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Article

Narrative or Logical? The Effects of Information Format on Pro-Environmental Behavior

by
Yuuki Nakano
and
Hiroki Hondo
*
Graduate School of Environment and Information Sciences, Yokohama National University, Yokohama 240-8501, Japan
*
Author to whom correspondence should be addressed.
Sustainability 2023, 15(2), 1354; https://doi.org/10.3390/su15021354
Submission received: 17 December 2022 / Revised: 30 December 2022 / Accepted: 6 January 2023 / Published: 11 January 2023
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Pro-environmental Behaviors and Green Practices)
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Abstract

:
To build a sustainable society, the provision of information is very important. This study examines the different methods by which providing a narrative and logical information on climate change affects pro-environmental behavior. Narrative information is defined as expressions describing the process of someone experiencing an event, and logical information refers to straightforward representations composed of only central facts. According to the dual-process theory, these two formats of information seem to be processed in different ways: the former is processed automatically and intuitively, and the latter is processed deliberatively and logically. This study aims to reveal the potential of narrative information to encourage behavioral intentions and policy acceptance in energy and environmental fields. In an experiment conducted via the internet, participants either read the narrative or logical information on climate change and completed the questionnaires before and after reading. The results indicate that narrative evokes stronger emotions, such as anxiety and fear, and leads to higher behavioral intentions and policy acceptance of climate change than logical information. They further infer that this tendency is more pronounced when the participants tend to be absorbed into narratives or have little interest in climate change. Our results suggest that the narrative approach can be effective for providing information on energy and environmental issues.

1. Introduction

Our society constantly faces several problems, and climate change is one of the most critical issues. The 26th United Nations Climate Change Conference of the Parties in Glasgow confirmed the requirement to consider comprehensive measures to realize net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by or around the mid-century [1]. Although the development of innovative technologies and changes in socio-economic systems is important to accomplish this goal, it cannot be achieved without making our attitudes and behaviors sustainable. To change people’s attitudes and behaviors, various methods have been tested, the most representative of which is information provision, including energy labels, feedback, and benchmarks [2]. Much information on climate change has provided rational reasons for straightforward adoption of pro-environmental behavior through scientific facts or statistical data. Although it was shown that providing such logical information has a certain effect, it was also pointed out that its effectiveness can be limited [3]. Accordingly, it appears insufficient to simply continue providing information in a conventional way to realize this ambitious goal.
The present study examines the possibility that a different type of information, “narrative”, could encourage people to change their attitudes and behavior. A narrative is a format of information that transmits a message through a story related to events that occur around the characters [4]. In the field of health communication, several researchers have indicated that narrative information has greater potential than conventional information [5]. However, few studies have examined the effects of narrative information in the energy and environmental fields [6,7,8]. Therefore, this study aims to reveal how narrative and logical information regarding climate change affect behavioral intention and policy acceptance.
This section refers to the background and objective of this study. Section 2 provides a literature review on conventional information provision, the relationship between information formats and information processing styles, and narrative and related information formats. Section 3 explains an experiment to compare effects of logical with narrative information and Section 4 shows results of the experiment. Section 5 summarizes this study and presents its social and academic contributions. Based on the above, this study contributes to developing effective methods of energy and environmental communication for building a sustainable society.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Information Provision in Energy and Environmental Fields

