Planning “the Future of the City” or Imagining “the City of the Future”? In Search of Sustainable Urban Utopianism in Katowice

Abstract

In constantly expanding its fields of application, sustainable development is becoming the basic approach to planning and governing the twenty-first century city. This article examines sustainable urban development policies through the lens of utopian thinking and indicates the opposing scholarly interpretations of modern utopianism. On the one hand, this is approached as dreaming and fantasizing about the future; on the other, it is approached as well-calculated planning activities. More specifically, this article explores how the urban community in a post-socialist, post-industrial city faces the implementation of the challenge of a twenty-first-century sustainable development project. Using the example of the city of Katowice in southern Poland, the article examines three discourses of sustainable urban utopianism. It is first seen as strategic planning for a pursued better future; second, it is seen as an image of the city of the future; and, third, it is seen as a difficult-to-achieve vision for the city of the future in light of specific local barriers to development. Apart from Katowice’s successes in transforming its traditional industrial profile—based on coal mining—this study also draws attention to the successful construction of a new image for economic changes, urban design, and sustainable development, which has been confirmed by numerous recognitions at the national and international scale.

1. Introduction

In recent decades, the human community has been facing a number of interdependent, cross-national challenges. Politicians, scholars, and social activists have mostly been concerned with the consequences of continuous population booms, production growth, climate change, the disappearance of green areas, and the intensification of environmental pollution. Within the context of accelerated challenges, Cheshmehzangi and Dawodu [1] pointed out that the model of “a never-ending greed for progress,” in which “the convergence of economic growth and development simply mislead[s] development patterns and lead[s] in unsustainable directions.” Thus, sustainability has entered the agenda of post-socialist cities in East-Central Europe, which have been affected by urban sprawl, deindustrialization, spatial chaos, the symptoms of urban shrinking, and other trends awakened by severe concerns about the future, thus making it more difficult to think about the future city as an ideal one [2].

The initial principles of sustainable development [3] were updated in the mid-2010s and formalized by the UN Sustainable Development Goals [4] and the European Green Deal [5]. This hyper-spread notion is treated as a utopian project by many scholars [6,7,8]. Despite the large focus of the conception, the contours of several core directions of the utopian approach to sustainable urban development are already clearly visible in concepts such as green cities [9,10], smart cities [11,12,13,14,15,16], resilient cities [17,18,19,20,21], and car-free cities [22,23], to name but a few. One of the aims of the UN 2030 Agenda for sustainable development is to “make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable.” [4]. This broad-ranging and somewhat loose formulation also outlines the scope of sustainable urban utopianism and obviously make it more complex in comparison to visions of an ideal city from past periods. This is why sustainability is aimed at re-shaping the relations between nature, economy, and society and breaking with the development paradigm of the modern industrial society—in particular, the modern epoch’s industrial city [24]. This study explores how these intertwined aspects of a sustainable (utopian) project become part of the planning for the future of the city of Katowice. As a chief feature of the sustainability project [25], this multi-dimensionality refers to the activities directed towards future transformations in a comprehensive and systematic way; simultaneously, the general nature of development goals creates difficulties in their specification and formalization. Controlling the ongoing changes and directions of their expansion becomes more and more difficult and less and less possible, and the pace of change in modern life exceeds the possibilities of not only the control and planning of individual spheres but often even adequate diagnoses. In turn, there has been a considerable increase in the possibilities for alternative behaviors, attitudes, and directions of development [26]. Finally, the multitude of positions and concepts has pushed aside the need to establish a unified operational approach to sustainable development [27].

2. Sustainable Development: A Utopian Project for the City’s Future?

When considering the essence of utopias, we first perceive the idealized phenomenon (a state, a city, a community) we expected to happen in the future, imagined and projected as a place in which living would be better than what the current conditions offer. Stevenson [28] wrote about the “semantic confusion” that accompanies the application of the term utopia: “Used in the positive sense, utopian thinking describes human striving for a better or ideal society; there are utopias both for socialism and capitalism. In a negative use, it discredits overoptimistic or impractical idealism, even religious and political fanaticism”. Despite this, in everyday use, utopia is linked to a sort of unrealistic idealism, it “…encourages us to think differently, systemically, and concretely about possible futures. First, it allows us, in imagining an entirely different society, to break from the present at least in imagination.” [29]. Morgan [30] identifies sustainable development goals as a “reconstructed utopic image of the future within the idea of progress”.

At a more materialistic level of consideration, utopian thinkers, social engineers, planners, and architects have been searching for ways to create the perfect urban space, with beautiful buildings, harmonious landscapes, a just social order, and a healthy environment. There are a few ways to achieve such goals: (1) through launching new, planned towns; (2) through the radical spatial reconstruction of already existing urban entities; or (3) through the search for a profound re-conceptualization of spatial organization and especially the socio-economic functioning of the city.

This study focuses on the profound re-conceptualization of the urban governance goals of an established and developed city that is on the way to applying the global postulates of sustainable development. Some thinkers comprehend the utopian mentality as “… a general orientation towards a better society, rather than a comprehensive imaginary reconstitution of society” [8]. That is why it is worth remembering that only in the twentieth century did post-socialist cities go through radical experiments of social organization and urban planning more than once. Socialist utopianism, aimed at modernizing underdeveloped agrarian societies and economies, provided large-scale changes and accelerated cities’ industrial, demographic, and spatial growth. The economic and environmental legacies of this radical experiment are still the subject of discussions, where negative assessments prevail. Today, the global call for politicians, entrepreneurs, citizens, and other stakeholders to behave in a new way has come at a time of growing awareness about the interdependence of the policy decisions that have been undertaken. At first glance, this trend is associated with the desire to avoid the mistakes of previous radical experiments based on technicist thinking and the modernist belief in man’s victory over nature [31].

In the post-Cold-War years, there was a lack of new urban-architectural and socio-economic utopias for the post-industrial city [24]. Utopian thinking was somewhat neglected and forgotten, or even perceived as discredited [32,33]. During this period, in post-socialist countries, utopianism was burdened with the experiments and memories of building the ideal urban space under conditions of the highly centralized organization of the totalitarian state [34]. The state-driven utopian projects caused huge and long-lasting environmental and economic trouble. This is why utopian thinking was pejoratively labelled wishful, unrealistic, and harmful [2,35]. Within the current planning culture, innovative representations of the imaginary ideal place “have become scarce, which is ironic in an age where they might be of greater relevance than ever before” [36]. However, despite the crisis and the unpopularity of the metanarratives of human societal organization, the real deepening of some economic, demographic, and environmental problems inherited by late socialism coincides with the rise of sustainable development ideas.

The main goal of the multi-level post-socialist transformation was not to create a new city model but to initiate the processes of restructuring and adapting inherited urban spaces and building new systems of agreements for urban development policies [24]. Although sustainable development ideas were not very popular among the main public and private entities creating urban policy, the debate over urban utopianism never ended. Still, some authors have attempted to defend utopia as a positive phenomenon that stimulates planners and architects to seek bold, innovative, and forward-looking solutions in urban policy and planning [36,37]. During the post-Cold-War era, great projects related to the interlinked global problems of humanity specified by leading political institutions with vague and highly abstract visions and development aims began to gain popularity.

