1. Introduction
Sustainability has been defined by the United Nations (UN) in 1987 (
Report of the World Commission on Environment and Development: Our Common Future, ed. V. Hauff, Oxford University Press) as the satisfaction of the needs of the present generations that does not adversely affect the satisfaction of the needs of the future generations. Following this definition, the UN’s report identifies three spheres in which sustainability should be guaranteed in order to assure satisfying living conditions for the next generations: environmental protection, economic growth, and social inclusion. Our interest is in the relationship between environmental protection and social inclusion goals. In particular, we claim that two of the main issues of today’s political debate in the European Union are deeply interrelated: those regarding the living conditions of the young population and the future of the environmental crisis. More specifically, we want to test whether the sense of individual responsibility for the environment among young unemployed people is associated with their condition of social exclusion. We focus on a widespread condition among the young population in Europe, which is that of NEET, i.e., Not (engaged) in Education, Employment or Training. The proportion of NEETs, in fact, rose in most of the countries in the last decade, reaching one of the highest levels in Italy (about 28.9% in 2018 for young people aged 20–34; source: Eurostat). This condition has been found typically associated with low life satisfaction, low happiness, and low optimism [
1,
2,
3,
4], and it leads to a high risk of social exclusion, poverty, low participation, and low perception of self-responsibility [
5,
6,
7,
8]. We claim that where the NEET condition is detrimental for young people’s well-being, their sense of responsibility towards the environment is also negatively affected. In particular, unhappiness associated with the condition of NEET is expected to mediate the relationship between being NEET and the willingness to adopt pro-environmental attitudes and behaviours.
Existing literature on the topic is rather scarce. Few studies address the issue at the macro level, finding a significant relationship [
9], but empirical evidences are quite mixed at the micro level [
10,
11,
12,
13,
14]. Moreover, these studies lack some elements to disentangle the relationship. First, the traditional definition of NEET adopted in these studies is limited because it does not take into account the different levels of vulnerability that different types of unemployed individuals can experience; the NEET condition might compromise the individual’s responsibility towards the environment, especially when associated with social exclusion and low well-being. Second, a context where long-term unemployment is widespread might lead young people to be more pessimistic towards their future and to experience lower well-being, (e.g., [
15]). Macro level evidence shows that a high presence of NEETs in a country with a high long-term unemployment rate is associated with a high level of pessimism in the young population [
16,
17]. Additionally, according to the capability approach [
18], measures of subjective well-being are informative about the link between economic performance and social integration; for example, they catch the negative returns of unemployment on the individual sense of community belonging [
19]. We claim that where the NEET condition reduces the individual’s well-being—due to the individual’s limited capability of social participation—this might have a negative effect on the sense of individual environmental responsibility. The underlying mechanism might be that, where the condition of high vulnerability among NEETs is widespread, the individual would perceive an external locus of control, i.e., he or she feels their action is not effective, while only more powerful others can lead the change [
20]. Under this condition, individuals are more prone to give responsibility to the institutions seen as responsible for their exclusion from the labour market and less responsibility to themselves also in other spheres, apparently unrelated, such as the environment.
The aim of our paper is to contribute to the literature about the consequences of youth unemployment on the perceived responsibility for environment protection in the European context. To do that, we overcome the separation between macro and micro level analysis by integrating both in a multi-methods approach. We claim, in fact, that an integration of the two levels allows a better comprehension of the mixed results in the existing literature. Moreover, we improve the understanding of the topic by considering the different levels of social exclusion experienced by vulnerable and non-vulnerable NEETs. Finally, we explore a possible mechanism behind the relationship between social exclusion and perceived self-responsibility for the environment by considering the role of subjective well-being.
