Will the Exodus of Young People Bring an End to Swidden Farming as a Major Forest Use in SE Asia?

Abstract

Swidden agriculture has been practiced historically by communities in SE Asia, but as the population grows and other land uses expand, the areas available to swidden farmers are decreasing. Government environmental policies discriminate against swidden farming. Opportunities for off-farm employment are increasing, and this is attracting young people to abandon swidden farming. We explored the link between access to land and migration in three forest landscapes in Indonesia, Lao, and Vietnam. We analyzed the impacts of the push factors within the swidden systems and the pull factors from non-agricultural activities on young people’s decisions to migrate or continue in swidden agriculture. We found that stable cash incomes from non-farm jobs were a major driver of young people’s out-migration. Other factors included the desire to have broader experience, better education, as well as peer influences. We also found that land was becoming less accessible to young swidden farmers, but this was not a major reason to migrate as suggested by many studies. Government and private sector investments in plantations, mining, or infrastructure are reducing land availability. Government restrictions on land clearing also reduce areas available for swidden farming.

1. Introduction

Swidden cultivation is a traditional land-use system prevalent in remote and upland regions of Southeast Asia, where it is well adapted in hilly and less fertile landscapes. Swidden farming has historically served as a vital subsistence strategy, particularly for indigenous communities and ethnic minorities. This system involves a cyclical process where woody vegetation is cleared through burning at the end of each cycle, allowing for natural or improved fallow phases longer than the cultivation phase of annual crops [1]. Despite its historical significance, swidden agriculture has faced criticism due to perceived environmental impacts, including deforestation, wildlife habitat loss, air pollution, and carbon emissions [2,3,4].

In response to these concerns, many governments in Southeast Asia have implemented policies discouraging swidden agriculture, favoring sustainable forest management, expansion of estate crops, and forest cover restoration [5,6,7,8]. Thus, swidden agriculture has declined significantly in recent years [1,9].

The pace of economic development, driven by investments in estate crops and infrastructure expansion into remote areas, has significantly impacted swidden agriculture by altering landscapes. In many places, young people are leaving swidden agriculture in pursuit of off-farm jobs that are physically less demanding and give stable incomes, both locally in urban areas and abroad [10,11,12,13]. This shift is further influenced by land tenure arrangements and inheritance laws, which often limit young people’s—particularly women’s—access to land and discourage their involvement in agriculture [12,14,15,16].

Our study examines the push factors within swidden agriculture and pull factors from more intensive agriculture and non-agricultural activities and the intersection of land access, inheritance laws, and customary practices on young people’s migration decisions. Adopting a generational approach, we analyze youth migration patterns at locations in Indonesia, Lao, and Vietnam, considering the country-specific contexts and the broader dynamics shaping rural livelihoods. Young people as a “generation” are a category defined as the social structure that distinguishes children and young people from older groups [17,18]. By focusing on the linkages between young people and migration within the context of swidden agriculture, our research contributes to a deeper understanding of the factors driving the decline in this traditional land-use system.

2. Materials and Methods

This paper seeks to answer the following research questions:

(1)

Is swidden agriculture still relevant in a changing world and is its extent changing?

(2)

How important is swidden agriculture in rural livelihood strategies?

(3)

What determines decisions to remain in or leave swidden systems?

(4)

Which generations are migrating and which are staying?

The following are the operational definitions of keywords used in this research:

SWIDDEN AGRICULTURE refers to rotational farming in which land is cleared for cultivation (normally by fire) and then left to fallow for sufficiently long to be dominated by woody vegetation [1,19].

MIGRATION is the movement of people from one place to another to settle permanently or temporarily in a new location. People may migrate as individuals, in family units, or in large groups [20].

YOUNG PEOPLE is the time of life between childhood and adulthood. It is a period that may shape an individual’s level of dependency according to different cultural perspectives [21,22]. For statistical analysis, we have set an age of 35 years as the inclusion criterion. This figure is recognized nationally across Indonesia, Lao, and Vietnam.