Traditionally, utopian thinking addresses what a proper utopia is—an idealistic or a rational phenomenon? If traditional utopian concepts emerged “as a negation of the existing socio-economic reality and a critical evaluation of prevailing interhuman relations” [38], some essential differences between sustainable utopianism and traditional ideas for ideal cities can be specified. Hedrén and Linnér [6] emphasized that “modernity is restless transformation (through creative destruction) in search of the ultimate and perfect social organisation,” while “postmodernity is modernity without any hope of arriving at that end.” The authors saw a contradiction in the modern belief of endless progress driven by the idea of the final perfection that was apparent in the environmental policy, “where certain futures of modernity, such as endless progress, flourish in the discourse of ecological modernisation”. Today, most decisions emanate from existing policies and thus leave “little space for exploration, proposition or fantasising” [36].

Sargent advocated that utopianism is about “… the dreams and nightmares that concern the ways in which groups of people arrange their lives and which usually envision a radically different society than the one in which the dreamers live” [39]. Pinder [37] stressed that utopianism is a perspective that “is not necessarily about projecting representations of a ‘perfect’ city…”, but it may also serve to seek “…out the prospects within present conditions for different and more just processes of urbanization.” However, we can also refer to Alford [40], who wrote about the well-known “hostility of critical rationalism towards utopian thought,” and that it “has a status roughly comparable to cosmological speculation (meta-physics) in the natural sciences,” wherein “both can be the source of fruitful ideas which may have practical consequence”.

Despite the difficulties in operationalizing the concept of sustainable development, its application is expanding into more and more spheres of social life. The central dilemma from the point of view of our research is whether, in planning sustainable urban development, there is a place for utopian thinking, or is it only the aforementioned adaptation to existing policies? Alford [40], for example, is of the opinion that “long-term ends are simply irrelevant to the rationality of action, unless they become rigidly programmatic, in which case they are dangerous.” There are, however, more nuanced interpretations. Many authors, such as Koning and van Dijk [36], have distinguished utopias, visions, and plans as three forward-looking perspectives. They argued that utopias are created by non-planners—by futurists, writers, movie directors, and artists—while visions are reserved for policy-makers, social entrepreneurs, urbanists, and designers; finally, plans are typical for planners and engineers. In this approach, utopia is understood as an alternative to spatial and social order and is a loose mental construct with weak connections to rational visions and plans. But are all visions and goals really rational and meticulously developed such that they should not be considered as tools that are completely different from utopias? This question is not rhetorical, because a number of visions of ideal cities were planned and successfully realized not by utopian thinkers but by architects and planners.

Perhaps the best way to finish this concise literature review is to try to point out statements that strike a balance between extreme judgments on the nature of contemporary utopianism. The concepts of utopian planning are somewhere in between these two extremes, or, in the opinion of Meyer and Oranje [41], “best practices and past successes need to be de-mystified and contextualized and the balance between various aspects such as certainty and discretion has to get specific attention in a utopian approach to planning”.

Just as we have uncertainty about the very essence of sustainable development and its proper measurement, it is also difficult to determine whether sustainable urbanism is abstract, a blurred utopia, or tangible planning. However, it seems that the two categories cannot be easily separated. Some thinkers recognize that, for example, “cities cannot survive without future images” because “before we build, we imagine” [42]. Unlike the industrial modernist utopias, sustainable development, due to its blurriness, leaves less room for plans with very specific goals. At the same time, thousands and millions of projects around the world are underway; but these should, instead, be perceived as piecemeal undertakings that only change a small part of reality, and their simple sum cannot be reduced to one coherent whole. In turn, sustainable development is not about the meticulously planned, future socio-spatial order of the city. Rather, it is treated as preparation for dealing with future crises, including adapting urban structures to both expected and unplanned environmental, economic, and social changes. This uncertainty is the main feature of sustainable thinking about urban planning and governance, corresponding to the essence of sustainable urbanism, which is “an approach to deal with different types of future uncertainty” [43].

3. Conceptual Remarks

In studying, planning, and thinking about the future of the city, as noted by Lefebvre [44], “we risk vacillating between abstract utopianism and short-term realism, between irrationality and utilitarianism”. This ongoing dilemma in utopian urbanism has continuously attracted the attention of scholars, particularly those exploring how the new utopianism that is promoted by recent UN and EU sustainable development programs accompanies current visions for the future of urban structures.

Despite the above interpretative and axiological nuances in the concept of utopianism, this article employs an aggregated understanding of this concept: “… the general label for a number of different ways of dreaming or thinking about, describing or attempting to create a better society” [45]. More specifically, we follow the working definition of sustainable urban utopianism as the whole set of ideas and policies aimed at building or transforming, in a complex way, the city as an ideal one in line with sustainable development principles and implanting them into the local specifics, traditions, and needs.

The utopian vision for cities usually reflects problems that are typical of a given historical period [38]. Taking Katowice as an example, this article deals with the implementation of the challenges of twenty-first-century sustainable development projects by a post-socialist urban community. More specifically, we explore the ways in which the new global visions of (sustainable) urban development have been reflected in local public discourse. We also try to answer exactly how the ongoing activities of the local authorities and community could be labeled: do they represent a modest, ordinary, and widespread planning model for the ‘future of the city’, or a more ambitious, distinct, and imagined ‘city of the future’?

Answering this question is impossible without bearing in mind the multivariate representations of both sustainable development and utopia.

First, sustainable development manifests itself in various forms. From one perspective, it is a social philosophy for development; from another, it is an ideological platform; from a third, it is a political vision; and from a fourth perspective, it is a practical activity with specific financial and economic goals. Last but not least, sustainable development can also be seen as a utopia. Recently, it has been, perhaps, the main area of application for utopian thinking. In the turbulent flow of ideas and activities on sustainable urban development [43,46,47,48,49,50], this article addresses the issue of how emerging sustainable utopianism is implied in the current policies, reactions, and expectations of a post-socialist urban community that is currently on the transitional path between the industrial and the post-industrial stages of development.

Second, no less numerous are the variants of the representation and interpretation of the utopian concept itself. For the purposes of our analysis, sustainable urban utopianism is seen as a phenomenon that manifests itself in the following three discourses:

(1)

Sustainable urban utopianism as strategic planning for a pursued better future. We explore how the city’s strategies and public initiatives try to adapt local problems and priorities to the sustainable development imperative.

(2)

Sustainable urban utopianism as an image of the city of the future. In this respect, we focus on how the executed policies of sustainable development achieve real successes that are recognized by national and international experts and organizations.

(3)

Sustainable urban utopianism as a vision for the city of the future that is difficult to achieve. We pay attention to the very specific development barriers related to the long-term impact of mining activities in some spatial developments.

