1. Introduction
Economic development has long been regarded as the primary goal in China. As an important measure to stimulate economic growth and balance economic development across regions, transportation infrastructure has been extensively constructed by central and local governments in China. In particular, since 1998 (1998 was the first year of massive construction of transportation infrastructure in China), construction on the national highway network has grown rapidly, including national projects like the “five vertical and seven horizontal” national highway trunk lines and the “7918” national highway network, consisting of 7 capital radial lines, 9 north–south vertical lines, and 18 east–west horizontal lines.
However, this rapid economic growth also triggered several noticeable problems, among which pollution received much attention. In 2003, the central government of China made an official statement that economic development should consider the cost to the environment and the efficient usage of energy resources. This point was emphasized again in 2006 when the eleventh five-year plan was announced. To align local governments’ incentives with those of the central government on the issue of environmental protection, in 2007, the state council of China proposed a one-vote veto environmental pollution assessment of local leaders’ performance. According to Chen et al. (2018) [
1], this proposal induced Chinese local leaders to slow down economic growth as serious pollution would jeopardize their careers.
As concern for environmental protection grew, local leaders had an incentive to regulate the entry of polluting firms to balance the benefits of economic development against the cost to the environment. With this conflicting incentive, local governments’ decisions would be very complex when their local region was connected to a highway network. On the one hand, according to new economic geography, transportation factors have an impact on the spatial distribution of economic activities. And since transportation cost is one of the most important concerns of a firm when choosing its location [
2] and highway connections can reduce the transportation cost in a region, ceteris paribus, this region should be more attractive for firms. This positive effect can promote local economic development. At the same time, changes in economic and geographical patterns can have an impact on pollution-intensive industries and the spatial distribution of environmental pollution [
3]. On the other hand, without government intervention, polluting firms would be attracted as well, which would not only harm the environment but also jeopardize local leaders’ careers. Hence, highway connections can be a blessing or a curse for a region.
In this paper, we investigate the impact of highway construction on the entry of polluting firms, heterogeneity, and influencing channels. We apply the generalized difference-in-difference (DID) method to panel data consisting of 257 prefectures in China from 1998 to 2012. We have three main findings.
First, compared to prefectures without highways, highway connections increased the entry of polluting firms by 54.5 percent. This result satisfies the parallel trend assumption and passes the placebo test. It is also consistent with the result obtained from the two-stage least-squares approach. Hence, highway connections bring about more investments but also more polluting firms to a prefecture.
Second, highway connections significantly increased the entry of polluting firms in prefectures at provincial boundaries but had no effect on prefectures in the interior of some provinces. Due to the difficulty of identifying the source of pollution at provincial boundaries and the general lack of infrastructure in such regions, these findings fit the pollution haven hypothesis, which posits that polluting firms tend to invest in regions with relatively cheap factor prices, including labor, land, and other resources. This result thereby indicates that highway connections are actually both a blessing and a curse for such regions compared to prefectures on provincial boundaries without highway connections.
The heterogeneity analysis also reveals that this positive impact was more salient in central China than in other regions. Central China has better infrastructure than western China but less environmental regulation than eastern China. In this sense, it is an ideal location for polluting industries for which infrastructure plays an important role in their business operations. The positive impact was less salient in prefectures with more than 1 million residents in urban districts, indicating that urban residents’ health was still an important concern to local governments.
Finally, the mechanism analysis reveals that after the implementation of highway connections, the concern of local governments about environmental regulation increased for prefectures in the interior of some provinces but decreased for prefectures at provincial boundaries. The concern for local employment increased regardless of the prefecture’s location in a province. The concern for economic development was not affected, which is consistent with the findings of Chen et al. (2018) [
4].
This paper is related to three strands of the literature. The first strand considers the economic consequences of improvements in transport infrastructure, which could promote economic development, improve welfare, and increase employment [
5,
6,
7,
8,
9,
10,
11,
12,
13]. Donaldson (2018) [
14] states that transportation facilities increase intra-regional and inter-regional trade volume, reduce transportation costs between regions, and narrow the commodity price gap. However, whether there is a causal effect between the economic impact and highway construction in China is still controversial. For example, Faber (2014) [
15] finds that peripheral counties that are connected to the highway system generate negative industrial output growth through local market effects. Jaworski et al. (2020) [
9] argue that highways facilitate the concentration of output and exports in remote areas in relatively favorable sectors and can hence improve overall efficiency and social welfare benefits. Banerjee et al. (2020) [
16] argue that due to the lack of factor mobility, the accessibility of transportation infrastructure cannot have an impact on China’s economic growth.
