1. Introduction
Analyses of the impact of natural resources on economic growth have been crucial to building an analytical framework for sustainable development in resource-rich developing countries. One of the most important findings in this process is that abundant natural resources might either enhance an economy’s growth rate or slow it down, depending on the manner of management of revenue accruing from the resources [
1,
2,
3,
4]. Studies have also shown that resource-rich economies have tended to record slower growth than relatively resource-poor countries [
5,
6,
7,
8,
9,
10,
11,
12]. This anomaly has led to a debate in the literature, giving rise to the natural resource curse hypothesis, which relates abundant resources to lower growth [
1] and to armed civil conflict [
13]. One such natural resource is crude oil, which for decades has remained the mainstay of several oil-exporting developing economies, with revenue accruing from it accounting for a substantial share of their gross domestic product (GDP).
Indeed, there are several cases that seem to validate the resource curse hypothesis. For example, while countries with fewer natural resources such as the Asian tigers have been recording high economic growth, oil-rich economies such as Algeria, Angola, Iran, Nigeria, and Venezuela have recorded substantial declines in their per capita income during recent decades. Venezuela used to be one of the richest countries in the 19th century; however, for years now, the economy has dropped steeply into a cycle of economic crises, despite possessing one of the largest oil reserves in the world: the annual inflation rate climbed to as high as 83,000% in July, 2018. In addition, Nigeria has earned over US
$600 billion in oil revenues since the 1970s, but according to AfDB [
14], about 80% of Nigerians still live on less than
$2 a day as at 2018. On the other hand, some resource-rich economies have defied the natural resource curse hypothesis. For example, Norway, despite being one of the poorest economies in Europe in the early 20th century, has now emerged as one of the richest European economies by harnessing its natural resources such as timber, crude oil, and natural gas [
15,
16]. Moreover, Botswana has been one of the fastest growing economies in the world since 1965, despite relying on diamonds for at least 40% of its GDP [
5]. These examples corroborate some recent findings that challenge the existing resource curse literature. These studies opine that abundant natural resources strongly enhance economic growth and welfare [
17,
18,
19,
20,
21,
22].
In the literature, studies have explained the resource curse by the rent-seeking, Dutch disease, and institutional quality models [
7]; Sachs and Warner, [
5]; Gylfason and Zoega, [
9]). Out of these three models, the role of institutional quality has been unanimously accentuated by the two opposing proponents of the rent-seeking and Dutch disease models [
23,
24]. For example, the impressive record of Botswana has been ascribed to good institutions by Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson [
25]; Norway is also adjudged as one of the least corrupt countries in the world [
15], while several oil-rich developing countries with low growth have been found to be characterized by poor institutional quality [
5]. Corroborating these examples, Sarmidi et al. [
26] suggest that natural resource endowment can only enhance economic growth if the level of institutional quality in the country is beyond a certain minimum level. Furthermore, Mehlum et al. [
3] posit that countries with abundant natural resources, coupled with high levels of institutional quality record higher levels of human welfare and economic growth.
The aim of this study is to explore the role of institutional quality in the relationship between oil wealth and economic growth in oil-exporting developing countries. While the literature is replete with studies into the impact of natural resources on economic growth, vis-à-vis the resource curse hypothesis, the role of institutions in this relationship has not received adequate attention, especially as it concerns crude oil. Furthermore, previous studies on the subject as conducted by Olomola [
27] for oil-exporting African countries, as well as Olayungbo and Adediran [
28] for Nigeria, employed very limited definitions of institutions in their analyses. While the former study employed democracy and institutionalized constraints to capture institutions, the latter employed only corruption in their study [
29,
30]. This study will employ institutional variables that capture most aspects of domestic institutional structure. The said variables include bureaucratic quality, corruption, democratic accountability, government stability, and law and order. Furthermore, this study will make a contribution to the stream of research on the subject by shedding light on the potential optimal threshold level of institutional quality in the oil wealth-economic growth nexus for oil-exporting developing countries. This has not been considered by any known previous study on the subject. The rest of the paper is organized as follows.
Section 2 contains a review of the literature, while the methodology for the study is articulated in
Section 3. Model estimation and analysis of results are presented in
Section 4, while
Section 5 concludes the study.