2. Theoretic Framework and Empirical Evidences
The relationship between social exclusion and individual responsibility for the environment can be interpreted under the framework of the capability approach [
18]. The approach is not a theory on well-being, but it is more a global perspective which entails two claims: the priority of achieving well-being over other priorities, and the freedom to do this according to individual and collective capabilities. This approach has been recently developed to include the relationship between achieving individual well-being and the ecological sustainability of the individual and collective action [
21]. According to this perspective, at the individual level people have an ex-ante responsibility towards Nature (i.e., environment) to preserve the ecosystem. Nature is a common good, as the “ecosystems can cater for basic human physiological needs, such as clean air, water, food, and so forth, and also perform economic and social functions that contribute to both personal and collective well-being” (p. 79, [
21]). Therefore, to consider other people’s well-being is a precondition to the exercise of individual responsibility towards the environment [
22], intended as a voluntary self-restraint in order to satisfy others’ needs. However, psychologists show that egoistic orientation tends to prevail, and people put their own well-being before the others’ well-being [
23]. Therefore, egoistic orientation can motivate pro-environment actions only if individuals have positive returns in terms of well-being, or if their basic psychological needs have been satisfied. In other words, if the individual is not satisfied with important aspects of his or her life, which is valued more than the common good, ex-ante responsibility towards the environment might not be activated. A study by Becchetti and Conzo [
24], for example, shows how dissatisfaction with one’s own economic well-being has the strongest negative effect on the individual’s overall well-being if compared with 11 other well-being domains, social relationship and environment among them. In this case, the authors show that people tend to give more importance to their own economic well-being than to the other spheres of well-being, which might be more related to the preservation of the common good. Next to the individual responsibility, the capability approach also considers the collective responsibility towards the common good, e.g., in our case, the environment. The collective dimension of environmental responsibility does not result from the simple sum of individual responsibilities, but from the social interactions among social agents [
25,
26]. In this sense, collective responsibility implies a partnership among stakeholders (government, communities, organizations, etc.), who collaborate and bargain with the authorities to manage their actions [
21]. This topic is a hot one in both the scientific and the public debate, where it is often discussed whether the responsibility for protecting the environment and reducing the consequences of climate change should be institutional or individual. Some scholars have stressed the effective role of individual action and responsibility for environmental protection [
27,
28,
29]. Others, instead, argue that institutional indifference reduces the efficient distribution of environmental responsibilities, (e.g., [
30]). In other words, if institutions do not act to promote environmental sustainability, individuals may tend to perceive their single actions as insufficient for the environment’s protection. This happens because individuals are strongly influenced by the cultural, social, political, and economic context in which they live: policy measures can promote environmentally friendly behaviours, making them less costly and easier to adopt, with a consequent diffusion of pro-environment attitudes and values in the society [
31]. Therefore, institutional responsibility—and the consequent intervention—is crucial to resist the widespread perception that individual contribution to environmental sustainability is marginal and ineffective. People, in fact, tend to underestimate their role as “pollution sources” and causative factors in environmental degradation [
32]. This perception leads individuals to resist changing their habits and adopting environmentally friendly behaviours.
The satisfaction of the individual’s well-being is not the only antecedent of taking self-responsibility towards the environment. Another important role is played by locus of control. It represents the individual’s perception of his or her own abilities to change their conditions and the environment through behaviours [
20]. People with an internal locus of control perceive that they are able to change, while those with an external locus of control feel their behaviours cannot change the situation, and that only powerful others can do it. In this second case, people are not prone to take responsibility towards the common good, i.e., the environment, because they think this would not make a difference anyway [
33].
Other studies highlight how social integration and social participation can represent the main channels to convey the importance of individual involvement in pro-environmental behaviours [
7]. The idea is that there is a strong link between the rights and responsibilities that the individual takes towards the community and pro-environmental behaviours [
34]. In this sense, people can be invited to feel responsible for their community’s well-being only if they feel their rights have been guaranteed. This is especially important in the phase of transition to adulthood [
35,
36]. The more difficultly young people move into autonomous adulthood, the more they feel to be marginalized, and the less probably they will engage in active citizenship. If rights can influence the way young people take social responsibilities—and environmental responsibilities among them—then the “right to be employed” has a strong predictive power in that. Long-term unemployment and youth unemployment, in particular, violate young people’s expectations of “how things should be”. It has been found that young people feel no reason to consider themselves responsible for the community because of their feeling of exclusion [
7].