This research relies on quality methods and techniques of analysis. Apart from the data gathered from long-term observations of Katowice’s urban space, this study is based on content analyses of the textual representations of the policy of post-socialist transformation and sustainable development in two kinds of sources. First, the study is based on strategic documents from regional and local authorities and of conducted policies that follow the global principles of current sustainable development. Second, this study also used selected publications found in local and national media that deal with the implementation of sustainable development goals in the city of Katowice, their promotion, and their critical consideration. Among the supplementary sources that were essential to our research are reports by local NGOs and the opinions of national and local experts. We identified these points, which further allowed us to outline the ways in which local sustainable development is represented. This is the way of modelling the utopian vision of a successfully transforming twenty-first century post-industrial and post-socialist city.

4. Study Area

Sustainable transformation policies face challenges that are more visible and sharper in these urban regions, which emerged under the conditions of the first industrial revolution and remained dependent for a long time on coal mining, metallurgy, and the production of traditional energy [51]. An appropriate example of this is the city of Katowice, the center of a large polycentric urban region in southern Poland [52,53,54,55,56]. Currently, at the beginning of the 2020s, Katowice is home to 290 thousand inhabitants. It is the central city of the Górnośląsko-Zagłębiowska Metropolia (GZM), bringing together 41 cities and communes inhabited by 2.3 million people. The socio-economic importance of this metropolitan union is attested to by the fact that it produces about 8% of Poland’s GDP [57]. In turn, over 42% of Katowice’s administrative area is covered by forests (Figure 1). Until the end of the Second World War, the city’s territory was limited to its modern northwestern districts. Later, during the socialist period, Katowice absorbed a number of small worker settlements and green areas, which shape its current administrative borders.

Despite its short history, Katowice is a city of remarkable visions and urban projects [58]. In the era of industrial modernization, several very ambitious projects were implemented within the area of modern Katowice, i.e., the garden-city in Giszowiec [59,60] and the working-class town of Nikiszowiec [60]. Both districts were designed before the First World War, and, today, their architectural heritage is under protection. After the Second World War, architects working on the vision of a new, socialist Katowice [61] were strongly influenced by the Le Corbusier school of urban planning. In addition to several interesting pre-fabricated housing estates [62], a modernist urban axis was created in the city center with a wide avenue, which was imagined as “Katowice’s Champs-Élysées” [63]. Around it, large public buildings were located in a loose arrangement, including the ‘Superunit’, referring to Le Corbusier’s machine à habiter. All these projects were large-scale and non-trivial, corresponding to the spirit of the time. Following the spirit of all these legacies, a number of ambitious programs for the comprehensive economic restructuring and modernizing of its urban (post-mining) landscape have recently been implemented. The city has consolidated itself as a place where authorities, planners, and architects, along with the support of a committed civic society, are actively looking for an ideal space in light of post-modern and green-oriented visions of urban design. However, post-industrial heritage is not considered a development obstacle but a key asset in shaping the developmental potential. This is visible in the strategies developed by local and regional administrations. Industrial architecture is essential both for residents who construct their identity based on it and for visitors for whom the diversity of the cultural landscape is an incentive to visit new places [64].

In this context, this article is intended to discern the visions and activities that make Katowice outstanding in comparison to many other post-socialist, post-industrial cities. Its specifics lie in complex historical pre-conditions, current trends in functional specialization, and changing spatial structures and forms. In Katowice and the entire region of Upper Silesia, UN sustainable development goals are not perceived solely as a political, technical-economic, or financial issue. Instead, it is a fundamental development dilemma that interferes with the deepest layers of the inhabitants’ identity and their families, who are attached to mining traditions. Based on historical and cartographic sources, Chmielewska [65] identified over 50 hard-coal mines in Katowice. Twelve mines survived until the twentieth century, and, today, there are still two operating mines (Murcki-Staszic and Wujek). For an urban community that was constituted and lived for a long period on the basis of coal mining, the prospect of its complete elimination means something more, requiring the formulation of a new, far-reaching vision of development through the re-definition of the city and the region.

5. Sustainable Urban Utopianism as a Strategic Plan for a Pursued Better Future

Projects for completely new capitals, cities, or towns are realized today in different parts of Asia and Africa. In Eastern-Central Europe, however, the main effort is to elaborate the best ways to transform existing urban entities by adapting them to the newest European and global trends and to meet their indispensable needs. In this sense, policy aimed at transforming this traditional coal region in times of globalization and growing attention to sustainable development is conducted within a specific historical experience, material conditions, and symbolic values. Sustainability-centered thinking is highly applicable in policies concerning traditional coal regions. The content of Katowice’s selected plans and strategies and their coherency with sustainable development goals have confirmed that the sustainability project itself is ambiguous and difficult to measure. For this reason, in Katowice, there is also no time perspective for finalizing what is called sustainable transformation, or the fixed path for creating the city of the future. Only more minor, prosaic, and predictable goals are linked to a specific time horizon. For example, the municipal environmental protection program envisages many activities, such as the rehabilitation of particular areas, measures to reduce water consumption in industry, the construction of sewerage collectors, and the extension of bicycle paths; there are tasks that are still ongoing, such as soil quality monitoring and promoting nature protection in society [66]. Apart from the individual actions mentioned, in this specialized document, there is no vision related to comprehensive sustainable development (this term has not even been used once in it). This proves that transition, climate neutrality, and decarbonization are terms that have only recently entered the language of Katowice and the metropolitan region’s development strategies and plans.

Moreover, in the Katowice 2030 Development Strategy, adopted at the end of 2015, sustainable development was actually omitted. The concept was primarily treated in socio-economic and technological terms. In addition to the restructuring of the industry-based economy, which was the most important task during the first years of transformation, the main development priority was the restoration of Katowice into a business city and an internationally recognized city [67]. The strategy defined development priorities, which were reduced to several interrelated strategic fields: quality of life; metropolitan and downtown, entrepreneurship and economic development; and urban transport and logistics.

The rhetoric of sustainable development, however, was present in documents elaborated at the regional level. In 2010, the Silesian Voivodeship Development Strategy emphasized that the region should become an example of a sustainable development economy, in which, “apart from modernizing traditional sectors (coal, steel and coke), future-oriented sectors of the economy are created, using the latest technologies, characterized by energy efficiency, and at the same time preserving and improving the condition of the natural environment” [68]. In analyzing selected elements of the strategy of the GZM in terms of its compliance with the principles of sustainable development across 18 areas (climate, mobility, administration, etc.), some studies identified the presence of both sustainable and non-sustainable development goals. In this strategy, for example, the development of transport was equated with the costly expansion of roads and highways, high-speed railways, and airports, while there was a lack of policy on pedestrians, cycling, and e-mobility, and global climate protection issues were completely omitted [69]. The term climate itself has other meanings, such as the need to improve the acoustic climate. The main narrative of the strategy was about economic development. At the same time, there were no references to the idea and practice of sustainable production and consumption, and there was a lack of a clear connection of care for nature using other policies and activities [69]. References to environmental protection were also noticeably scarce in the Katowice Promotion Strategy, which promoted “positioning Katowice as a constantly developing, dynamic economic center, a hospitable place for investments and new business trends, as well as a place friendly to ecological technologies” [70].