2. Literature Review
The literature on the subject comprises those studies into the effect of natural resources on economic growth on the one hand, as well as those into the role of institutions in the natural resource–economic growth (and oil wealth–economic growth) nexus on the other hand. By investigating the relationship between natural resource abundance and economic growth between 1971 and 1989, Sachs and Warner [
5] found that economies with a high natural resource exports/GDP ratio in 1971 have tended to experience slow growth during the remaining years under study. This result remains valid even after controlling for other important variables such as initial per capita income, government efficiency, investment, and trade policy. Also, in a subsequent study, Sachs and Warner [
1] considered the nexus between natural resource abundance and the Dutch disease in the case of 95 developing countries for the period 1970–1990. The results from their study reveal that resource-rich economies recorded lower growth rates, which resulted directly from negative impacts of corruption, rent-seeking, and poor governance, as well as indirectly from reduction in investment demand. Similarly, in a study of the oil wealth-economic growth nexus in 47 oil-exporting countries and 13 non-oil exporting countries from 1970 to 2000, Olomola [
27] employed the system generalized method of moments (GMM) estimation technique and established that that there is evidence of the resource curse in oil-exporting countries. He concluded that in the oil-exporting countries, oil revenue has not enhanced economic growth.
In an earlier study, Gylfason [
7] investigated the impact of natural resources on long-term growth in 65 resource-rich economies between 1970 and 2008. From his analysis, he reported that only 4, out of the 65, countries were able to record more than 4% growth per annum in per capita income on the average. Furthermore, he ascribed the failure of the remaining 61 countries, to achieve a similar result, to absolute dependence on natural resources and inadequate attention to other economic resources. Moreover, in an investigation into why most resource-rich countries underperform, Papyrakis and Gerlagh [
31] employed cross-country regressions to examine the direct and indirect effects of natural resource abundance on economic growth from 1975 to 1996. Their results show that abundant natural resources enhance growth in the absence of the transmission channels, which include corruption, trade openness, investment, and terms of trade. They also claimed that on the other hand, abundant natural resources strongly affect growth negatively if the transmission channels are taken into consideration. They concluded that the most influential of all the channels is investment.
Similarly, by employing an equilibrium model, Torvik [
32] elucidated why resource-rich countries may suffer deterioration in income and welfare through rent seeking. The model shows that abundant natural resources lead to more entrepreneurs engaging in rent seeking and a lower numbers of firms operating productively, with the consequence being that the resulting reduction in income is greater than the increase in income from the natural resource. He thus concluded that abundant natural resources lead to lower welfare. Contrariwise, Alexeev and Conrad [
33] showed that as opposed to several claims regarding the negative effects of large resource endowment on growth, the impact of large endowments of oil and other resources has been largely positive on long-term growth. In the same vein, the veracity of the resource curse hypothesis was investigated by Victor, Vladimir, and Alexander [
34]. Their analysis revealed that resource-rich countries enjoy a greater inflow of foreign direct investment, larger foreign reserves, lower domestic fuel prices, higher GDP energy intensity, lower budget deficit, and lower inflation, which are all ancillaries to long-term growth. However, they also found that these economies are plagued with higher real exchange rates, retarded human capital accumulation, and worse institutional quality.
In another study, Mehlum, Moene, and Torvik [
3] attempted to explain why resource-rich economies have diverging experiences regarding growth. By investigating 87 such countries, they established that the quality of institutions is responsible for these varying experiences, in which case more natural resources depress growth in the face of grabber-friendly institutions, while the given resources enhance growth when institutions are producer-friendly. They thus concluded that institutions are a major determinant of the resource curse. Furthermore, investigating why the growth rate is slower in resource-abundant countries than in resource-poor countries, Sarmidi, Law, and Jafari [
26] employed panel data for 90 countries between 1984 and 2005. Using the Hansen [
35,
36] threshold estimation method, they reported that natural resources can enhance growth only after a certain threshold of institutional quality has been reached. They also concluded that countries with poor institutional quality are associated with a heavy dependence on natural resources, while countries with rich institutional quality are usually less dependent on such resources.
In addition, Gylfason [
2] examined the link between natural resources and economic growth for resource-rich countries of the world since 1965. In his cross-country analysis, he showed that in comparison to countries with less resources, countries that are heavily dependent on natural resources tend to record less trade and foreign investment, less domestic investment, more corruption, less education, less equality, less political liberty, and less financial depth. However, following his comparison of the experience of the OPEC member countries with that of Norway, he concluded that efficient and far-sighted management of natural resources is an obvious possibility.