There is a high probability that those experiencing the NEET condition suffer from social exclusion and therefore are more prone to having a low well-being and external locus of control. This condition, in fact, is usually adopted as an indicator of young people’s vulnerability in terms of labour market participation and social exclusion, and it is associated with a more difficult transition to autonomy and adult responsibilities [
36]. Moreover, many evidences suggest that there is a relationship between unemployment and having an external locus of control when the condition is associated with low life satisfaction, depression, and low self-esteem [
37,
38,
39], which is quite typical among NEETs. However, the broad definition of NEET has incurred criticism because it is more variegated than this. According to the 2016 Eurofound Report [
40], for example, the first great distinction is between vulnerable and non-vulnerable NEETs. Non-vulnerable NEETs are those with high social, cultural, and human capital, and they do not suffer the risk of being marginalized. On the contrary, vulnerable NEETs do not have the “right” characteristics that make them attractive for the labour market. Moreover, the definition of NEET is usually based on the employment status of the individual during the week before the interview. However, young people can stay unemployed in the short or in the long term, and this cannot be disentangled by simply looking at the last seven days prior to the interview. Because of this heterogeneity, Eurofound proposed a 7-class classification of the NEET condition. These categories are: (1) the re-entrants (i.e., those that are soon re-entering the labour market); (2) the short-term unemployed; (3) the long-term unemployed; (4) the unavailable due to illness and disability; (5) the unavailable due to family responsibilities; (6) the discouraged workers (i.e., those that are no longer looking for a job because discouraged; this is the most vulnerable category); and the residual category of (7), the other inactive individuals who can hardly be classified across countries. While types 1 and 2 are typical among the non-vulnerable NEETs, types 3, 4, 5, and 6 are more common among the vulnerable NEETs. The residual category is mixed. Therefore, the experience of being NEET is not univocal, and it is strongly related to the institutional context, and in particular to the labour market structure. This is the reason why, as shown in the 2016 Eurofound Report [
40], countries have different configurations of types of NEETs.
We expect that different configurations of NEETs will modify the relationship between being NEET and the level of perceived individual responsibility for the environment. In particular, in the context of more vulnerable NEETs, being NEET might be associated with the perception of having lower chances to change one’s own condition, with lower happiness and, in a broad perspective, with reduced capabilities to be effective with one’s actions. This might lead NEETs to think that other authorities, such as institutions, have the responsibility for both their own life conditions, and similarly for the environmental crisis. On the other way round, in the context of a higher diffusion of non-vulnerable NEETs, being any type of NEET does not imply a sense of the inevitability of one’s own condition of life. This would keep happiness higher without affecting the individual’s general perception of his or her own capabilities of changing the current situation.
3. Data and Methods
In the first step of our study, we conducted macro level analysis to single out specific configurations of the NEET condition in the European context that are associated with a general sense of environmental responsibility among young people and highlight the relative importance of these attributes.
In the second step, we tested the mediated relationship between young adults’ living conditions, happiness, and perception of environmental responsibility at the micro level, through a generalized structural equation model. The aim was to estimate the association between being NEET on the level of perceived individual responsibility for the environment, mediated by individual happiness.
3.1. The Macro Level Analysis: Method and Measures
The macro level analysis was conducted using the qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) approach. QCA does not aim to test the significance and signs of the effect of variables; instead, it identifies the roles of different conditions in terms of sufficiency and necessity, and of conditions as parts of complex configurations (conjunctural causation) leading to a specific outcome. QCA also accounts for equifinality—a plurality of configurations equally sufficient to the outcome—and evaluates the explanatory power of each solution [
41].
QCA is a bunch of set–theoretic techniques. In the fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fs-QCA) version, cases can show different degrees of membership to the conditions and the outcome, and the membership score can take a value in the continuum from 0 to 1, where the 0.5 value is the threshold between being more a member than a non-member, and vice versa. The process through which we define the degree of membership in each condition and in the outcome is named calibration. In order to calibrate, we need to decide under which requirements a case fully belongs (or does not belong) to the condition/outcome. An ad hoc algorithm of the software calibrates the remaining values based on a log-shaped function. The calibration’s outcome is the truth table. The minimization of the truth table returns three different solutions: the complex, the most parsimonious, and the intermediate solutions. The differences among the three regard the way in which the software treats the logical remainders in the minimization—i.e., the truth table lines for which we do not have empirical cases. The complex solution is derived by minimizing only those lines for which we have empirical correspondence in our population; the parsimonious solution, instead, includes the entire truth table in the minimization; finally, the intermediate solution considers only the logical remainders satisfying some assumptions—made by the researcher—on the relationship between the presence/absence of the conditions and the presence of the outcome. The “goodness of fit” of the model can be evaluated with two parameters, i.e., consistency and coverage. In the analysis of sufficiency, consistency expresses the level to which a certain solution is sufficient in our population. The parameter is lower if there are many cases that are outliers with respect to the sufficient relationship. Consistency ranges from 0 to 1: a value of 0.5 means that “almost half of the empirical evidence contradicts the subset relational statement of sufficiency” (p. 127, [
41]). Coverage, instead, is the numeric expression of the empirical importance of the sufficient solution [
41]. In other words, it indicates how much of the (empirical) outcome is covered by the solution (which might be the overall solution or the single alternative configurations that form the overall solution).