The social utopianism of the twenty-first century aims to create a formula for development that will benefit all city community members—youth and seniors, drivers and cyclists, and residents of both better and worse districts. In this spirit, “the transformation processes in Katowice did not focus on gaining immediate benefits for a narrow group of stakeholders, but aimed for long-term results, which all area residents can equally benefit from” [71]. Nevertheless, planning future development directions cannot be reduced to one field or comprehended in just one document, as specific problems require narrowly targeted operational actions. They require a more comprehensive approach to the individual elements that make up the list of priorities for sustainable transformation.

Some researchers argue that an effective development policy for the Silesian Voivodeship requires accepting the inevitability of losing the economic competitiveness provided by hard-coal mining and that, within the next twenty years, most of the existing mines will end mining. Only to a negligible extent, due to objective economic conditions, will potential new locations be able to fill the gap in the supply of black fuel [72].

More decisive changes in the approach to urban planning took place in the late 2010s. In this respect, the main drivers of future transformations were the ambitious plans promoted by the European Union, particularly the Just Transition program, which was aimed at ensuring better perspectives for inhabitants of coal-dependent regions [73]. Over a short period, several additional initiatives and projects subordinated to the idea of implementing green policies were developed. In 2020, 33 strategies, programs, and similar documents were in force in Katowice [74]. First of all, it is necessary to emphasize the importance of the plan for adapting the city of Katowice to climate change by 2030, adopted in 2019. In addition to the great visions for the city and its districts, much attention was paid to individual points in the city space and small architectural objects. For example, an EU co-funded project will enable the creation of green stopping places in locations that have the highest heat island ratings in the city. Moreover, it is anticipated that selected sites will be equipped with a station that records changes in environmental parameters and plants’ responses to stress [75].

In 2020, the Green Budget initiative was launched. This offered residents the opportunity to submit their ideas for improving the quality of the urban environment. A total of 128 projects were submitted. Of these, 54 were most appreciated by experts and received PLN 2 million in financing. The financed ideas included planting new trees, green stops, nesting boxes for city birds, and creating a rain garden and recycling classes. Thanks to the project Green School: We Educate Ecologically, selected eighth grade primary school classes will include classes on so-called zero waste [76]. In turn, the creation of biologically active surfaces is one of the most important measures for preventing the formation of urban heat islands because of the build-up of concrete, asphalt, and steel. To alleviate this problem, a project is underway to build new bus shelters, which, according to the originators, will contribute to mitigating climate change by retaining rainwater and recovering resources. In 2022, the first three tenders for such stops were announced [77].

The city of Katowice is also on the way to implementing an idea for the additional greening of urban space. In 2021, this was officially authorized. Residents will be exempt from real estate tax on usable areas of residential premises if they have a green roof, a vertical garden creating a green wall for the building, or a green facade [78]. In addition, trials are also being carried out on larger-scale biologically active surfaces, including the creation of green facades for buildings, which are compatible with local climatic conditions. In one of the largest housing estates, nine high-rise residential buildings will have green roofs and facades, which will help make the microclimate more friendly to humans and increase acoustic comfort (Figure 2). Thanks to the greening of these buildings, “throughout the year, the temperature balance between the inside and outside of the building will be reduced by 3 degrees Celsius” [79].

The economic dimension of sustainable utopianism in Katowice relates primarily to what the future after coal will look like. This aspect of development is related to the hopes placed on the green urban economy or “a political and practice oriented concept, which connects the global significance of economic activity in urban centers and metropolitan regions with the challenges of the future (in which an increasing urban population follows an urban lifestyle) and the specific scope of action of their local governments in collaboration with other actors” [9].

The vision of a green economy is the central axis of the European Green Deal [5], aimed at a thorough transformation of the economy, which will reduce greenhouse gas emissions and position the EU as the first region in the world to become climate-neutral by 2050. Katowice and the whole region are the subjects of policies and activities provided in the Just Transition Mechanism. The leading document in this regard is the Just Transition Plan for the Silesian Voivodeship. According to the plans contained therein, the end of hard-coal mining in the Murcki-Staszic mine in Katowice is expected in 2039, while the last fossil fuel coal supply in the entire province and in Poland will be closed in 2049. This would mean achieving climate neutrality goals [73].

As the above analysis has shown, the impact of global sustainable development goals is increasingly more visible in Katowice’s urban planning. Experts on the transformation of mining regions [72] argue that both Katowice and other cities in Upper Silesia must depart from the current practice of delaying the closure of mines and the reduction of employment in mining companies. This policy keeps employees and other parties involved in the process in a state of uncertainty. Hence, it is recommended that the approach to employment in mining be changed from the traditional model of “entire professional life in a mine” to a new one, namely, “mining as one of several career stages” [72].

6. Sustainable Urban Utopianism as a New Image and Implemented Utopia for the City of the Future

Utopian thinking in the era of sustainable transformation projects the image of the city of the future as constant attempts to reverse negative phenomena, i.e., the spatial socio-economic disproportions and the difference in the quality of the living environment between individual urban districts. Katowice is no exception to this rule. All the activities that shape the previous discourse have had (or will have) their effect not only on the material appearance of the city but also on its perception in the public consciousness [80,81]. Since “many studies of cities focus on observable data and quantitative analysis and fail to consider belief systems, ideologies, and values” [42], in this section, we have striven to pay special attention to the second, soft factors in planning and imagining the desired city of the future.

Up to the early 2010s, sociologists’ surveys in Poland confirmed that, despite successes in socio-economic and spatial transformation, Poles were still not convinced of the city’s transition from a heavy industry capital into a dynamic metropolis. It this sense, it is “stuck in a post-industrial myth, Katowice is perceived as mysterious, but still, visiting Katowice is supposes to be a rather bad experience” [82]. Quite quickly, however, a new image of Katowice is being created, promoting the city as one of the leaders of sustainable development, which has managed to overcome a significant part of the fundamental environmental and socio-economic problems of the first years of the post-socialist transformation.

The fundamental values for shaping the strategic vision of the city’s development include the 4i concept (intelligence, innovation, integration, and internationalization). In line with the principles of the strategy, the actions taken will transform Katowice into:

(1)

a smart city using the knowledge potential of inhabitants;

(2)

an innovative city that is a recognizable center for the creation and implementation of technological, cultural, and social innovations;

(3)

an integrated city—a city with a high level of social, economic, and territorial cohesion both within the city and in cooperation with other cities;

(4)

an international city—highly accessible and recognizable in the European cultural and economic space [67].

Table 1 systematizes only some of the most important titles and anticipated roles of the city in the future. All these public labels, considered together, create a shared vision of Katowice as a utopian city of the future, evolving and following its own path that will distinguish it from the majority of (post)mining and heavy industry cities. Some of the titles received suggest that utopia is something that has already been achieved or is, at least, in the process of realization.

