines that the land reform encourages the urban settlements intentions and this impact varies across migrants of different ages, social security benefits, and migration distances. This study identifies a relatively novel source of diversity in out-migration among rural–urban migrants. The study extends the implications of the market-oriented rural land reform to sustainable and inclusive urbanization and highlights the role of social integration and rural place attachment in migration decisions.
Temporary migration, or circular migration, is a predominant pattern form of domestic labor mobility in many developing countries [
27,
28,
29,
48], and it prevails further in China due to the present household registration system [
51]. Temporary migrants are those who regularly return to their villages during the Spring Festival and the planting and harvesting seasons, and retain their ties to the land as part of a strategy of spatial and sectoral diversification of household labor. Rural housing built by the temporary migrants has resulted excessive expenditure, room vacancy, village-hollowing, and loss of arable land, as well as decreasing the potential of ensuring food security in many agricultural villages [
52,
53,
54]. The large-scale temporary migration greatly contributes to the industrialization and urbanization in China’s post-reform development by providing cheap and flexible labor forces, but it has been increasingly regarded as unsustainable for the future [
24,
55].
Recent research has gradually shifted from examining motives for migration in general to motives for permanent migration [
51]. Permanent migrants in China are usually defined as those who have converted their rural hukou to urban hukou [
24,
51] because the conversion from rural to urban hukou requires the relinquishment of rural land due to China’s hukou registration system [
17]. The desire for or resistance to the hukou conversion is essentially a trade-off between rural and urban benefits. This paper contributes to an emergent but rapidly growing literature concerned with the urban settlement intentions of rural migrants. Settlement intention is the intention to settle in cities permanently, as opposed to returning to the countryside. Understanding the determinants of urban settlement intentions is important to predict future migration flows and trends. It helps formulate policies that increase the desire to settle in cities and reduce temporary migration. Our results show that rural land transfer promotes settlement intentions in destination cities. This indicates that the reluctance to cede rural land for no or unfair payment is an important reason for the unwillingness of hukou conversion and settlement in destination cities. The hukou registration system and incomplete rural property rights have made urbanization in China a much slower process than it would otherwise have been.
The results are subjected to some limitations that outline an agenda for future research. We need to emphasize that the two transmission mechanisms we identified may only contribute to partial effects, indicating that the land reform may influence settlement intentions through other channels. We are aware that the proxy variables we used are far from perfect. The proxy variable of social integration is constructed based on the subjective survey question that “who do you socialize with most in your spare time”, and the rural place attachment is measured by the question “whether you have contracted land in your hometowns.” Future studies can use alternative measurements with additional data to measure social integration and place attachment. We do not consider the moderating effect of institutional factors and city characteristics. For example, rural migrants are often discriminated against in the urban labor market and access to social benefits and public services [
56]. Further research could test whether the effect of the land reform varies across cities with various levels of discrimination against rural migrants.