The second strand of the literature considers the impact of transportation infrastructure on firms’ location selection. Traditional location theory and models of new economic geography believe that industrial location is determined by transportation and factor costs. Transportation infrastructure improvement can change the relative importance of concentration (market size and agglomeration economy) and decentralization (factor cost and competition), as well as the location choice behavior of enterprises [
17,
18,
19,
20,
21,
22,
23]. Empirically, Boarnet (1997) [
24] found a significant negative spatial spillover effect of highway construction among counties competing for production factors. Ghani et al. (2018) [
25] used “The Golden Quadrilateral Project” in India to carry out a natural experiment on the upgrading and reconstruction of highways and found that improvements in transportation infrastructure can improve the productivity and efficiency of resource allocation by attracting new enterprises. Holl (2004) [
26] showed that new manufacturing firms intend to be located near highways. Kim et al. (2018) [
27] found that highway construction along the west coast of Korea significantly increased the entry of manufacturing firms.
The third strand of the literature studies the role of local governments’ incentives in determining manufacturing firms’ location or regulating their emission behavior. Based on the pollution haven hypothesis [
28] and with the incentive of developing the economy for promotion, local governments may reduce environmental regulations, secretly allowing in or even subsidizing polluting firms’ emissions. For example, Jia (2012) [
29] analyzes the relationship between promotion incentives and pollution emissions and concludes that local governments still have big concerns about economic development, even though their performance evaluation also relies on progress in environmental protection. Kahn and Mansur (2013) [
30] point out that environmental regulation negatively affects polluting firms’ entry. He et al. (2020) [
31] find that highway connections can lower trade costs and increase a poor region’s gross domestic product (GDP) at a cost to the environment.
This paper contributes to the extant literature in two ways. First, while there are many studies about the impact of transportation infrastructure on manufacturing firms’ location choices, few have separated polluting firms from general manufacturing firms. However, as the importance of sustainable development has become a global consensus, studying how local governments in developing countries balance economic development and environmental protection is important. Second, our paper adds to the pollution haven hypothesis in that polluting firms also have strong preferences for transportation infrastructure. After being connected to a highway network, regions near provincial boundaries would deliberately reduce environmental regulation to attract polluting firms. This finding suggests that the construction of highways has a distributional effect on polluting firms.
The rest of this paper is organized as follows.
Section 2 presents the data and the empirical strategy.
Section 3 presents the regression results and the robustness check.
Section 4 and
Section 5 explore the heterogeneity and the channels through which highway construction affects the entry of polluting firms.
Section 6 concludes.
5. Mechanism
Since the incentive of local governments is crucial in determining manufacturing firms’ locations in China [
42,
43], we explored in more detail through what channels a highway connection can increase the entry of polluting firms. We considered three possible channels: a decrease in environmental regulation, increasing concerns about economic development, and employment. According to Li and Chen. (2018) [
41], employment is a critical concern when local governments allow the entry of polluting firms. In addition, they find that air pollution is an important non-economic factor that can influence polluting firms’ compensation to employees through wage increases.
We adopted the methodology used by Chen and Chen (2018) [
39] in choosing a set of key words that can capture local governments’ concerns about environmental protection. We counted the number of times these environment-related key words appear in government reports, calculated their proportion in the entire government reports, and used this proportion as a proxy for local governments’ concerns for environmental protection. In a similar fashion, we calculated the proportion of key words related to economic development and employment in government reports and used them as proxies for the local governments’ concerns about economic growth and employment.
We replaced
NP in model (1) with the three proxies at the city-level and ran the new regressions on the full sample and the two subsamples of prefectures in the interior of some provinces and those at provincial boundaries. The results are reported in
Table 7,
Table 8 and
Table 9.
In the full sample, highway connections decreased local governments’ concerns for environmental protection at a significance level of 5%. However, this effect was mainly caused by the prefectures at provincial boundaries, which had significantly decreased concerns at a significance level of 1%. In sharp contrast, the concerns of the prefectures in the interior of some provinces significantly increased at a level of 10%. The results in
Table 7 indicate that not only did the prefectures at provincial boundaries become more attractive for polluting firms after they were connected to the highway network, but local governments in these regions also intentionally reduced the environmental regulations to further facilitate polluting firms’ entry.