One of the ways in which “utopian and futures thinking could be re-introduced to planning is through informing and publicizing so-called stories of success. The practice of best practice profiling is important if we are to make planners and ordinary people aware of the impact of planning. Popularizing images and perceptions of the future could begin to address the need for debate and leadership on the planning profession” [41]. The atmosphere of decisive change, innovation, and creativity led to the search for a new image of the city of Katowice. The list of social spheres in which Katowice is the “first”, “leader”, and “best” city is constantly expanding. Most of these refer directly to the three main goals of sustainable utopianism: environmental protection, economic development, and the well-being of inhabitants.

Katowice is a city of multidimensional changes and, consequently, is open to searching for and developing innovative solutions, modern concepts, and non-standard projects. Striving to perpetuate the new image is included in the official slogan of the city: “Katowice—for a change.” This should be understood as an invitation to a city characterized by dynamism and impetus as well as a genetic ability to constantly self-transform and to follow the newest trends. This means that it is a different, alternative place which offers tourists and visitors experiences that are different from traditional and more recognizable cities. In the aforementioned Katowice promotion strategy [70], the city was promoted as different from most comparable urban centers in Poland and Europe. To create a positive image, its most important advantages were emphasized. First of all, the city is a very unusual metropolis—a medium-sized city through the prism of which the largest urban settlement system in Poland is perceived. Second, the city is tied to its own heritage (Silesian, post-industrial) and simultaneously goes “differently” and “out of stream”. As a result, Katowice appears to be a city with a specific identity—a city that is large, traditional, and, at the same time, “young, modern, atypical, forced to redefine its own place in the face of the surrounding reality” [83].

Table 1. Positive labels for the city of Katowice circulating in public discourse.

Title	Sphere	Year	Specification
The second greenest city in Poland	Environment	2018 and 2019	In the Schuman Foundation’s ranking of the most ecological Polish cities, Katowice was second only to Lublin. Katowice has been recognized for its high expenditure on improving air quality [84]
The most ecological city in Poland	Environment	2019	Ranking prepared by Forbes, the main emphasis of which was placed on what the local government was doing to deal with environmental problems, including co-financing for the replacement of coal stoves and support for residents for investment in renewable energy sources [85]
The leader in attracting foreign investments	Economy	2019/2020	Katowice took first place in terms of the strategy of attracting foreign direct investment in the prestigious ranking of the ‘fDi Intelligence’ magazine [86]
European award for actions supporting sustainable development	Environment	2020	The European Transformative Action Award is given in recognition of contributions to the achievement of Sustainable Development Goals and for promoting a socio-cultural, socio-economic, and technological transformation [87]
The leader in attracting investors	Economy	2020	Katowice’s investment potential was recognized in the Business Environment Assessment Study, which took into account factors influencing the attractiveness of cities and the encouragement of investment, i.e., infrastructure, office space, public administration support, etc. [88]
The least congested city in Poland	Environment, transport	2021	This title is mentioned in the annual report of the TomTom company. Katowice has been recognized for its actions toward sustainable transport: speed limits in the city center and other districts to 30 km/h, expansion and modernization of road infrastructure, new transfer centers, and bicycle rental stations [89]
Katowice in the top three Polish cities best prepared for the future	General	2021	Katowice received this title in the Ranking Polish Cities of the Future 2050, prepared by Saint-Gobain and the Polish Society for the Study of the Future. The study considers the likely paths of long-term development based on the following: working in a city (office buildings) and living in a city [90]
Katowice—a people-friendly city	Social	2021	The People-Friendly Cities Ranking conducted by Forbes recognized Katowice’s achievements based on an objective evaluation of budget expenditure for improving the quality of life of its inhabitants, incl. security, access to housing, and social support [91]
Katowice—the second in the ranking of local self-governments in Poland	Local governance	2021	Katowice occupied second place (after Gliwice) in this ranking organized by Rzeczpospolita newspaper. It took into account the results of local self-government action in economic sustainability, environmental sustainability, social sustainability, and quality of management [92]
Katowice, European capital of science	Science, education	2024 (forthcoming)	The city will host EuroScience Open Forum 2024 thanks to being awarded the title of “European City of Science 2024,” based on applications by the mayor of the city and the rector of the University of Silesia. The organizers hope to increase the international attractiveness of the city and have academic institutions achieve a greater impact in all spheres of life [93]

Source: own elaboration.

Table 1. Positive labels for the city of Katowice circulating in public discourse.

Title	Sphere	Year	Specification
The second greenest city in Poland	Environment	2018 and 2019	In the Schuman Foundation’s ranking of the most ecological Polish cities, Katowice was second only to Lublin. Katowice has been recognized for its high expenditure on improving air quality [84]
The most ecological city in Poland	Environment	2019	Ranking prepared by Forbes, the main emphasis of which was placed on what the local government was doing to deal with environmental problems, including co-financing for the replacement of coal stoves and support for residents for investment in renewable energy sources [85]
The leader in attracting foreign investments	Economy	2019/2020	Katowice took first place in terms of the strategy of attracting foreign direct investment in the prestigious ranking of the ‘fDi Intelligence’ magazine [86]
European award for actions supporting sustainable development	Environment	2020	The European Transformative Action Award is given in recognition of contributions to the achievement of Sustainable Development Goals and for promoting a socio-cultural, socio-economic, and technological transformation [87]
The leader in attracting investors	Economy	2020	Katowice’s investment potential was recognized in the Business Environment Assessment Study, which took into account factors influencing the attractiveness of cities and the encouragement of investment, i.e., infrastructure, office space, public administration support, etc. [88]
The least congested city in Poland	Environment, transport	2021	This title is mentioned in the annual report of the TomTom company. Katowice has been recognized for its actions toward sustainable transport: speed limits in the city center and other districts to 30 km/h, expansion and modernization of road infrastructure, new transfer centers, and bicycle rental stations [89]
Katowice in the top three Polish cities best prepared for the future	General	2021	Katowice received this title in the Ranking Polish Cities of the Future 2050, prepared by Saint-Gobain and the Polish Society for the Study of the Future. The study considers the likely paths of long-term development based on the following: working in a city (office buildings) and living in a city [90]
Katowice—a people-friendly city	Social	2021	The People-Friendly Cities Ranking conducted by Forbes recognized Katowice’s achievements based on an objective evaluation of budget expenditure for improving the quality of life of its inhabitants, incl. security, access to housing, and social support [91]
Katowice—the second in the ranking of local self-governments in Poland	Local governance	2021	Katowice occupied second place (after Gliwice) in this ranking organized by Rzeczpospolita newspaper. It took into account the results of local self-government action in economic sustainability, environmental sustainability, social sustainability, and quality of management [92]
Katowice, European capital of science	Science, education	2024 (forthcoming)	The city will host EuroScience Open Forum 2024 thanks to being awarded the title of “European City of Science 2024,” based on applications by the mayor of the city and the rector of the University of Silesia. The organizers hope to increase the international attractiveness of the city and have academic institutions achieve a greater impact in all spheres of life [93]

Source: own elaboration.

