3.1. Farmers’ Demand for Climate Information Services
According to [
25], 52% of farmers need CIS in Ghana. A similar study in Burkina Faso carried out by [
10] reported that 63% of farmers are willing to pay for climate information services. In Senegal, Diouf et al. (2020) observed that 90% of their study respondents checked weather forecasts before going to fish. This means that, on average, 68% of ECOWAS farmers are demanding climate information services.
This analysis on one hand provides evidence that farmers in some parts of west African countries need climate information services for their farm planning. On the other hand, demand for climate information from formal service providers could be said to be low; some farmers still rely on indigenous sources for their climate information needs [
37]. Some key responses to this behavior have been given in the literature. According to [
28], farmers are misled by inaccurate scientific forecasts and their inability to comprehend how some activities contribute to climate change. In the view of [
42], the various seasonal forecast has limited value because they are not understood by end-users and more especially not provided at the time they are needed. In Nigeria, most farmers’ trust in seasonal forecasts has dwindled because they suffered losses when previously relying on the seasonal forecasts for planting [
28]. These reasons influence farmers to switch to indigenous climate services, thus reducing the effective demand for the scientific forecast.
Further analysis of farmers’ need of CIS was done by taking into consideration the sources of production. The analysis classified farmers into three different groups based on their needs. The first group of papers focus on CIS needs, co-production, and preferences [
43,
44,
45]. Of course, needs assessment and co-production of CIS contribute to design convenience and usable products. However, this way is not sufficient to ensure demand when farmers cannot afford it. Moreover, needs do not imply the real demand of CIS. Considering the basic law of demand (preferences), pricing, change in income, the existence of substitute products, and complementary products are key components to detect the existence of real demand.
The second group of papers tried to find out the usability, the use, adoption, and barriers to CIS uptake [
32,
46,
47,
48]. This group of papers shows that the use of CIS is very low due to factors such as inaccuracy, low reliability, illiteracy, gender, inadequate targeting of customers, and lack of supportive infrastructures, funding, and institutions. These aspects are key for CIS use; however, some components such as the importance of CIS for farmers still need deepening. It can be concluded that if farmers consider CIS as a necessary good such as fertilizers and seeds, their perception may change.
The third group of existing papers deal with the impact side of CIS through implemented programs run by NGOs, projects, governments, and research centers [
24,
30,
49]. By providing the potential benefits of using CIS, the farmers can be more aware of its utility and thus adopt it in their farming businesses. These results help users to decide if the CIS can make difference in their farming, but the suppliers still lack some key information to supply CIS.
3.3. Key Drivers of the Farmers’ Climate Information Services Demand
The findings from the 52 papers included in the study showed that the drivers of CIS demand can be classified into 14 categories. Among the drivers of CIS demand, vulnerability to climate variability is the key driver of CIS demand [
8,
23,
63]. When farmers have experienced climate shocks (e.g., droughts and floods), they are more aware of their vulnerability; consequently, they are willing to find some solutions.
For [
54], the usability and communication channels (radio, TV, farmers-based organization, churches, mosque) of CIS mattered a lot in their needs assessments. Ref. [
46] indicated that mobile phone ownership positively impacts CIS demand. This means that the suppliers should care about which communication can reach the end-users (farmers). Furthermore, if the information is technical, many farmers cannot use it in their farming businesses.
Access to extension services increases CIS demand [
7,
55,
56]. The distance between extension services and farmers can be leveraged to increase CIS demand. Networking with rural institutions can increase CIS use [
57]. Policy framework and supportive institutions can increase CIS [
21]. The socioeconomic variables of importance are gender, intersection of seniority, religion, and belief, and they positively influence CIS adoption at the household level [
7,
14,
24].
Another key driver of climate service uptake is NGO programs in west Africa. In Burkina Faso for instance, NGOs have included in their program the concept of resilience to help the rural community to face drought, flood, wind, and heat. Considering that Burkina Faso National Agrometeorological agency is facing fundraising and forecasts delivery challenges to end-users, the NGOs started raising funds and share CIS to end-users in 2011 [
58]. NGOs also promote climate-smart agriculture technologies (CSA) such as short-cycle seed, use of biochar, soil restoration, water conservation techniques, and crop rotation.
For a thorough assessment of the demand for CIS, certain variables have priority according to the basic economic theory of demand. These are prices, income, substitutes to CIS, and prices of related products. In addition, the question of the nature of the service seems to be important. The analysis of the selected studies shows that these variables, although of vital importance, are not deeply taken into account by empirical analysts.
From the selected studies, the price of CIS is not known with certainty. For example, 94% of the sample studies were not able to report what price level consumers are willing to pay for CIS. It was discovered that the few studies that examined the price at which users are willing to pay provided different prices for some available CIS. According to [
10], Burkinabes are willing to pay 3496 FCFA (6.90 USD) for seasonal climate forecasts, 1066 FCFA (2.13 USD) for 10-day climate forecasts, and 1985 FCFA (3.97 USD) for daily forecasts. According to [
38], respondents are willing to pay CIS and the minimum amount is estimated at 0.6 USD for weather forecast information in the Savelugu-Nanton municipality of the northern region of Ghana. In contrast, Ref. [
25] found that the majority of farmers in Ghana are not willing to pay for CIS. These results are conflicting and therefore, raising a debate on CIS pricing in Ghana.