Several researchers have attempted various methods of information provision to encourage pro-environmental behaviors, such as electricity saving and CO2 reduction [2]. Many of them are based on some traditional psychological theory and models which assert that behavior can be predicted by rational factors. The theory of planned behavior is one of the most representative theories referenced in behavior change research. The central factor in this theory is individual’s intention to perform the behavior, and the stronger the intention to engage in a behavior, the more likely its performance [9]. The theory suggests that the intention can be predicted with high accuracy from attitudes toward the behavior, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control [9]. The norm activation theory is another common theory used in related studies [10]. According to this, behavior is predicted by three variables: personal norm, ascription of responsibility, and awareness of consequences [11]. Based on these theories, methods were proposed to provide logical information and explain reasons why we should act environmentally friendly. Some typical methods are presented below.
Feedback is one of the most commonly utilized methods. Feedback mostly aims to reduce energy consumption in households and offices, and it promotes behavioral changes by informing consumers of their energy usage [12]. In some cases, reports showing electricity consumption are mailed periodically [13], whereas in other cases, notifications are provided in real-time through monitors installed indoors [14]. Their contents vary from the percentage of energy reduction [15] to a carbon footprint estimation [16]. Several studies have confirmed a reduction in energy consumption through feedback [17,18]. However, indications reveal that it is not sufficient to install devices such as smart meters and displays to provide detailed information to increase consumer engagement [19].
Energy labels are one of the most common methods for providing information as well [20]. These are stickers indicating energy efficiency rankings that are mostly attached to white goods and are roughly classified into two types: endorsement and comparative labels [21]. Endorsement labels intend to provide information on whether the products meet criteria such as energy efficiency or sustainability. Comparative labels aim to evaluate products based on measures, such as energy efficiency. Although energy labels encourage sustainable consumption, substantial influence of price [22] and political identity [23] is noted. A similar method of information provision is carbon labels. They are intended to influence consumer behavior as well and are often affixed to food packaging [24].
As noted above, traditional methods such as feedback and labeling have long been utilized in information provision to promote pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors. In addition, several attempts were proposed and tried to improve the effects in recent years: personalization of information provided [25] and effective use of information technologies such as virtual reality [26]. There are also some studies to increase involvement by slightly changing the viewpoint of information [27], for example, defining environmental issues as “your” problem not “our” [28]. Although various approaches were examined, most of them have preserved the principle of providing only core content in an unimaginative manner. On the other hand, without being restricted by the principle, some attempts were initiated to provide information through enjoyable quizzes and games [29,30] and present information in formats that are easy to understand intuitively through visualization [31]. However, few studies have analyzed the effects of such methods compared to those of conventional methods.

2.2. Dual-Process Theory and Information Format

As shown in the previous subsection, information provision in the energy and environmental fields can be broadly divided into two types: presenting only facts in a straightforward format and presenting facts with peripheral information in a vivid and stimulating format. It is possible to categorize information not only by format but also by how they are processed. In cognitive and social psychology, various theories and models were proposed that claim that there are two modes with different characteristics in the processes of human thinking, decision-making, and information processing [32]. These are collectively called the dual-process theory. Several researchers have proposed a number of names for the two processes, namely, impulsive and reflective [33] or automatic and controlled [34]. In recent years, it has become common to label them System 1, which processes information automatically and intuitively, and System 2, which processes information logically and cognitively [35]. One of the representative models of dual-process theory is the elaborated likelihood model [36]. This theory assumes two routes: a peripheral route (corresponding to System 1) or a central route (corresponding to System 2). Processing by a peripheral route is triggered by simple cues in the information, and processing by a central route refers to careful and thoughtful consideration of the information presented [36]. The heuristic–systematic model can also be cited as one of the leading models of dual-process theory. This model posits two types: heuristic processing (i.e., System 1) and systematic processing (i.e., System 2) [37]. What these models have in common is that whether information is processed by system 1 or 2 depends on the receiver’s motivation and/or ability to process it [36].
Based on the above theories, it can be inferred that formal information is processed by System 2, whereas vivid information presented in a stimulating way is processed by System 1. Therefore, it can be stated that narrative is an information format that is assumed to be processed by System 1. On the other hand, logical information is assumed to affect receivers after careful and elaborate processing and, thus, can be considered an information format processed by System 2. Therefore, it can be interpreted that comparing narrative information with logical information is synonymous with comparing information processing by Systems 1 and 2.