PUSH FACTOR: Limited access to land serves as a significant push factor within swidden agricultural communities, where land represents the primary source of wealth and livelihood security [23,24]. For rural households, particularly those led by young individuals establishing their families, inadequate land access translates to diminished subsistence levels and an increased risk of poverty. Cultural norms and familial obligations further reinforce the pressure on young people to migrate, with some indigenous communities even viewing migration as a rite of passage into adulthood [25,26].

PULL FACTOR: Stable cash income from off-farm jobs and the associated economic and social benefits serve as significant pull factors leading young people to transition out of swidden farming [6,12,27]. Infrastructure developments, such as roads, enhance accessibility to economic centers beyond rural villages, further incentivizing young individuals to abandon farming.

Data were collected from 2016 to 2023 from three forest landscapes in Indonesia, Lao, and Vietnam (see Figure 1). We focused on communities that practice shifting cultivation, characterized by mobility, and forming part of multiple financial and information networks. These rural–urban and rural–rural interactions enable information and resource exchange.

This study used an inductive approach. Based on data and field observations, we identified the patterns in the specific research sites and across research sites. We analyzed these patterns to draw conclusions.

Primary data collection involved various methods including random household surveys, in-depth interviews, and focus group discussions (FGDs); segregated by gender and age, conducted at the village level. The FGD’s objective was to understand how migration and mobility influence changes in land use and the existing forest conservation systems. The FGD was facilitated by 1 lead facilitator, 1 co-facilitator, 1 note taker, and 1 observer/translator. The main questions asked during the FGD were:

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What are the present categories of land uses in the village?

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What are the changes and trends in land use in the village?

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What are the drivers of these changes?

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What are the linkages between drivers of changes and migration/mobility?

We discovered diverse discourses and motivations shaping decisions related to land tenure, livelihood strategies of households, swidden farming practices, and migration in multiple localities. In total, we interviewed 369 households and gathered 2062 individual-level data points, representing over 30% of households in the study villages. In villages with fewer than 40 households, we surveyed all households. The distribution of household samples was balanced across the three sites: Indonesia (110 households), Lao (134 households), and Vietnam (125 households). Appendix A shows the distribution of respondents per village.

We recognized the different gender roles and viewpoints in households and communities and interviewed equal numbers of female and male respondents in each location. In total, we interviewed 1033 men and 1029 women. This study refers to traditional gender roles defined by society in the three countries.

Secondary data were collected from peer-reviewed literature, policy documents, working papers of relevant development and donor organizations, and documents of projects, mostly from Indonesia, Lao, and Vietnam but also other countries in the Southeast Asia region.

In our qualitative analysis, interview notes were organized to provide a historical narrative of swidden farming and migration practices, with a focus on gender and generational perspectives. We identified common and unique patterns explaining why young people either continue or abandon swidden practices across various villages and countries. Additionally, a quantitative approach was employed to compare household characteristics in different countries. We calculated means and standard deviations for variables such as family demographics, farm types, and crop varieties (Appendix B).

3. Results

We used FGDs and household surveys to answer these four major questions.

3.1. Is Swidden Agriculture Still Relevant in a Changing World and Is Its Extent Changing?

Swidden agriculture is still being practiced by communities in all study areas. Swidden has been the basic livelihood practice of traditional inhabitants of these landscapes and has also been adopted by migrants moving into the areas in recent decades. Historically, opportunities to open forest areas, either driven by kin groups and neighbors or by government land allocation programs, was the primary factor encouraging in-migration to the villages.

Conversely, in Lao and Vietnam, land allocation is strictly regulated by government authorities, with households allocated plots of agricultural land according to predefined criteria. In Indonesia, swidden extent per household was notably larger compared to those in Lao and Vietnam, with land claims largely dependent on a household’s capacity to clear and cultivate forested areas (

Table 1. Average land occupied for the full swidden cycle.

Country	Village	Average Land Occupied per Household (ha)
Indonesia	Sungai Telian	30.00
	Keluin	25.38
	Benua Tengah	8.00
	Bunut Lalau	7.50
Lao	Sakok	4.64
	Huay Moey	0.94
	Moeng Kao	1.40
Vietnam	Que	10.3
	Muong An	1.56
	Lay	1.30

Source: household survey and focus group discussion (FGD) in each village.