The efforts of the city of Katowice towards a thorough transformation have been recognized both internationally and nationally. The awards and titles received each year serve as a recognition of the changes happening there right now, and they fuel optimism about the future effects of the transformation. In this sense, they confirm that the chosen course is suitable and will be successful. In addition to the number of titles recognizing the city’s successes in specific areas, i.e., environment protection, local self-government, culture, and education (Table 1), some are more complex and thus needed additional explanations. First of all, what is the content behind the title “City of the Future”? Through this concept, Katowice is promoted as a modern business city. Some, however, pay attention to the development challenges’ great scale, because “the inclusion of revitalized post-industrial areas into the urban fabric will be of great importance. Business centers established there—just like revitalized residential quarters—must take into account the possibilities of the city’s energy and transport infrastructure, without generating adverse external effects: air pollution, excessive noise or traffic jams” [72].

Not to be overlooked is the positive effect of a series of prestigious international events that Katowice hosted in the late 2010s to the early 2020s. They strengthened the city’s popularity and drove local energy to follow up-to-date international trends. The first significant factor behind this change was the UN climate summit COP24, which took place in Katowice in November 2018. In 2020, the City Hall launched a promotional campaign for sustainable development goals. Grand, global visions are combined with local activities carried out by various municipal services. The next mega-event to affect the image of the city was the UN Habitat Forum held in 2022. The title of “European City of Science 2024” [93], granted to Katowice, is the next event expected to enrich its still (post)industry-centered image and international recognition.

If city planning itself is ultimately a tool for serving the residents and their needs, the awards given to the city in this respect are of the greatest importance. In the 2021 nationwide ranking of cities that are friendly to people, Katowice was distinguished for its “exceptionally high civic budget,” constituting approximately 1% of the entire city budget (the standard among Poland’s voivodeship centers is approx. 0.5%), and the creation of a dedicated green budget of as much as PLN 3 million [91]. In addition, Katowice came second in the ranking of Polish local self-government entities. This is an annual ranking organized by the national newspaper Rzeczpospolita, relying on objective data from the Central Statistical Office, the Ministry of Finance, and information provided by local authorities. Katowice distinguished itself in caring for its residents’ quality of life, obtaining the highest number of points. This achievement came due to the increased expenditure on education, culture, sports, and recreation, thanks to which the inhabitants gained access to better offers in these spheres [91]. It is also worth mentioning the project KATOobywatel, which has been run since 2018. This initiative includes various actions and social campaigns, building a civil society and involving residents in the joint care of their surroundings and the environment.

Several recognizable architectural investments and revitalization projects played an important role in perpetuating the new image of Katowice (Figure 3). These undertakings are among the most innovative in traditional industrial cities in post-socialist Europe. Lefebvre’s [44] remark that “there is no urban space without utopian symbols” applies with full force to modern Katowice. An emblematic project that marked the city’s ambitions for change is the cultural zone in the former ‘Katowice’ mine area (Figure 4). However, according to some critical voices, and “contrary to the authorities intentions, no new city center has been built on the site of the former Katowice mine. A park of good architecture, isolated from the city center by wide expressways, will not live the life of the city” [63]. Even in the case of the central part of the city, some public spaces remain that are often “insufficiently defined, unfinished, chaotic and undeveloped” [94]. The image policy either ignores development barriers, such as neglected districts, mining damage, air quality, transport, and communication, or proposes alternative employment for mine workers.

7. Sustainable Urban Utopianism as a Vision for the City of the Future That Is Difficult to Achieve

In Katowice, the policies for the economic and social recovery of degraded areas shape the third, most skeptical discourse of sustainable urban utopianism. Such policies are being implemented, aiming to reverse the negative trends that constitute barriers to retaining residents and attracting new ones. The long-term consequences of mining activity are mainly associated with the devastation and degradation of the city’s morphology and individual buildings, which, among other things, cause an outflow of population and deepens social pathologies; the improvement of the natural environment is to contribute to attracting investors, creating new jobs, and social revitalization [51].

The success of the ambitious plans for the sustainable transformation of Katowice’s urban space and economy depends on several internal and external factors. The main external conditions include the changing economic situation in Poland, the EU, and the world. The impact of new policies on energy sources and efficiency is particularly applicable in sustainable development. However, the chosen line of transformation is exposed to unplanned risks and threats. After the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the search for alternative crude oil and natural gas suppliers has intensified. Because of these conditions, it is more than likely that some of the goals for a green economy and climate neutrality may be revised. For Katowice and its neighboring cities, this could mean staying with coal longer than provided for in the current plans and strategies.

Internal barriers to sustainable development are usually considered to be the consequences of long-term coal mining, environmental changes, and socio-economic and demographic trends.

In the Silesian Voivodeship’s Regional Just Transition Plan [73], it was emphasized that the socio-economic and spatial problems related to the restructuring of the mining industry that started in the 1990s remain a heavy burden for local governments. In addition, damage caused by mining activity, and the degradation of green and built-up areas related to past or present exploitation, also translate into the perception of the region as being a problematic and unattractive area.

The Katowice’s development strategy [67] emphasizes, among other things, the territorial cohesion of the city, which is the basis for sustainable urbanization in line with Sustainable Development Goals. However, the effects of many years of hard-coal mining are changes in the natural environment known as mining damages. They not only add to the degradation of nature, but their presence within the administrative boundaries of Katowice and neighboring settlements is also one of the main obstacles to the rational planning and management of the city’s built-up areas. It also casts a shadow on utopian dreams of achieving a desired, sustainable urban space. The numerous mining damages occurring within the city’s territory include: sinkholes, tailings, tectonic shocks, the salinity and sulfation of post-mining waters, and increased methane content in the air.

One of the main problems in this respect is the difficulties in gaining access to urban land resulting from the instability of the ground. The development of coal mining significantly transformed the city’s morphology. According to estimations, by the early 2000s, mining areas covered 84% of the territory of Katowice. It was also assessed that the exploitation of coal deposits near the city resulted in an average subsidence of the terrain by 2.8 m. In some places, the land depressions reach up to 17 m. It is expected that a complete depletion of the coal reserves will result in additional average subsidence of the city area by 2.60 m [95].

As an example of development barriers, the ground collapse in Muchowiec (part of the Brynów district), especially in the area south of the Katowice Forest Park, is an essential obstacle to the utopian wish for sustainable development, as it forces the city authorities to incur additional costs for the frequent repair and upgrading of existing roads, pavements, bridges, and lighting installations and the regulation of water courses. The existing ponds require constant water level monitoring such that they do not endanger the surrounding areas. The collapsing watercourses and ponds are exposed to siltation, which forces the authorities to constantly counteract this phenomenon. On the one hand, the frequent reconstructions and repairs drain the city’s budget, and, on the other hand, they create a conflict of interest between the inhabitants, City Hall, and the Polish Mining Group.