The evidence on pricing of CIS is based on willingness to pay in studies. However, such estimates from willingness to pay (WTP) modeling are sometimes unrealistic according to some authors. One key challenge is that the amount one is willing to pay for a commodity or service is not the same as the effective demand. These critiques imply that the amounts derived from WTP should be taken care of by suppliers. Then, a deep assessment of adequate pricing is needed for suppliers to avoid overpricing given the economic context of west Africa. The pricing should consider the type of farmers because cash crop farmers, staple crop farmers, livestock farmers, fishermen, and maybe females and male may be willing to pay differently for CIS. Moreover, what will be the proportion of farmers who will decide to pay for CIS if the current price decreases by 10%? What about if the price increases by 10%? Therefore, price elasticity analysis is required to have a better understanding of west African farmers’ response to CIS’ price variation.
From the selected studies, four main substitutes for CIS are identified. The key substitutes among them include farmers’ belief in the forecast results, religion, climate-smart agriculture technologies, and indigenous forecast (see
Table 8). The belief is detected to influence CIS demand when the farmers do not believe that weather variability can be managed by humans [
41]. Such a belief can have a greater impact on demand in different ways. One way could be that farmers who do not believe that weather events can be managed will lack confidence in CIS and hence will not use them. As it is known, belief drives decisions and decisions drive action and behaviors.
Similarly, religion is perceived to drive CIS demand [
14]. Some farmers were found to have the belief that weather events are caused by God and hence the outcome is better predicted by men of God. As a result, they tend to rely more on the gospels than on scientific forecasts of CIS. According to some authors, climate-smart agriculture technologies (CSA) are also used to mitigate climate change effects such as drought with short cycle seed and way of ploughing [
38,
39,
40,
41,
42,
43,
44,
45,
46,
47,
48,
49,
50,
51,
52,
53,
54,
55,
56,
57]. This means that some farmers resort to the use of CSA practices in place of CIS.
In addition, indigenous forecasts continue to be used by farmers [
24,
28,
36,
42]. Such groups of users tend to believe their local conditions can better tell them about climate variability than the scientific forecast.
Though many studies did not highlight the substitutes, CIS suppliers are encouraged to consider these key substitutes as serious competing factors.
Beyond the classic substitutes, agricultural index-based micro-insurance seems to be an alternative for farmers in Sahelian countries. In Niger, for example, farmers are willing to pay for agricultural index-based micro-insurance to protect themselves against climate disasters [
59]. A similar observation was made in Burkina Faso, Mali, Senegal, and Côte d’Ivoire. Indeed, many farmers started paying for crop insurance through “PlaNet Guarantee (
http://www.planet-guarantee.org/component/content/category/8-la-societe (accessed on 22 June 2022))”, a crop insurance firm [
60].
From the review, some complementary services to CIS were identified. As shown in
Table 9, these services include access to credit, the use of the bottom-up approach, the use of appropriate broadcasting channels, climate-smart agriculture (CSA), market access, and market information. Broadcasting channel is seen to be the main complementary product for CIS demand in west Africa [
33,
37,
54,
61]. Broadcasting technologies such as radio, TV, Internet access, and mobile network today have greater influence on demand for CIS. These technologies are used to create consumer awareness and hence add value to the services.
The co-production approach is also seen to be an appropriate approach when it comes to CIS demand assessment because it helps to generate the complementary products needed by farmers [
28]. The advantage of co-production is that it blends both indigenous and scientific forecasts of CIS. Moreover, farmers consider market access to be a complementary service which should be delivered with CIS [
8]. On this, access to market for goods and services will influence farmers’ demand for CIS in order to meet the needs of the market. In the same view, market information such as prices of commodities, inputs, prices, and labor cost seem to be complementary products to CIS [
9]. Access to credit increases farmers’ income, thus, it leads to CIS demand in some countries [
7]. However, 45% of the studies that have been reviewed are silent on the complementary services to CIS, thus bringing to the fore the limited scientific information on the drivers of CIS.
Beyond the fact that complementary products are needed by farmers, some authors suggest moving from one service to a package of services where the farmers can access other services (market information, insurance, farm optimization tools). According to [
62], climate information service and index insurance should be bound. According to [
63], the uptake of CSA remains low because of lack of digital services. They suggest binding CSA, CIS, and even extension service as a package to enhance the uptake of technologies in sub-Saharan Africa [
64].
Climate information services are considered an input for farmers. For long-run sustainability, farmers should be able to pay for CIS themselves, thus highlighting the role of farm income in the analysis of demand for CIS. According to [
41], income increases will lead to a decrease of CIS demand especially for fishermen in Senegal. However, Refs. [
8,
25,
38] observed a direct relationship between income and demand for CIS. This contradictory literature suggests that income can have a different influence on demand based on different farmer segments, such as in the case of crop farmers in Ghana and fishermen as observed in Senegal. In addition, ref. [
25] concluded that access to credit, government subsidies, and access to market used as proxy of income lead to an increase in CIS demand in Ghana. However, the majority of papers are silent on the impact of income variation on CIS demand.
From the selected papers, eight segment of farmers (farmers: commercial, livestock, tree crops farmers, staple crops farmers) can be derived. Most authors considered smallholder farmers as the target [
38,
50,
65]. However, knowing the segment of customers for CIS is crucial for suppliers. Among the studies, fishermen from Senegal check CIS before going to the sea [
41]. In Ghana, male farmers demand more CIS than female [
14]. Furthermore, [
37] observed that in Ghana, rice farmers demand CIS to control water level in the dam. In Mali, staple crops farmers, especially cereals farmers, demand more CIS than other staple crop farmers [
8]. In Burkina Faso, livestock farmers use less CIS in their farming system [
42]. This highlights the role of farmer segment as an important determinant of demand for CIS in west Africa. In order to meet the farmers’ preferences, it is important to have further evidence on each farming type’s opinions. For instance, what will be the preferences of staple crops farmers and cash crop farmers for CIS? What will be the preferences of tree crops and livestock farmers for CIS?