). The Indonesian cases were located in Kalimantan, where traditional customary systems govern land allocation and people often lack legal certificates for their land. In Lao and Vietnam, land was allocated by the government under strict regulations concerning the number and size of agricultural plots per household. Vietnam Government’s Decree 02/CP of 1994, for instance, grants organizations, households, and individuals designated production forest plots for a 50-year term, with stringent limitations on the proportion of land permissible for swidden cultivation, typically capped at 20%.

FGD and household survey data indicate a recent decline in swidden plot sizes across the study countries. This finding was not verified using satellite imagery of forest coverage, so future research could explore this further. In Indonesia, dwindling swidden areas are primarily attributed to labor shortages caused by out-migration, as family members seek cash income elsewhere to sustain daily needs. Consequently, families often resort to hiring laborers to clear their swidden lands, which incurs additional costs. In Kalimantan, families traditionally “borrowed labor” from their community during peak planting and harvest times [28]. However, as migration increased, this tradition gradually gave way to monetary transactions, as revealed in in-depth interviews with the communities. Thus, if remittances are insufficient, swidden plot sizes may decrease, or families may transition to less labor-intensive crops like rubber.

In Lao, strict government regulations limit swidden plot allocations to a maximum of three per household, facilitated by resettlement programs aiming to consolidate villages and improve access to public amenities such as schools and hospitals. The literature shows swidden agriculture persists despite the Lao government prioritizing upland development focusing on food crops and economic growth. However, certain types of shifting cultivation are still temporarily permitted, especially where viable alternatives are lacking [29].

In Vietnam, swidden agriculture persists in remote, less supervised areas, providing households with food security and stable incomes compared to government-promoted intensive agricultural practices, such as subsidized rice or poultry and pigs [30,31].

3.2. How Important Is Swidden Agriculture in Rural Community Livelihoods?

Swidden agriculture remains an important component of indigenous communities’ multiple livelihood strategies across the three countries (

Table 2. Three main sources of household income segregated by gender.

Country	Village	Three Main Sources of Household Income
		Men	Women	Youth
Indonesia	Sungai Telian	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Rubber (small scale, cultivated between swidden fields) Pepper and palm oil plantation work	Swidden (small plots by the roadside) Palm oil (planted on their own land, small scale) Rubber tapping	Swidden (rain-fed rice) Rubber tapping Pepper
	Keluin	Swidden (rain-fed rice) Rubber plantation Pepper	Swidden farming (food crops) Migration to Malaysia as casual workers Vegetable garden	N/A
	Benua Tengah	Swidden farming (mixed crops) Mixed garden Non-timber forest products (NTFPs)	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Rubber plantation Vegetable garden	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Vegetable garden NTFP kratom wood
	Bunut Lalau	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Palm oil plantation workers Occasional construction work	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Vegetable garden Migration to Malaysia as construction workers and shopkeepers	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Palm oil plantation workers Making and selling handicrafts
Lao	Sakok	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Livestock Contract farming (maize)	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Livestock Contract farming (maize)	Upland swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Lowland swidden farming (maize, cassava) Forest products (teak timber)
	Huay Moey	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Livestock Contract farming (maize)	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Livestock Contract farming (maize)	Livestock Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Contract farming (maize)
	Moeng Kao	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice, 30% in upland areas, 70% in paddy fields) Livestock Weaving	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Livestock Weaving	Settlement Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Mixed garden
Vietnam	Que	Forest products (acacia) Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Fallow land for grazing	Forest product Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Home garden	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice, maize, cassava) Grazing land NTFPs
	Muong An	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice, maize, cassava) Galangal cultivation NTFPs	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Grazing land Forest products (timber)	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice, maize) Grazing land Swidden farming (cassava)
	Lay	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Forest products Swidden farming (maize)	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Grazing land (on shifting cultivation and restored forest) Swidden farming (maize, cassava)	Swidden farming (rain-fed rice) Forest products Swidden farming (maize)

Source: household survey and focus group discussion (FGD) in each village.