2.3. Information Provision by Narrative

Although it is stated that there is no unified view on the definition of narrative [5], the present study adopts the definition as “a representation of connected events and characters that has an identifiable structure, is bounded in space and time, and contains implicit or explicit messages regarding the topic being addressed” [4]. Information provision through narratives is primarily utilized for persuasive communication in areas such as health, advertising, and education [38,39]. For example, health communication using narrative was implemented to motivate healthy behaviors through stories in which a character’s health improves as a result of some positive action, such as vaccination or a medical examination [40,41,42], and to inhibit undesirable behaviors by using storylines in which a character suffers from health problems due to negative actions such as overexposure to ultraviolet light or alcoholism [43,44,45]. Conventional health communication has mainly used logical and reasonable information, such as statistical evidence and probability, but it is reported that narrative has a greater impact on attitudes and behaviors [5].
The mechanisms by which narratives affect readers are often explained through transportation and identification. Transportation is defined as absorption into a story as a result of the integrative melding of attention, imagery, and emotions [46]. Identification refers to a phenomenon when a narrative is processed from the viewpoint of a character while reading, and the reader feels as if he or she were the character [47]. Transportation and identification are similar concepts, but they differ in that transportation is a reaction to a story, whereas identification is a reaction to the characters [48]. However, there is a strong correlation between transportation and identification, and some argue that transportation is a precondition for identification [49]. It is believed that transportation and identification influence readers’ attitudes and/or behavioral intentions directly or indirectly through an emotional response [50,51].
Episodic information is a format with characteristics similar to those of narrative information. It describes concrete events and particular cases that illuminate this issue [52]. Therefore, discussions often develop through specific episodes. Due to its specific and vivid descriptions of people, it appeals to readers’ emotions [53]. It has gained exposure in research related to news reports and performance information for governments and companies [54]. This is due to the fact that episodic information is a format that was described in the research on classifying format for news reports. Therefore, several previous studies have clarified the persuasive effects of such information on social topics such as legal systems and policies [55,56,57].
Vivid information also has characteristics similar to those of narratives. It has three features: it is emotionally interesting, concrete, and imagery-provoking, and proximate in a sensory, temporal, or spatial manner [58]. Information with concrete and colorful expression is sometimes called vivid [59]. As with narratives, most studies on vivid information have focused on the subject of personal health. However, they have also been applied to advertising, education, and other fields [60,61].
As shown in Table 1, episodic and vivid information have much in common with narrative information [62]. Narrative and episodic information are very similar, and it is difficult to distinguish them separately. Therefore, this study treats episodic and vivid information as narrative information in a broad sense. Even with this expanded definition of narrative, there remain few examples of its application to environmental issues [6,7,8].

3. Method

3.1. Participants and Design

Based on the dual-process theory, to compare the effects of narrative information (processed by System 1) and logical information (processed by System 2), a voluntary questionnaire survey using the procedure shown in Figure 1 was conducted. Participants were recruited via the internet from a participant recruiting pool and 2121 participants completed the survey. Participants were evenly distributed in terms of gender and age (see Table 2). Only participants who answered true or false questions (to be described) correctly, that is, those who were presumed to have read the information carefully were treated as valid responses. Consequently, the sample size was reduced to 908 (459 in the narrative group and 449 in the logical group). They were randomly assigned to either the narrative group or logical group. After the pre-survey, participants read the narrative or logical information about climate change and completed the post-survey. The pre-survey consisted of three questions and the post-survey consisted of 11 questions. The narrative and logical information were Japanese texts with 653 and 686 characters, respectively. The text was divided into five paragraphs and displayed one paragraph at a time on the monitors of the participants’ computers and smartphones.

3.2. Materials and Methods

The narrative or logical information provided to participants demonstrated predicted damage from climate change for Japan in 2100. This included rising average temperatures, increasing frequency of heavy rain, and intensifying typhoons, based on the Japanese government’s assumptions about climate change [63]. In addition, both types of information emphasized the importance of reducing CO2 emissions and the potential of renewable energy. The information differed according to the way it was expressed.
The narrative information presented a story that focused on a person who was negatively impacted by climate change. It was constructed using conversational text and adopted a plot in which a protagonist was speaking to readers. The plot portrayed that the future predictions have become reality. Based on the features summarized in Table 1, the following efforts were made. First, it is known that the more the readers are transported, the more they are persuaded [50]; therefore, each paragraph began with “Imagine” to make participants feel as if they were experiencing the effects of climate change. Similarly, dramatic expressions such as “a road becomes like a river” and “a roof of a house flies in the air” to enhance the imagery were employed. Second, it is known that vivid expressions evoke emotions [58], so imaginative expressions such as “all is white” for “poor visibility” and “buildings and structures collapse” for “traffic lights and streetlamps fall down” were used. Furthermore, onomatopoeic and mimetic words such as “glaring”, “whirr”, and “swish” were frequently utilized. Third, based on the finding that people strongly respond to things that are relatable [64], we tried to make readers feel that the protagonist was appealing to them through phrases such as “I am calling on you” and “by your action”. On the other hand, the logical information presented rational arguments, expressed formal expression (see Appendix A and Appendix B).