Figure 1 shows the model we aim to test with QCA in a sample of European countries (Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, Germany, Estonia, Spain, Finland, France, U.K., Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Lithuania, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Sweden, Slovenia): it relates the presence of different types of NEETs to the high diffusion of the sense of environmental responsibility among young people. Analyses have been run on the fs/QCA3.1b software.
Conditions and Outcome
Macro level data at the country level used in the analysis came from the Eurofound (
Exploring the diversity of NEETs, Publications Office of the European Union, Luxembourg, 2016) Eurostat online database (
https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/data/database) and the 2016 European Social Survey (ESS). For the total number of NEETs, we relied on Eurostat definition and data for 2016. Regarding the different types of NEETs, we referred to the classification reported in the Eurofound report [
40]. For this study’s sake, we considered only the following five categories: (1) Re-entering; (2) Short-term unemployed; (3) Long-term unemployed; (4) Discouraged; (5) Outside for family reasons. We excluded the residual category Other because of its heterogeneity, including both vulnerable and non-vulnerable NEETs in different proportions across countries. Regarding the perceived individual environmental responsibility, we took the mean level of the ESS variable
To what extent do you feel a personal responsibility to try to reduce climate change?, whose answers scale from 0 (
Not at all) to 10 (
A great deal) in the sample of people aged 15–25.
3.2. The Micro-Level Analysis: Method and Measures
To test the mediation hypothesis—represented in
Figure 2—we adopted a mediation model with the general structural equation model estimation, with the maximum likelihood estimation method. Estimation was done using IBM AMOS 25.0. Because we used cross-country data, we could not avoid the endogeneity issue derived by testing the relationship between two subjective variables (i.e., happiness and the perception of one’s responsibility for the environment), and the one derived by the relationship between being NEET and happiness. Therefore, results from our models should be interpreted more as associations than in a causal sense, even though we can argue that, based on the existing literature, the main direction of the relationship was the one that we tested. Differences among clusters of countries were explored by running a cluster-specific model and testing the invariance between couples of them.
The analyses were conducted on two samples derived from two different surveys: the 2016 wave of the ESS and the Italian 2018 Youth Report. The ESS is a cross-national survey that has been conducted—every two years—across Europe since 2001. The sample is representative at the national level for the population aged 15-and-over resident in the country. The individuals’ selection follows a random probability method at every stage. The final sample size for each country must be higher than 1500 individuals. In 2016, ESS included an ad hoc module on “Public attitudes to climate change”.
The Italian Youth Report is a nationwide Italian survey launched in 2015 by the Toniolo Institute of Advanced Studies with the inclusion of the CARIPLO Foundation and IPSOS LTD as executive partners. The sample consists of 9358 individuals aged between 18 and 32 years, taking under consideration the age bracket as constituting emerging adulthood. The individuals were chosen with a stratified sampling technique. The sample is representative of the Italian youth population. The representativeness is given by a significant set of different variables (gender, age, geographical origin, education, marital status, etc.) on which the sample has been stratified. In 2018, an ad hoc module on the environment, sustainable behaviours, and attitudes was carried out. For this topic, a specific survey was conducted on a sample of 2004 individuals, aged between 21 and 34 years.
To make the ESS and the Italian Youth Report samples comparable, we selected the 22–35-year-old individuals in the ESS. By making use of ESS data, we explored if there were statistically significant differences among clusters of countries, as identified by the fs-QCA solutions. Then, taking advantage of an ad hoc survey with a large representative sample on a single country (i.e., the Italian Youth Report), we enriched the studied relationship by including pro-environment consumption behaviours as an outcome.