). Men, women, and youth groups are all engaged to some extent in swidden agriculture. They all contribute significant labor to swidden farming or consider that it contributes significantly to household income. Women’s groups also engage in weaving, home gardening, and working as migrant laborers. Youths often engage in physically demanding jobs or those that require high mobility such as working on distant swidden farms. In places like Huay Moey, where there is little diversity of activities among groups, there remains variation in the level of importance each group assigns to different livelihood strategies.

In Indonesia, the influx of big investments, for instance, oil palm plantations into rural areas, has led many indigenous households to relinquish their swidden land in exchange for employment providing a consistent monthly income, often through nucleus-plasma oil palm schemes. However, given the susceptibility of global commodities to price fluctuations, villagers may face contract terminations when global demand for oil palm declines. Thus, swidden farming is kept as a “safety net” to provide food and income when such circumstances occur.

In Lao, many indigenous households have been required to give up their swidden agricultural land following land registration and infrastructure development programs. The majority of respondents in Lao reported that the total land area allocated to each household is insufficient for profitable agriculture or to meet family consumption needs. In response to this, people are obliged to re-enter previous swidden land in upland areas to meet their food needs.

In Vietnam, government tenure policies aiming at ‘modernizing’ agriculture and stopping deforestation and forest degradation caused by swidden practices have resulted in a reduction in swidden agriculture and shortened fallow periods [3,32]. As a risk-coping response to declining livelihoods and food security, communities sell cattle and non-timber forest products (NTFPs) [8].

3.3. What Determines Decisions to Remain in or Leave Swidden Systems?

There are common factors driving people to leave or retain swidden agriculture in all villages across the three countries (

Table 3. Common driving factors.

To Keep Swidden Practices	To Leave Swidden Practices
From a policy perspective: Government official targets are not well implemented on the ground for various reasons (Indonesia, Vietnam). The government has re-oriented its goals for upland development (Lao).	From a policy perspective: Government’s land allocation program. Restrictions on swidden plots owned by households/communities (Lao, Vietnam). Government regulation to ban or limit swidden use of fire (Indonesia).
Opportunity to combine swidden with another mode of production or cash crops—to secure household food consumption, increase cash income, and provide a “safety net” when risks occur.	Opportunity to work outside the villages (mostly temporary migration)—to work in other types of agriculture (labor in palm oil and rubber plantations) and non-farm jobs (mostly in cities or neighboring countries in construction, factories, and shops).
Introduction of herbicides and pesticides to reduce the workloads and improve harvest and income. In Indonesia, farm mechanization is also crucial to solving the problem of limited labor.	Lack of agricultural workers in villages due to out-migration. Inadequate financial resources to buy inputs to keep swidden practice or change into less labor-intensive crops.
Increase in the price of certain crops cultivated through a swidden mode of production. Maize in Lao, acacia/rice in Vietnam, NTFPs in Indonesia.	Land-use change: from swidden areas to plantations, road, and public facilities (as part of the development and/or poverty reduction projects introduced by foreign development agencies).

Source: household survey and focus group discussion (FGD) in each village.

). There are also slight variations between and within each country.

The indigenous communities in Indonesia—in this case, Dayak Iban—still maintain swidden farming in rain-fed paddy fields (ladang) for cultural reasons, notably traditional ceremonies. We found similar results in a recent study of the Baduy community in the western part of Java, where swidden farming is considered important in spiritual activities and as a tribute to the Goddess of Rice.

3.4. Which Generations Are Migrating and Which Are Staying?

Our studies focused on recent migrants who arrived in all the research sites approximately 20 to 50 years ago. At that time, whole families established new settlements to open and cultivate swidden land. The migrants followed the practices used by the indigenous populations for several hundred years. Most of the migrants came from within the island of Borneo (Indonesia), Luang Prabang Province (Lao), and Nghe An Province (Vietnam).