3.3. Quantification

The pre-survey included three questions concerning participants’ traits, such as transportability, intuitiveness, and interest in climate change, in addition to demographic variables (gender, age, job, household income, place of residence, marital status, and the number of children living in the household). Transportability refers to the predisposition an individual has towards becoming lost in a narrative, and intuitiveness refers to the tendency to make decisions using System 1. These were all measured using a 6-point scale; the higher the score, the higher the transportability, intuitiveness, and interest.
In the post-survey, participants were asked to answer true or false questions that selected all the topics discussed in the information from a list of six topics, including the three topics that were mentioned and three that were not. Only respondents who answered the questions correctly were treated as valid. The survey then measured the comprehensibility of the information, anxiety and fear about climate change, sense of urgency, responsibility and guilt, behavioral intention, and policy acceptance regarding climate change. These were measured using a 5-point scale. The behavioral intention was measured in terms of CO2 reduction actions, further searching for information, and active participation in discussions. The average score of these three items was treated as the score for the behavioral intention scale (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.800). Policy acceptance was measured for the introduction of a carbon tax and a renewable energy tax, and the average score was used as the score for the policy acceptance scale (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.868).

4. Results and Discussion

4.1. Narrative versus Logical

Table 3 shows the mean scores (M) and standard deviations (SD) of the pre-survey for the narrative and logical groups, along with the p-values (two-tailed) from the t-test. No significant difference was observed in the mean scores for transportability, intuitiveness, and interest between the two groups. Therefore, we concluded that random sampling was successful.
Table 4 shows the mean scores, standard deviations, and t-test results of the post-survey for the two groups. The results indicate that narrative information is rated as more comprehensible than logical information. In addition, the narrative evokes more anxiety, fear, urgency, responsibility, and guilt than the logical text. Compared to logical information, the narrative increases behavioral intentions related to CO2 reduction, information seeking, and participation in discussions and improves the acceptance of policies that introduce a renewable energy tax. Although the narrative leads to higher acceptance of policies that introduced carbon tax than logical information, the difference does not reach a statistically significant level (p = 0.061). These results suggest that providing information concerning environmental issues through narrative may have a greater impact on behavioral intention and policy acceptance than conventional information provision using only logical text.