Moreover, Tsui [
37] studied the impact of oil wealth on democracy using data for 65 top oil-producing countries and instrumental variable regression. He found that oil wealth exerts negative impacts on democracy. He further asserted that the impact is heavier for economies with higher oil deposits and lower exploration and extraction costs. In his submission, the impact becomes less precise when oil abundance is measured by oil discovery per capita, which suggests that politicians are more likely to be concerned about the level, rather than the per capita value, of oil wealth. This finding is corroborated by a similar study from Collier and Hoffler [
13] who declared that abundance of natural resources substantially enhances the possibilities of civil conflict in the country and also that such resources exert a strong and nonlinear impact on conflict.
Similarly, in an analysis of the relationship between natural resources, human capital, and economic development in Nigeria, Godwin and Chuka [
38] reported that natural resource abundance crowds out human capital and depresses growth, through its adverse effects on institutions. Furthermore, from carrying out both theoretical and empirical analyses of the channels of transmission between natural resources and growth, Leite and Weidmann [
39] claimed that abundance of natural resources engenders rent-seeking behaviour, which in turn determines the country’s corruption level. They also averred that the corruption level in an economy is determined by government policies, concentration of bureaucratic power, and natural resource abundance. Meanwhile, a contrary result was reported by Smith [
40] in a study on the effect of oil wealth on regime survival in developing countries. By employing cross-sectional time-series data from 107 countries between 1960 and 1999, the results of the logistic regressions in the study showed that oil wealth strongly enhances regime durability, with a lower likelihood of civil war and anti-state protests. He also avowed that neither the boom nor the bust periods in the oil market affect regime durability in those countries with oil as their economies’ mainstay.
In an evaluation of the resource curse hypothesis in Venezuala, Ross [
8] averred that the prevalence of the resource curse in the economy could be attributed to bad democracy and weak institutions. He further opined that oil wealth makes a society more corrupt, authoritarian, and violent. Also, in an empirical analysis of the resource curse in Nigeria, Akinwale [
41] revealed that the resource curse in Nigeria is reinforced by corruption, weak institutions, and the Dutch disease, while there is no strong link between crude oil price volatility and the resource curse in the economy. He concluded that efforts geared towards eliminating this curse from this economy would remain futile as long as corruption and weak institutions remain dominant in the country. This result is supported by the findings of a similar study on Nigeria by Ologunla, Kareem, and Raheem [
42], which indicated that the relationship between institutions and the resource curse in Nigeria is negative. Finally, in a study on the effect of oil revenue and institutional quality on growth in Nigeria, Olayungbo and Adediran [
28] claimed that institutional quality enhances growth in the short run, while it depresses the latter in the long run. They also reported that oil revenue improves growth in the short run, but retards it in the long run. Their conclusion was that institutional quality is key in elucidating the oil revenue-economic growth nexus in the country.
5. Robustness Check
In order to test for the robustness of our results, two different estimations were carried out. First, another panel ARDL regression was performed with an alternative measure of institutional quality, namely effective governance (range: −2.5 to 2.5), sourced from World Governance Indicators [
46] of the Word Bank. The estimation covers the period 1996 to 2017. The Hausman test conducted favours the adoption of the pooled mean group (PMG) estimator. From the estimation result presented in
Table 5, the coefficient of oil wealth variable is negative and significant at a 1% significance level, in the long run, while that of the interaction variable is positive and significant at the 5% level. This indicates that institutional quality mitigates the negative effect of oil wealth on economic growth in the sampled countries in the long run. Moreover, the institutional quality threshold is estimated to be 1.84, which represents a minimum level of effective governance that sampled countries must achieve for oil wealth to impact economic growth positively. A similar result is also derived for the short run, where the threshold of institutional quality is found to be 1.78. While the coefficients of effective governance and investment are found to be significant and positive in both the long run and short run, indicating their positive impact on economic growth, the coefficient of trade openness is found to be significant and negative only in the long run, while it is insignificant in the short run. This implies that trade openness affects economic growth negatively in the long run, but has no short run effect on economic growth. The error correction term is also negative, less than unity, and significant, signifying the existence of a long-run relationship and the fact that previous deviation from equilibrium would be corrected in the current period. These results indicate that the findings in this study are consistent, irrespective of whether the institutional quality is measured by the ICRG variables or the WGI variable.