In Lao and Vietnam, government regulations dictated the size of plots granted to families. Swidden agriculture served as the primary source of daily consumption and cash income, yielding staple food crops such as rice and maize.

Recently, family migration among swidden communities has persisted but has evolved from the patterns of earlier generations. Survey data indicate that nearly half of migration involves individuals aged 23 to 34, consistent with qualitative accounts of historical migration trends.

Table 4. Proportion of out-migrants per country.

	Indonesia		Lao		Vietnam
Household Info	Mean	SD	Mean	SD	Mean	SD
Migration experience †	0.65	0.48	0.52	0.50	0.51	0.50
Family members *	4.89	2.20	6.51	2.63	5.21	1.77
Youth members *	2.82	1.96	5.06	2.30	3.65	1.77
Male members *	2.41	1.30	3.30	1.70	2.65	1.14
						10.7
Age	33.55	12.09	23.31	6.40	27.97	7

^† Proportion (percentage) * per household (number of persons).

illustrates the trend for young family members to migrate to other rural areas to work as laborers in plantations or to urban centers for non-agricultural employment or abroad for off-farm work.

In all the study areas, young people migrate in search of better jobs, higher incomes, education, and diverse life experiences. Out-migration from villages exceeds in-migration. Family migration is specific to the context of Asian peasant families. In-migration is mostly driven by marriage (see Figure 2)—with either husband or wife following the spouse to live in the village. This study does not elaborate on gender-specific migration patterns determining whether men or women predominantly initiate spousal relocations. In one village in Vietnam, out-migration did not occur—this was explained by the recent establishment of the village as part of a government-led resettlement program to relocate people from upland areas as a forest protection measure.

Young people from Indonesia often migrate to neighboring countries, predominantly Malaysia, for temporary employment, typically working in construction, plantations, as shopkeepers, handicraft sellers, and other casual occupations. Many of these migrants maintain strong ties to their original villages, often commuting periodically rather than settling permanently. The primary driver of this migration is dwindling income from swidden agriculture, largely due to the loss of swidden land to oil palm plantations. To sustain livelihoods, people diversify their income sources and agricultural activities. Remittances sent by migrant family members are often allocated to education expenses, purchase of vehicles, and acquisition of mechanized agricultural equipment to enhance productivity. Securing tenure rights by keeping farms active is important, as no legal land rights are possessed and customary norms dictate that only those actively cultivating the land can claim ownership.

In Lao, the younger generation migrates in pursuit of improved education and employment opportunities while still supporting their families by remitting funds. Maintaining ownership of swidden land poses challenges due to higher taxes imposed by the government on idle lands to discourage land accumulation. This tax is particularly burdensome for elderly households with limited mobility and few income options. Despite risks and lower wages, many young Laotians opt for urban migration (often to Thailand), often relying on referrals from family or friends for job opportunities in cities or abroad [12]. Contract farming for maize, prevalent in all study villages during 2007–2008, initially offered a lucrative market for swidden families. However, unstable market conditions led to contract breaches and soil degradation, resulting in decreased production and the need for additional family members to seek employment outside the village. While the government’s road construction and infrastructure development aim to enhance living standards, improved access often facilitates the direct purchase of agricultural products by middlemen at lower prices, disadvantaging swidden families.

In Vietnam, out-migration rates are comparatively low due to the financial constraints faced by young people, who struggle to afford the high costs associated with migration. In regions like Lay and Muong An, the furthest young migrants venture is to neighboring villages, where they work as seasonal laborers during harvest periods. While some young men seek vocational training in cities, they often return to their villages and continue swidden farming, as they lack resources to start businesses. With families occupying limited plots of land, additional income is generated by working on other peoples’ land. Que is the only study village in Vietnam where the swidden families have a long tradition of out-migration. The tradition dates back to 1996–1997, when the first wave of migration occurred from China. Subsequent periods of migration in 2006–2007 saw movements to urban areas in Vietnam, Lao, and Thailand, primarily for casual employment at low wages. In contrast to other countries, there is no evidence of migrants from Vietnam sending remittances back to their families to support land cultivation efforts.