3.2.1. Dependent Variables
In ESS 2016, a specific question was introduced regarding the perception of self-responsibility for environmental emergencies. In particular, it asked “To what extent do you feel a personal responsibility to try to reduce climate change?” and respondents answered their level of involvement on an 11-point scale, from 0 (Not at all) to 10 (A great deal).
The 2018 Italian Youth Report module on sustainability has a specific focus on the environmental issue. A set of questions was introduced regarding the individuals’ involvement in pro-environmental behaviours and their perceptions about institutional and other citizens’ involvement and responsibility. Even though there are no identical questions to the one reported in the ESS questionnaire, one of them is comparable in terms of meaning. It asks whether the individual agrees with the sentence “The protection of the environment is the responsibility of the authorities, the individual citizen can do little” on a scale from 1 to 10. However, the question has a reversed polarity if compared to the one in the ESS. Indeed, it measures how much the individual attributes the environmental responsibility to the institutions rather than to the single individual. Additionally, this question belongs to a Likert scale, which aims to explore the individual’s perception of personal responsibility and behavioural efficacy in reducing the environmental emergency significantly. Respondents agreeing on this question implicitly assume that their behaviours have the power to make a difference for the environment; therefore, they are prone to change their habits because they feel responsible for their consequences. The other items of the Likert scale are reported in
Table 1. These items were collapsed in a multiplicative index measuring the overall individual attitude towards their involvement in pro-environment behaviours. Both the variables—i.e., the institutional vs. individual responsibility for the environment—and the pro-environment attitude index are dependent variables in our analysis.
3.2.2. Predictors
According to our hypothesis, individuals perceive their behaviours as affecting the environment at a level that depends on their life conditions and on their consequent level of happiness. Both the ESS and the Youth Report ask the individual’s level of happiness. In the ESS, the question asks “Taking all things together, how happy would you say you are?”, and respondents answer on a scale ranging from 0 (extremely unhappy) to 10 (extremely happy). In the Youth Report the same question is asked with a vote from 1 (not at all happy) to 10 (very happy).
In order to define the NEET condition in both the datasets, we created a dummy variable which takes value 1 in case the individual is not working, not actively looking for a job, and not in training or education during the last seven days before the interview.
Other control variables that describe the individual’s life condition are marital status—in this case a dummy for individuals living in a couple outside the family of origin—the presence of children—again a dummy variable—whether the individual has achieved the tertiary education or not, and age and gender of the respondent. Also, the parents’ level of education was initially considered in the analysis as a proxy for the family socioeconomic status (SES) instead of the income level, which was not present in the Italian Youth Report. However, the family SES was not significantly related to our dependent variables, nor did the inclusion of the variable in the models modify the effect of the other predictors.
5. Discussion and Conclusions
The aim of our study was to explore whether there is an association between the condition of NEET and the level of perceived responsibility of the individual for the environment. This relationship was interpreted under the framework of the capability approach, with a focus on the link between ex-ante responsibility and Nature as common good [
21]. In order to answer our research question, we adopted a mixed methods strategy: we combined a set–theoretic method—i.e., fs-QCA—with a mediation model estimated by GSEM, and investigated the relationship at both macro and micro levels. From the qualitative stage, we derived sufficient configurations of NEETs—more or less characterized by vulnerability—which led to the presence (or absence) of a high level of sense of environmental responsibility among the young population. The groups of countries belonging to each configuration were then included into the statistical analyses, to explore whether the living conditions of young people in a certain country were in some way related to the perceived environmental responsibility at the individual level.