4.2. Influence of Personal Traits on Behavioral Intention and Policy Acceptance

In the previous subsection, by comparing the mean scores between the narrative and logical groups, it was observed that narrative information evoked anxiety, fear, a sense of urgency, responsibility, and guilt. It significantly improved behavioral intentions and policy acceptance compared to logical information.
This subsection discusses the results of an analysis of variance (ANOVA) aimed at clarifying whether there are differences in the effects of narrative and logical information depending on personal traits. Here, we focus on participants’ transportability, intuitiveness, and interest. Those who scored 1–3 points on these questions were classified as the group with low transportability, intuitiveness, and interest, whereas those who scored 4–6 points were classified as the group with high transportability, intuitiveness, and interest. Comparing the mean scores of each group, a trend is observed, as shown in Figure 2a–f.
First, we focus on transportability and compare the scores of each group using an ANOVA. As shown in Figure 2a, there is no significant difference in behavioral intention between narrative information and logical information when participants’ transportability is low (F(1383) = 2.07, p = 0.151), whereas the narrative leads to higher behavioral intention when their transportability is high (F(1521) = 10.7, p = 0.001). This is also true for policy acceptance, as shown in Figure 2b (low transportability: F(1383) = 0.594, p = 0.441; high transportability: F(1521) = 5.76, p = 0.017). Thus, it may be inferred that providing information through narrative can be a particularly effective strategy when receivers’ transportability is high. Previous studies have shown that a narrative has stronger effects on attitudes than non-narratives for people with high transportability, whereas the effects of narratives and non-narratives are similar for people with low transportability [65]. Therefore, our results can be considered to be consistent with the previous knowledge. In addition, it was also confirmed that people with high transportability are likely to remember narrative content more accurately than those with low transportability [65]. Based on this finding, we analyzed whether the percentage of correct answers to the true or false questions in the narrative group depended on their transportability. The analysis reveals that the correct response rate of participants with high transportability is 45.9% and with low transportability is 40.2% (p-value is marginal; p = 0.062).
Next, we conducted the same analysis by focusing on intuitiveness. As shown in Figure 2c,d, the narrative leads to higher behavioral intention in both the high (F(1503) = 6.09, p = 0.014) and low intuitiveness groups (F(1401) = 6.01, p = 0.015) and higher policy acceptance in both the high (F(1503) = 2.10, p = 0.015) and low intuitiveness groups (F(1401) = 3.47, p = 0.063). Therefore, the effects of information format on readers does not seem to depend on intuitiveness. Previous studies have reported that people with high intuition make decisions depending mostly on emotions, whereas people with low intuition make decisions based on logical reasoning [66]. Therefore, it is inferred that presenting narrative information to people with high intuition and logical information to people with low intuition is most effective in setting higher behavioral intentions and policy acceptance. However, our results are contrary to this expectation. One of the reasons for this contradiction is that decision-making was performed under unusual circumstances. Previous studies have pointed out that participants in questionnaire surveys may not answer spontaneously without any doubts but may answer with careful consideration of why such questions are being asked [67]. Considering this, it is likely that even those who make ordinary decisions mainly according to their intuition answered questions thoughtfully, that is, with System 2 at work. Therefore, participants processed information deliberatively, regardless of their intuitiveness, which may have resulted in similar trends in the two groups.
Finally, we focus on the interest. As shown in Figure 2e, narrative information leads to higher behavioral intention in both the low (F(1269) = 8.41, p = 0.004) and high (F(1635) = 4.38, p = 0.037) interest groups. On the other hand, narrative information leads to higher policy acceptance in the low-interest group (F(1269) = 4.65, p = 0.032), while there is no significant difference in acceptance by information format in the high-interest group (F(1635) = 1.38, p = 0.241) (see Figure 2f). Therefore, information provision through narratives may be particularly effective when a target group’s level of interest is low. This can be explained by the relationship between interest and information-processing processes. Few studies have directly focused on the effects of the level of interest on the persuasive effects of narrative. However, a certain number of cases focus on involvement as a concept similar to interest. For example, studies based on the elaboration likelihood model, a representative model of the dual-process theory, reported that the lower the involvement, the more likely it is that decisions will be made through a peripheral route (System 1) [68,69]. One typical example of a peripheral route is emotion. Thus, it can be inferred that the less interested a person is, the more emotion-dependent decision-making will occur, and appealing to his/her emotion through narrative will be more effective. This can also be inferred from the difference in the correlation coefficients between emotions, behavioral intention, and policy acceptance. Here, we treat the mean scores for anxiety and fear as the emotion scale. The correlation between emotion and behavioral intention is r = 0.454 for the high-interest group and r = 0.678 for the low-interest group (ps < 0.001). Similarly, the correlation between emotion and policy acceptance is r = 0.207 for the high-interest group and r = 0.454 for the low-interest group (ps < 0.001). Therefore, it can be inferred that the narrative leads to higher behavioral intention and policy acceptance than logical information because participants with low-interest made decisions according to emotions aroused by the information.
This can also be explained by the relationship between interest in and motivation for information processing. The elaboration likelihood model states that the motivation to process information is required to lead to stable attitudinal and/or behavioral change [36]. When people are highly interested in environmental issues, they are more likely to process information carefully which leads to changes in attitudes and/or behavior regardless of the format of the information, because the motivation to process it is high even if it is difficult to understand. However, when people possess low-interest, it is unlikely that information will be processed because motivation is low when it is written in a simple manner. However, the narrative is considered to motivate readers to process it because it is entertaining and fun. Therefore, we can conclude that the narrative motivates people with low-interest to process it and leads to higher behavioral intention and policy acceptance.