4. Discussion

The first part of the discussion focuses on statistical evidence on the link between young people’s migration, land rights, and swidden agriculture. The second part will explore the potential trajectory of landscape change in the future, particularly the impact of trade-offs between forest and agriculture.

4.1. Youth Migration, Land Rights, and Swidden Agriculture

The link between young people’s migration and land rights is significant in Lao and Vietnam and less so in Indonesia. Out-migration of young people is not significantly influenced by land availability in the villages. Most respondents did indicate that having access to land was the most critical requirement for maintaining swidden practices. This is logical for a society with agrarian roots since land is seen as a main resource for accumulating capital and avoiding poverty [23,24].

In Kalimantan, Indonesia, land rights are traditionally determined by customary “Adat” rules at the extended family and community level. Over time, people tend to claim individual rights over land that they cultivate, for instance, by establishing rubber plantations. Some also seek to formalize land rights under state law as an asset accumulation practice. In Lao and Vietnam, all land belongs to the population as a whole. The state administers the land, and citizens and organizations are given land-use rights but do not own land.

An average of half of young people migrate out of their communities regardless of land availability. Stable monetary gain from physically less demanding jobs is the main reason for young people migrating even when land is available. Some factors prevent swidden farming from being profitable, e.g., difficult access to markets, lack of resources to grow commercial commodities, inadequate skills, and lack of labor. Modern lifestyles that replace subsistence create a need for cash [9,33]. The combination of these two factors drives young people to migrate. Individuals referred to the possibility of obtaining a new job, gaining experiences in urban settings, or pursuing higher education as their main motivation for migrating.

Our recent study of the Baduy, a secluded indigenous community in the western part of Java, showed that the advent of modern technology, particularly cell phones, has encouraged the interest of young people in exploring alternative contemporary livelihoods.

Many indigenous communities associate swidden land with their cultural and religious identity [9,34]. This is particularly true of the Dayak Iban in Kalimantan and Hmong in Lao. Some respondents reported that keeping swidden practices, even of reduced size, is considered important to maintain their identity.

Indigenous land rights and swidden practices are typically based upon the expectation that young people will keep family land either by physically residing in the village, actively engaging in land cultivation, or providing financial support to maintain land productivity. Market demands prompt families to adapt their crop selection and farming methods dynamically, often necessitating cash for the procurement of chemical inputs and advanced farming techniques—some of which are provided by young people who have migrated.

In sum, migration affects land use in two ways. First, migration leads to a persistent shortage of agricultural labor, prompting families to keep swidden areas small in proportion to available labor. They may also abandon the swidden if it is not profitable but retain ownership where possible. Second, remittances from migrant youths inject capital into households and may facilitate the expansion or intensification of agriculture through the purchase of inputs or hiring of additional labor. The choice taken is also influenced by new ideas migrants acquire while abroad.

Market demand varies for major crops in each study site; oil palm in Indonesia, acacia and rice in Vietnam, and maize in Lao are all expanding. Oil palm may be planted in fallow land, and, with its high demand, it attracts substantial investment and offers relatively stable job opportunities, potentially reducing out-migration. This will gradually convert swidden land into an agroforestry system. Vietnam’s rice, supported by government subsidies, ranks second in terms of income stability due to the country’s prominent position as an exporter. In contrast, maize in Lao is less stable. Maize production is often linked to loans for pesticide and fertilizer purchases. These contracts are often breached, and overuse of chemical inputs eventually leads to declining land fertility. This instability significantly influences the cost–benefit calculation for young people deciding to migrate or to retain swidden systems.

Proximity to urban centers also impacts migration decisions among young people, albeit in a nuanced way. Villages like Bunut Lalau and Sungai Telian in Indonesia, located near Lubok Antu in Malaysia, witness lower and lower migration rates nowadays due to employment opportunities in local oil palm plantations. Moreover, intensified border control resulting from recent national road and infrastructure developments complicates migration processes, further influencing migration patterns.