Not surprisingly, environmental pollution is among the main concerns of the current discussion on how to properly diagnose and navigate sustainable urban transformations. In the Katowice Promotion Strategy [70], it was recognized that the city is “one of the more polluted […] in Poland in terms of air pollution (dust and gas). The existing problem of pollution (burning rubbish and low-quality coal in domestic stoves) exacerbates this condition” [70]. There are still around 20 thousand coal-fired furnaces in Katowice that will need to be replaced in the near future. However, objective geographic conditions can neither be ignored nor easily overcome. The mere replacement of furnaces will not significantly improve the situation, because the pollution from the surrounding towns will continue to move to the city in accordance with air circulation. That is why Katowice depends on future joint strategic activities as part of the GZM. In 2020, the metropolis established a program aimed at reducing harmful emissions into the atmosphere [96].

Despite these negative pre-conditions, great progress has been made in environmental quality thanks to industrial restructuring. However, despite the positive changes, many traditional myths are still involved in the wide social perception of this problem. The local authorities and other stakeholders are trying to present the city’s environmental image from a better side. An article in the Nasze Katowice newspaper tried to debunk some myths about air quality in the city:

(1)

“Katowice is the most polluted Polish city.” It is stated that such information can most often be found in anonymous social media channels on the Internet. Usually, the data provided do not have sources, do not describe year-round data, and often have no scientific basis. The authors of the article cited a study for the period of 2017–2019, which located Katowice ahead of cities such as Warsaw, Kraków, Poznań, and Łódź.

(2)

“The air quality in Katowice depends only on the activities of Katowice.” On the contrary, the regional settlement network greatly impacts the air quality in the city. This is inevitable, as much of Katowice is directly adjacent to other cities on each side, and not all of them engage in the fight against smog to the same extent as Katowice. Despite this, the mentioned article emphasizes that the city has twice earned the title of the regional leader in the fight against pollution. Moreover, twice in a row (in 2018 and 2019), the city won first place in the Forbes ranking for the most ecological city in Poland.

(3)

“The air quality in Katowice is deteriorating yearly due to the growing number of cars.” Regarding this myth, the article in question stated that the situation is quite the opposite. The data show that the air quality is improving annually. The primary source of low-stack emissions is coal-fired boilers—especially those of the oldest type [97].

One of the main gaseous pollutants in the air pollution in Katowice is methane, the concentration of which is one of the highest in the EU. It is noteworthy that methane is classified as a greenhouse gas with a potential 28 times greater than that of carbon dioxide. Apart from negatively affecting the health of vulnerable people, methane is an explosive gas that poses a serious threat to miners working underground. In order to not endanger miners’ lives, the mines are ventilated, thus becoming the main source of methane in the air. It is worth mentioning that the disturbed coal deposit releases methane that is trapped within it long after mining has been abandoned [98].

Another factor that threatens the sustainable development of Katowice is tremors due to mining [99], a common but low-power phenomenon. Over 170 tremors are recorded annually in the area of Katowice; 14 tremors were registered in May 2022 alone [100]. Common events during these tremors include moving furniture and other household items and waking residents at night, which contributes to, among other things, a lowering of the sense of security and is a direct cause of anxiety reactions among residents. Deformations in the earth’s surface due to the exploitation of hard coal causes social, legal, and administrative conflicts. Another problem, tied to the additional costs of securing buildings against mining damage (Figure 5), is the compromise of their structures [101,102,103]. The interests of the residents are defended by numerous law firms specializing in mining damages. In the Murcki residential district, there is a conflict between the residents and the Management Board of the KWK Murcki Staszic-Wujek mine. Residents disagree with further hard-coal mining under their homes. Despite a negative opinion issued by City Hall, the mining authorities approved further coal extraction. As a result of coal mining, so far, numerous cracks in residential buildings have appeared, and the houses have canted by as much as 0.5 m. The mine has refused to pay the due compensation for damages. Some lawsuits take years, and the mine has delayed, more than once, the repair of damage [104].

In the post-socialist period, demographic shrinkage is another negative trend, which is inconsistent with the principles of sustainable development. During 1990–2020, the number of inhabitants decreased by over 20%. The paradoxical outcome here is that the city has become more biophilic through expanding green areas and places. It is precisely the outflow of population that is considered to be one of the most negative processes accompanying the incontestable successes of the urban community in architectural projects, the modernization of technical infrastructure, and investments. However, depopulation is sometimes viewed in a different light by urban planners. The paradigm of spatial development is replaced by the paradigm of effective regress, which is associated with the limiting of new housing and service investments, a reduction in dispersed development, a reduction in services, a reduction in dispersed jobs, and the overall pace of economic development. The consequences of these changes vary broadly and, first of all, concern the limiting of new investments in housing and services, the re-naturalization of abandoned urban areas, sprawl reduction, and the limiting of service offers and workplaces [2].

8. Discussion

This article examined selected conceptual dilemmas and looked for some empirical evidence about the relation between urban transition and sustainable development from the perspective of a new utopianism. In theoretical terms, we have considered the question of how the utopian urbanism that oscillates around the postulates of sustainable development is manifested in the works of social scientists. Taking into account the overlapping of various theoretical views [2,35,36,37], empirical studies conducted in Katowice showed that planning is an activity closer to reality, moderate in its goals, and related to specific deadlines, i.e., the fixed timeline of the closure of recent mines. Utopia, in turn, is often associated with bolder, timeless ideas. Koning and van Dijk’s [36] thesis confirmed that they could not be completely separated because the border between them is fluid, dynamic, and questionable. This is evidenced by the existence of a hybrid form of social activity, such as utopian planning [41].

We also followed the proposed working definition of the phenomenon under consideration which underlines the lack of a universal way of making an ideal city of the twenty-first century in line with sustainable development principles. It is more appropriate to follow them by taking into account local specifics, traditions, and needs. Despite some of the raised issues not being unambiguously answered, the main theoretical and practical facets of sustainable urban utopianism are already taking shape. It can certainly be emphasized that its primary goal is to abandon the existing ways of thinking about the management of the city, the ways of urban space use, and life in the city. More and more attention is also paid to the existing fundamental premises for building the image of a green city with an environmentally friendly economy and transport system. In turn, the sustainable urban utopianism aims at a different, better future for residents, with care for their surroundings, albeit not through such radical visions as in the utopian projects of the past. Pinder [37] is of opinion that the perfect city “may be rethought in terms of addressing what is possible, and of seeking out the prospects within present conditions for different and more just processes of urbanization.”