Second, an alternative estimation was carried out, using a two-step system generalized method of moments (GMM) estimator, suggested by Blundell and Bond [
44], using the dataset used for the main regression, covering the period 1984−2016. In order to validate our use of the dynamic panel GMM estimator, which requires a large number of cross sections (N) with a small number of time periods (T), the datasets were averaged into five-year intervals, with the last observation covering a three-year period (1984–1988, 1989–1993, 1994–1998, 1999–2003, 2004–2008, 2009–2013, and 2014–2016). This translates into seven observations for each country, thereby giving us N = 35 and T = 7 data dimension. The result of the GMM estimation is presented in
Table 6. To verify the consistency of our GMM estimator, two specification tests were conducted, namely the Sargan test for over-identifying restriction and the Arellano–Bond (AR(2)) test for autocorrelation in the disturbances [
48]. While the former tests the overall validity of the instruments employed, the latter tests the null hypothesis that the model does not suffer from second-order serial correlation. Given the statistical insignificance of the Hansen J-statistic, as shown in the table, we cannot reject the null hypothesis that our instruments are valid. Furthermore, the null hypothesis that the residuals do not suffer from second-order autocorrelation cannot be rejected, based on the insignificance of the AR(2) test. The results from the GMM estimation, as shown in the table, suggest that economic growth level tends to be influenced positively by its previous level, going by the significance and positive sign of the lagged dependent variable. Furthermore, the coefficient of oil wealth variable is found to be negative and significant, with the interaction variable also having a positive and significant coefficient, both at the 5% level. This indicates that institutional quality mitigates the negative effect of oil wealth on economic growth in countries with good institutions, with the institutional quality threshold estimated to be 5.40. This threshold represents the minimum level of institutional quality that the sample countries must attain for oil wealth to have a positive impact on economic growth. Institutional quality, investment, and trade openness variables are also shown to have positive and significant coefficients at 1% levels of significance, indicating their positive influence on economic growth in the sampled countries.
Overall, the results of
Table 5 and
Table 6 are consistent with that of
Table 4, thereby confirming that our results are robust to the alternative measure of institutional quality and the dynamic panel GMM estimation.
6. Conclusions
The relationship between natural resources and economic growth has long remained a subject of debate in the literature. Hence, this study was aimed at examining the impact of oil wealth on economic growth vis-à-vis the role of institutional quality in oil-exporting developing countries for sustainable development. To this end, a panel ARDL with a dynamic fixed effect estimator was applied for a sample of 35 countries covering the period 1984–2016. By employing a model with a linear interaction between oil wealth and institutional quality index, a contingent effect of oil wealth on economic growth, both in the long run and in the short run, was established. Specifically, institutional quality has been found to mitigate the negative effect of oil wealth on economic growth in the long run, while in the short run, institutional quality has been established to enhance the positive effect of oil wealth on economic growth. Furthermore, the institutional quality threshold levels beyond which oil wealth enhances economic growth are found to be 6.1 and 4.2 for the long run and short run, respectively.
These results have policy implications. Firstly, in order for improvement in oil revenue to be of benefit in galvanizing the economic growth of oil-exporting developing countries, oil exploration, production, sales, and the entire process in the oil wealth-generating chain in these countries must be embedded in a sound institutional framework. Secondly, oil-exporting developing countries should adopt appropriate policy measures to improve their levels of bureaucratic quality, law and order, and democratic accountability, as well as to reduce corruption, because findings from this study affirm that sound institutions are very important to the sampled countries, to enable the gains from oil revenue to translate into growth for the various economies under consideration. In conclusion, wealth from natural resources has, in some developing countries, led to the phenomenon of the “resource curse”. The resource needs to be utilized in a sustainable way to benefit all members of the population and not to create negative environmental impacts, leading to degradation of the environment and eventually a loss of the resource. This can be achieved through environmental protection legislations by the appropriate governmental authorities. For example, in Nigeria, efforts have been on for several years to pass the petroleum industry bill into law, which, in addition to enhancing the institutional and governance structure of the industry to stimulate investment, is also aimed at reducing the negative environmental impacts of the industry on the populace, such as the stoppage of the highly hazardous gas flaring, which is still being practiced in oil drilling by the oil companies. Furthermore, corporate social responsibilities, geared towards ameliorating any negative environmental impacts arising from crude oil production should be improved upon by oil-producing firms in order to enhance the welfare of the populace, protect the environment, and engender sustainable development.