4.2. Landscape Management Trajectories

A swidden landscape with a mixture of subsistence agricultural lands, plantations, and secondary forests is a reflection of the life and history of communities. It is determined by the inequalities in people’s relative experience of poverty or prosperity. It also reflects the dynamic interplay of structure and agency and response to pressure or support imposed by the state that shapes farmers’ decisions and their approaches to retaining swidden lands. Termed the “social landscape”, this anthropogenic forest bears the imprint of a myriad of decisions made by farmers over time [24].

Government policies in all three countries tend to delineate agricultural land separately from forest; governments prioritize the expansion of forests. This separation hampers the continuation of swidden agriculture, as it fails to recognize the benefits brought by rotational agroforestry systems. Consequently, swidden agriculture is not perceived as a functional land use, despite the reality that its overall contribution to communities and the environment may surpass that of settled or modern agriculture.

Four key factors influence the trajectory of swidden landscapes. First, government intervention, whether through investment in commercial commodity plantations or infrastructure projects like roads, can directly alter land-use choices and forest cover. In some cases, poorly planned government developments which are not socially, culturally, and ecologically appropriate for local communities can even worsen poverty or lead to environmental degradation.

Second, government policies can directly or indirectly affect swidden practices. Despite government policies to limit land ownership in Lao and Vietnam, people continue to return to large swidden plots in upland areas due to concerns about food security and the lack of options for alternative livelihoods. Advocacy groups highlight the role of swidden agriculture in supporting food security and sustainable livelihoods for indigenous communities [6,8,35], and this has prompted governments to relax rules regarding swidden practices where viable alternatives are lacking.

Third, youth migration affects labor availability for swidden farming and determines the intensity of agricultural activities [1,36]. Thus, the dynamics of youth migration influence the allocation of agricultural land, fallow areas, and forests within swidden landscapes, driven primarily by monetary gain rather than land availability.

Last, customary law plays a significant role in land management and tenure rights, often outweighing state law at the local level in people’s daily lives [37,38,39]. In Kalimantan, Indonesia, indigenous communities adhere more to customary law than to government fire bans, utilizing social and cultural mechanisms to regulate fire use and prevent its spread to neighboring lands. In essence, the customary laws, penalties, and ceremonies show that indigenous communities have a social and cultural understanding of how to best use and manage fires.

In Lao and Vietnam, indigenous communities protect the forest around springs within swidden landscapes. Rare plant species can often be found in these protected areas. In some villages, communities manage the fallow more intensively by adding diverse trees that have commercial values. This local wisdom will eventually enhance carbon sequestration and biodiversity in the swidden ecosystem [40]. These examples challenge the notion of swidden landscapes as degraded, highlighting their potential for sustainable land use and environmental conservation [41,42,43,44].

We project that swidden agriculture will continue to exist but will experience evolution in terms of size, the technology used, and management methods. This shows the dynamics of the swidden landscape as a result of the close interaction between people and the forest.

5. Conclusions

Whether it is seen as a form of everyday resistance to government control or a risk-coping strategy, swidden agriculture will continue to exist for the foreseeable future. It is a way of life that has proven to be reliable for rural and indigenous communities for food security, income generation, and, in some cases, maintaining cultural identity.

Swidden agriculture creates a dynamic social landscape and is heavily influenced by the socio-economic conditions of the communities that practice it. One of the aspects shaping the future of swidden agricultural landscapes is that young people migrate, affecting the availability of labor and finance through provision of remittances.

Providing a thriving environment for youngsters who choose to remain in the agriculture sector requires changed agricultural policies. For instance, policies that link markets and buyers, protection for smallholders in contract farming schemes, and policies that provide tenure security for farmers. As economies grow and land values increase, there will be a trend towards enriching fallows with perennial cash crops to improve productivity of swidden lands. Thus, swidden lands can evolve into productive agroforestry systems that will provide the benefits that will encourage young people to remain in their traditional territories. We have observed swidden farmers in Kalimantan enriching their fallows with oil palm, rubber, and gaharu (agar wood). Establishment of such tree crops strengthens people’s land claims and opens up opportunities for payments for environmental services, notably carbon markets [9].