The initiatives of governments and local activists directed towards the future contain more than the strictly calculated, reasonable goals that are achievable in the short term and medium term. The process of planning the socio-spatial development of the city and promoting its aims among citizens is also accompanied by the conviction that great and right changes have been made, which have been aimed at: (1) the city of the future, the capital of a large Polish region; (2) a green city, with a modern economy and a developed science, at least at the European level; and (3) a city focused on development following the principles of sustainable development, including abandoning mining and the elimination of a still significant number of coal-fired domestic stoves. There is, therefore, no clear answer to the central question posed by this article: whether Katowice is consciously and rationally planning its future step-by-step or focusing on large, not-easy-to-quantify goals for the remote future. Thus, the thesis that utopianism has “rarely been connected to the politically prioritized policies of sustainable development” [6] has been confirmed. As our analysis has shown, even urban development documents in the field of sustainable transformation planning are mainly juxtaposed with highly standardized administrative, technical, and financial concepts and contain elements of utopia—for example, the aforementioned concept 4i from Katowice’s development strategy until 2030. On the one hand, it outlines flagship, general, and abstractly formulated priority transformation directions; on the other, these have been specified in additional strategic fields containing specific projects or broad priorities. Bearing in mind the transformation outcomes for many former centers of heavy industry in East-Central Europe, Katowice is on its way to achieving some elements of the city of the future. Thanks to this case study, we can draw the conclusion that, from the point of view of utopian ideas of sustainable urban change implemented in post-socialist and post-industrial cities, this phenomenon is a combination of two elements: (1) the general preparation for sustainable urban transformation through permanent adaptation to the challenges—both planned and unplanned; and (2) policies in small steps providing the consequent modernization of the urban space, in terms of ecology, spatial planning, and architecture. Following this pattern, the future of the city is perceived and planned through the prism of the pursuit to launch it as a sustainable, innovative regional capital and an internationally recognizable event center, which together form the image of the city of the future.

More specifically, we looked at whether, in the case of the examined type of cities, utopianism is more realistic based on short-term visions and strictly calculated action plans or an overly imaginary, general, and non-specified vague vision of the city of the future. In Katowice, many local government officials and experts are guided by the idea that, in the future, Katowice will become a city that attracts both investors and the most talented young people, a leader in the economic growth of a large urban region. Thanks to the current changes in awareness, space, and economy, it will be possible to plan and re-organize places for rest, production, business, and consumption. Worth noting is the readiness to take radical steps, including against what has constituted its self-identification, traditions, and external image throughout the city’s existence. In pursuit of sustainable development, mining in Katowice is becoming less and less of a strategic economic activity or an element of everyday life and lifestyle, instead becoming more and more of a subject of muzeamficiation and touristification. Importantly, there is a certain symbolic continuity here, as mining traditions are intertwined in the shaping of the pillars of its cultural memory, which are also visible in the urban landscape.

In our search of manifestations of sustainable urban utopianism in Katowice, we have paid attention to the current state of the city and the pending objectives for its further evolution. We tried to synthesize the sustainable transformation from the point of view of the utopian concept, according to the three local discourses, specified in Section 3. Using them as a framework for more general conclusions, the last are specified as follows.

First, large-scale plans and actions are undertaken, the priority of which is to improve and optimize the socio-spatial structure of the former heavy industrial city: the revitalization of post-mining and post-industrial facilities, the modernization of communication infrastructure and public transport, fighting against the use of coal as a means of heating single-family houses, and turning it into an international scientific, cultural, and business hub.

Second, the accompanying efforts aimed at changing the perception of Katowice’s development model and public image are bidirectional. On the one hand, they strive to change the attitude of residents to the priorities of the city’s development, under conditions of the global call for sustainability, as a city of science, education, and culture; modern architecture; an innovative economy, post-industrial tourism; and international mega-events. On the other hand, the authorities are trying to change its image, as seen by citizens of other Polish regions, whose traditional perception of the city has been related to coal mining, heavy industry, environmental pollution, and unattractive urban space.

Third, there is a range of essential, non-avoidable factors that are a real obstacle to the realization of utopian ideas in all parts of the city in an equal way. We highlighted barriers to development and vulnerable areas related to past mining activities, which are often overlooked in the local discourse on sustainable transformation. To a large extent, the expected successes of a sustainable change will depend on their objective identification and the inclusion in the planning of the urban future. One development dilemma is whether a dream city can actually be a city that is currently depopulating and struggling with many environmental problems. These are usually ignored in marketing activities and are not even fully indicated in strategic documents, including those promoting sustainable city development policies.

9. Conclusions

Following the results of the conducted content analysis, a conclusion can be drawn that the prevailing views of a better urban future have not been self-evaluated or labelled by their protagonists as utopias. However, the increasing compulsion to be greener, smarter, and more resilient and to keep in line with other milestones of twenty-first-century sustainability shape an integrated image of what we grasp as sustainable urban utopianism.

Both the authorities and the residents of Katowice and the metropolitan association face increasing requirements regarding sustainable development in spatial, socio-economic, and environmental dimensions. In the early 2020s, the objectification of dreams for a better tomorrow for the city and its inhabitants was on the way. Currently, the physical appearance of Katowice, accompanied by a changing media and marketing image, significantly surpasses the previously prevailing characteristics of the industrial city inherited at the beginning of the post-communist transition in the 1990s. Nevertheless, some goals, sometimes loosely formulated, are far from being fully achieved, i.e., a city without coal stoves and mines. This is perhaps related to the very essence of sustainable urban utopianism, which means continuously adapting development goals to current needs, implemented within the framework of widely programmed policies.

In the face of dynamic changes at the local level and the unpredictability of global development, the results of this research must undoubtedly be complemented by a wider reflection and additional sociological, geographic, and economic studies, which will allow for a greater approximation of the boundary between the planned and the imagined future. The experience of Katowice in this regard makes us realize how important it is, within practical activities, to also pay more attention to the interdependence of territorial units concerning sustainable development. In Katowice, a set of visions and actions have been implemented to adapt the local community to the changing conditions of development and the use of the globally articulated ideas for sustainability. For the purposes of a successful transition to the anticipated post-fossil-fuel world, the experience of Katowice could attract the attention of other urban communities with a similar economic and demographic profile. This experience testifies that the realization of a new type of vision for the urban environment is possible without breaking with local traditions, along with implementing large-scale ideas successfully. It is also worth noting that the inhabitants of the city support the general line of its transformation, although few emblematic projects are still not commonly accepted. Still, some new buildings and modernized public spaces served as a basis for imposing the new brand of the city, associated with modern business services, culture, and science; non-trivial, modernist, and post-modernist architecture; and more and more recognizable international event centers. The results, however, suggest a more realistic reading and that we do not have to ignore the factors slowing down the pace of achieving a sustainable city of the future.

Finally, there are a few more general lessons that can be learned from our research. There is no plan in which local officials will dare to write that sustainable development, understood as a green and just urban transition, will be completed. There is also no specific date after which nothing else will have to be done in this direction. On this basis, we can conclude that sustainable urban utopianism is accompanied by an over-production of local and regional plans, strategies, and initiatives that are not always well coordinated and thus do not form a coherent whole. This is rather typical of the majority of complex urban systems worldwide and even more visible in the context of post-socialist urbanism. The hypercomplexity of the very idea of sustainable development is perhaps the chief reason that allows us to look at the future of the city through the optics of a skeptical attitude to the grand narratives of sustainability-oriented urban utopianism, at least in the foreseeable future. Concurrently, this does not negate the significance of sustainability as a desirable model in any way, nor can it deny its inspirational role in the ongoing successes of urban communities in one sphere of social life or another.