The results in
Table 8 show that highway connections did not induce local governments to further economic development, which was possibly due to the central government’s warning that economic development should not be achieved at the cost of the environment, especially after 2003. It may also be the case that after the central government’s emphasis on the importance of environmental protection, local governments were cautious about revealing their concerns about economic development by using words that were directly related to the local economy.
The results in
Table 9 indicate that local governments’ concerns for employment increased at a significance level of 5%. Although employment is related to economic development, it is a measure more closely related to social welfare and is usually evaluated separately from economic development in local governments’ performance evaluations. The concern for employment grew in both subsamples as a result of the highway connection, but both the magnitude and significance of the impact were greater for the prefectures in the interior of some provinces.
Combining the results in this section, we can conclude that local governments were aware of the positive effect that highway connections have on polluting firms’ entry. This is why, regardless of the location of a prefecture in a province, local governments’ concerns about environmental regulation were affected. While local governments’ concerns about employment also increased, the results in
Table 5 and
Table 7 indicate that the local governments of the prefectures in the interior of some provinces intended to attract non-polluting manufacturing firms. Polluting firms were hence driven to the prefectures at provincial boundaries by highway connections. The local governments of such prefectures valued the creation of new jobs generated by the entry of polluting firms and subsequently lowered the strength of their environmental regulations to attract them.
6. Conclusions
Since the 1990s, China’s highway has been in a relatively fast development stage. In order to evaluate the conflicting effects of the role of highway connections on environmental pollution and economic development, we study the impact of highways on the entry of polluting firms. In this regard, this study enriches the literature on the economic and social impacts of highway construction and yields rich policy implications for sustainable development.
On the one hand, based on the prefecture-level data in China from 1998 to 2012, this paper reveals the positive and significant impact of highway connections on the entry of polluting firms (54.5 percent), and the effect is more salient in prefectures at provincial boundaries, in the central provinces of China, and in prefectures with a larger population size in urban districts. We validated the robustness of the conclusion through the placebo test and winsorization. And we utilized the IV method to alleviate endogeneity issues, enhancing the credibility of the results.
On the other hand, our mechanism results show that highway construction has distributional effects for polluting firms, which also sheds light on the transition of economic growth to a sustainable path. The mechanism analysis suggests that the growing concern for employment after highway connection induced the local governments of the prefectures at provincial boundaries to intentionally pay less attention to environmental protection to attract polluting firms. The highway connections also induced the local governments of prefectures in the interior of some provinces to care more about employment. However, such prefectures also focused their attention more on environmental regulation to deter the entry of polluting firms. Therefore, the following policy implications can be derived: First, highway planning needs to take possible consequences for the environment into consideration, especially for prefectures at provincial boundaries. Hence, a comprehensive assessment of the environmental impact must be carried out during the planning and construction of a highway. Second, the central government should increase its direct supervision of emissions at provincial boundaries because provincial governments do not have the incentive to do so. Such a strategy can mitigate the negative externality from polluting firms’ emission. Third, more public health facilities may need to be constructed to accompany highway construction, especially for prefectures at provincial boundaries, as a precautionary act to mitigate the negative effects on local residents’ health.
Several future extensions are worth exploiting. For example, the ability of polluting firms investing in prefectures in the interior of some provinces and those investing in prefectures at provincial boundaries to abate emissions may differ, which may further worsen residents’ health near provincial boundaries. In
Appendix A, we replace the number of new polluting firms with the amount of carbon emissions in a prefecture and find that highway connections significantly increased the amount of carbon emissions in the prefectures at provincial boundaries but had no effect on the prefectures in the interior of some provinces. In addition, a further analysis of the economic benefits and environmental costs of polluting firms may be necessary to better understand the consequences of highway construction. The extant literature has not reached a consensus on this issue, so it is still ambiguous whether the overall effect of the entry of polluting firms is positive or not. Using data from the United States, Ash and Boyce (2018) [
44] point out that facilities that create a higher pollution risk for surrounding communities (that are relatively poor) do not provide more jobs overall.