5. Conclusions

Taking climate change as an example, the present study compared the effects of a narrative processed by System 1 (intuitive and automatic) with logical information processed by System 2 (deliberative and cognitive). The results demonstrated that narrative was evaluated as easier to understand; evoked stronger anxiety, fear, urgency, responsibility, and guilt; and led to higher behavioral intention and policy acceptance than the logical text. In addition, the narrative was more effective when receivers’ transportability was higher or their interest in climate change was lower. On the other hand, effects of the narrative and logical information were comparable when their transportability was low or interest was high. This suggests that information provision through a narrative is not necessarily effective, and an appropriate format varies depending on the receivers of the information.
Much research on communication through narrative has been conducted in other fields such as health, advertising, and education, and rarely in the energy and environment fields. This study proves that the narrative approach can be effective to encourage pro-environmental behavior in a broad sense. Our new finding is that effects of narrative depend on readers’ traits, especially their interest in environmental issues. Few studies have focused on the conditions under which a narrative becomes effective, so it is significant that this study clarified that receivers’ interest is an important factor. Furthermore, narratives elicit stronger anxiety and fear, which suggests that narrative affects behavior through emotion. Since it is rare to focus on emotion when examining the impact of an information format, this study brings a new perspective in environmental communication research. Our findings will contribute to implementing the strategies and policies in the energy and environmental fields such as climate change mitigation and renewable energy promotion from the viewpoint of public acceptance. One of the limitations of the present study is that it was not sufficiently able to clarify the mechanisms by which the two formats of information affect behavioral intention and policy acceptability. Future research should clarify the pathways by which each type of information affects these factors.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, H.H.; methodology, Y.N. and H.H.; validation, Y.N. and H.H.; formal analysis, Y.N.; investigation, Y.N.; resources, Y.N. and H.H.; data curation, Y.N.; writing—original draft preparation, Y.N.; writing—review and editing, H.H.; visualization, Y.N.; supervision, H.H.; project administration, H.H.; funding acquisition, H.H. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Funding

This research was funded by Mitsui and Co. Environment Fund, grant number R18-0042 and Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) KAKENHI, grant number JP19K12457.

Institutional Review Board Statement

Not applicable.

Informed Consent Statement

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.

Data Availability Statement

Not applicable.

Acknowledgments

We thank everyone who participated in this survey.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

Appendix A

Logical information [Original text in Japanese is translated into English. It uses the more easily understood term “global warming” instead of “climate change”].
Global warming has attracted much attention in recent years. As global warming continues to advance, various changes are expected to occur in Japan at the end of the 21st century. The following are three major effects that are expected to occur in the future.
First, the average temperature in Japan is expected to rise by more than 4 degrees above the current level. The number of extremely hot days and tropical nights will increase, and outdoor activities during the daytime will no longer be encouraged during the summer months. This is also expected to result in an endless number of people being transported to hospitals for heat stroke.
Second, the frequency of heavy rain is expected to more than double. In Japan, heavy rains exceeding 100 mm per hour are expected to become more frequent. There is concern that such isolated heavy rain will cause frequent traffic disruptions due to poor visibility and flooded roads.
Third, the magnitude of typhoons is expected to increase. Typhoons originating in the south will approach more frequently while maintaining their strong force, and the maximum instantaneous wind speeds observed are expected to be higher than in the past. This may cause damage such as the collapse of buildings and structures.
As described above, global warming is said to have various adverse effects, but appropriate actions can lead to solutions. In particular, efforts to reduce carbon dioxide emissions are considered effective. To this end, it is important to reduce the amount of electricity used by society as a whole and to utilize renewable energy sources such as solar and wind power. We need to act with a sense of ownership to solve the problem.

Appendix B

Narrative information [Original text in Japanese is translated into English. It uses the more easily understood term “global warming” instead of “climate change”].
I am calling to you from Japan at the end of the 21st century. Do you know what global warming will cause in the future? Today I would like to tell you about three major changes that are occurring in future Japan due to global warming.
Imagine. The average temperature in Japan has increased by more than 4 degrees. In summer, it is not unusual to see 40 degrees or more in the weather forecast. It is impossible to be properly active outdoors during the day when the glaring sun is shining brightly, and almost every day is a tropical night. There is no end to the number of people who fall ill from the heat, and last year I was rushed to the emergency room due to heat stroke.
Imagine. The frequency of intense downpours has more than doubled. The rain falling like a waterfall has turned the whole area white and we can do nothing but stand around. Yesterday, I was on my way to go shopping when all of a sudden it started raining, a road became like a river, and I saw several cars stuck.
Imagine. We are seeing more and more typhoons of tremendous magnitude. Each time a typhoon approaches, strong winds blow, whirr, and swish that make it difficult to stand, unless we are holding on to something. A roof of a house flies in the air, traffic lights and streetlights are toppled over, and there is tremendous damage during typhoon season every year.
As you can see, global warming is causing many changes, but this future can be changed by your actions. By your actions to reduce carbon dioxide emissions. There are many things you can do around you, such as saving energy and electricity, and it is also important to use natural energy sources such as solar and wind power, which are called renewable energy. Please do not think of it as someone else’s problem, but lend us your help.