We found that those contexts favouring the presence of non-vulnerable NEETs were also those with a high level of perceived environmental responsibility of the individual in the young population. On the contrary, countries with widespread conditions of vulnerability for NEETs were those reporting a low level of individual responsibility for protecting the environment. However, the same relationship was not always present at the micro level. By analyzing the micro-level hypothesis in each context—as derived by the results of the macro-level analysis—we found a significant relationship only in Italy and in the cluster of countries characterized by the absence of discouraged and long-term NEETs, combined with a high proportion of re-entering NEETs (i.e., Germany, Austria, and Sweden). Germany Austria, and Sweden not only had a high proportion of non-vulnerable NEETs, but also a very low proportion of total NEETs (the lowest together with the Netherlands). Italy, instead, had the highest proportion of NEETs, and most of them were in conditions of vulnerability. A further interesting result is that, in both the contexts, the relationship between being NEET and the level of responsibility was mediated by individual happiness. Thus, it seemed that, independent of the context, if there was a significant relationship between being NEET and the feeling of being responsible for the environment, this was mediated by the amount of individual happiness. This was consistent with what psychological literature shows: individuals tend to prioritize their well-being over the common good [
23], and self-responsibility towards the common good is felt only when the individual’s priorities have been satisfied [
24]. The fact that NEETs tended to give more environmental responsibility to the institutions than to the individual is in line with the interpretation that they more probably experience an external locus of control, which makes them feel less responsible for the common good.
While the main contribution of our study is to show the existence of a macro- and micro-level relationship between young people’s social exclusion and their scarce sense of environmental responsibility, it does not provide a justification for why this happens only in some countries. There are also cases, such as the Netherlands, in which the mean level of perceived individual responsibility for the environment was below the median of the distribution, which seems surprising for a country that acts well in terms of environmental protection. A possible explanation might lie in the link between the perceived collective efficacy and the individual responsibility towards the environment [
42]. Where pro-environmental behaviours are promoted by institutions, people are aware of the collective efficacy of their actions and feel more responsible for that. Therefore, the cultural and institutional spheres play an important role in shaping individuals’ behaviours, sometimes more than the individual’s attitudes [
33]. For example, consolidated practices in a certain community might lead to widespread pro-environment actions independent of the individual’s perception of his or her own responsibility, in favour of a wider perception of collective responsibility. Further studies taking into account the cultural dimension and the meaning of individual and collective responsibility might explain the different results we obtained across countries.
The lack of information on the specific types of NEET in surveys that explore the attitudes and behaviours towards the environment makes it difficult to test our macro-level hypothesis at the micro level. Further research might try to collect more detailed information on the NEET condition to disentangle the relationship. For the Italian case, however, we were able to get a deeper insight by using an ad hoc youth survey. Even though we could not distinguish among different types of NEET, we could explore in more depth the complexity of the dependent variable. In particular, we were able to test whether the association found with ESS data persisted when we asked about the responsibility of the institution, or about the attitudes toward adopting pro-environmental behaviours. The consistency among the results suggests that being NEET in Italy seems to be detrimental for the environment. The reason might be a high level of dissatisfaction with the actual life condition, mirrored by a low level of happiness for which the institutions are perceived as responsible. This might bring a feeling of disaffection regarding the enlarged community/institutions and of indifference for the environmental problem, seen as more marginal in the individuals’ priorities scale.
Our study is of interest to policy makers, because it suggests the necessity to find a common solution to two urgencies that our societies are facing, which are very relevant for the next generations. If we provide people with the capability to participate to the labour market or in the education system, to be integrated in the social life, this has positive returns also in terms of individual propensity to take responsibility for the common good. In other words, sustainability can be reached through social inclusion. Therefore, effective policies can be implemented by considering the ecological and social sustainability together. In some countries, for example, policy-makers and organizations are already investing in the involvement of young people, especially those at risk of exclusion from labour market, in the green economy, which is a promising sector of the future production system. These policies expand the demand for labor and offer highly trained workers who are immediately employable, potentially reducing the level of youth unemployment and NEET prevalence. A not-secondary effect is the spread of greater ecological awareness. This recalls the link between the individual and the collective responsibility towards the environment. If it is true that individuals should act as responsible consumers, we see that institutions and organizations have a strong responsibility in enabling the individual’s capability to act in an environmentally sustainable way. Responsibility should be distributed among social agents, and institutions and corporations have probably the greater share of it, as they are also responsible for the individual’s empowerment and social inclusion.
We think that studies on ecological returns of policies for youth employability—not only in the green economy—are of great interest and should be implemented to evaluate whether and how sustaining youth’s social inclusion and involvement in environmental protection can represent a unique strategy to guarantee a (happy) life to future generations.