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Sustainability 15 01354 g001 550
Figure 1. Questionnaire survey procedure.
Figure 1. Questionnaire survey procedure.
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Sustainability 15 01354 g002a 550Sustainability 15 01354 g002b 550Sustainability 15 01354 g002c 550
Figure 2. (a) Transportability and behavioral intention. (b) Transportability and policy acceptance. (c) Intuitiveness and behavioral intention. (d) Intuitiveness and policy acceptance. (e) Interest and behavioral intention. (f) Interest and policy acceptance.
Figure 2. (a) Transportability and behavioral intention. (b) Transportability and policy acceptance. (c) Intuitiveness and behavioral intention. (d) Intuitiveness and policy acceptance. (e) Interest and behavioral intention. (f) Interest and policy acceptance.
Sustainability 15 01354 g002aSustainability 15 01354 g002bSustainability 15 01354 g002c
Table
Table 1. Features of narrative, episodic, and vivid information.
Table 1. Features of narrative, episodic, and vivid information.
NarrativeEpisodicVivid
Story✓✓-
Characters✓✓-
Specific and concrete cases✓✓✓
Awakens emotion✓✓✓
Highly imaginative expression✓✓✓
Table
Table 2. Gender and age of participants.
Table 2. Gender and age of participants.
MeasureDivisionTotal Number of ResponsesNumber of Valid Responses
GenderMale1055388
Female1066520
Age18–29418173
30–39423189
40–49426182
50–59427190
60+427174
Table
Table 3. Mean scores, standard deviations, and t-test results for the pre-survey.
Table 3. Mean scores, standard deviations, and t-test results for the pre-survey.
Narrative (N = 459)Logical (N = 449)t-Test
MSDMSD
Transportability3.6841.3163.5551.290t(906) = 1.496, p = 0.135
Intuitiveness3.5731.0673.5951.036t(906) = −0.310, p = 0.757
Interest3.9411.0723.8511.120t(906) = 1.241, p = 0.215
Table
Table 4. Mean scores, standard deviations, and t-test results for the post-survey.
Table 4. Mean scores, standard deviations, and t-test results for the post-survey.
Narrative (N = 459)Logical (N = 449)t-Test
MSDMSD
Comprehensibility4.2090.5944.1050.615t(906) = 2.600, p = 0.010
Anxiety4.1810.8583.9821.027t(906) = 3.155, p = 0.002
Fear4.0890.9263.8151.092t(906) = 4.072, p < 0.001
Urgency4.3120.7624.1710.900t(906) = 2.525, p = 0.012
Responsibility4.0370.9133.8020.987t(906) = 3.722, p < 0.001
Guilt3.6061.0293.3141.110t(906) = 4.100, p < 0.001
CO2 reduction4.1810.8453.9180.972t(906) = 4.346, p < 0.001
Information seeking3.4951.0323.3211.014t(906) = 2.557, p = 0.011
Participation in discussions2.9561.1332.8041.081t(906) = 2.072, p = 0.039
Carbon tax2.7021.1432.5591.139t(906) = 1.879, p = 0.061
Renewable energy tax2.7251.2082.5301.162t(906) = 2.483, p = 0.013
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Nakano, Y.; Hondo, H. Narrative or Logical? The Effects of Information Format on Pro-Environmental Behavior. Sustainability 2023, 15, 1354. https://doi.org/10.3390/su15021354

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Nakano Y, Hondo H. Narrative or Logical? The Effects of Information Format on Pro-Environmental Behavior. Sustainability. 2023; 15(2):1354. https://doi.org/10.3390/su15021354

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Nakano, Yuuki, and Hiroki Hondo. 2023. "Narrative or Logical? The Effects of Information Format on Pro-Environmental Behavior" Sustainability 15, no. 2: 1354. https://doi.org/10.3390/su15021354

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