Investigating Alternative Water Supply in Settlements: Cases from Turkana County in Kenya and Orangi in Karachi, Pakistan

Abstract

In urban areas, water is usually provided through piped systems from specific sources to consumers. Cities, towns, and peri-urban settlements typically benefit from piped systems, while rural areas rely on water supplies from surface sources like rivers and canals, as well as ground sources such as wells and tube wells. When traditional methods fail, alternative water supply systems emerge in both urban and rural areas. This paper addresses the question of whether alternative water supply arrangements are sustainable in terms of system reliability, consumer acceptance, cost-effectiveness, convenience, perceptions of service levels, and ease of access to service providers. This paper examines the status of alternative water supply arrangements in Turkana County, Kenya, and Orangi in Karachi, Pakistan, using qualitative methods. It highlights that underprivileged communities commonly turn to alternative water supply arrangements when conventional methods are unavailable or underperforming.

1. Introduction

Water supply is a complex process in developing countries, facilitated through a combination of conventional and alternative means. The commonly sanctioned mode of water supply is through piped networks at designated frequencies [1,2,3]. Utilities and concerned public and private service providers plan for an uninterrupted water supply through piped connections. In many countries in the global south, this is not consistently the case, however [4,5,6,7]. Low-income settlements, peri-urban locations, and slums are especially affected by the absence or inefficiency of formal piped networks. As a result, consumers adopt alternative arrangements to fulfill their basic water consumption needs [8,9,10,11]. These arrangements have been extensively researched [12,13]. For instance, in Dhaka, Bangladesh, where these arrangements are termed non-conventional public-private partnerships, the researchers looked at the services extended to slum dwellers by a national NGO, Dushtha Shashtha Kendra (DSK), in liaison with Dhaka Water and Sanitation Agency (DWASA) [14,15,16]. With rigorous community mobilization and active negotiation with the utility, substantial relief to slum dwellers was achieved. About 100,000 slum dwellers became active consumers of the utility with prospects for further growth. Another study described the successful implementation of the co-production of water supply services in Lilongwe, Malawi, where consumers in peri-urban areas rely on communal water points [1]. To increase operational efficiency, the water utility implemented a system of prepaid water meters at these community water points, an alternative option that the consumers found generally satisfactory [17]. Two of the authors of the present paper investigated alternative water supply arrangements in Karachi, Pakistan, about two decades ago [18]. People in Karachi, especially in low-income communities, continue to struggle in obtaining water for daily consumption through different alternatives. This paper investigates the status of water supply through alternative arrangements in Turkana County in Kenya and Orangi in Karachi. Despite their existence and benefiting the underprivileged communities, the alternative arrangements in water supply are neither adequately recognized nor mainstreamed in the planning and management of the service [19].

2. Context

2.1. Turkana County

In Turkana County, the well-being of families is determined by water accessibility [20,21]. Climatic conditions are harsh, with an annual average rainfall of 500 mm and temperatures averaging slightly above 37 degrees Celsius. The territory extends over a vast area of 77,000 sq. km with a population of over 1.5 million [22]. Local communities access water primarily through groundwater sources, including wells and shallow aquifers reached through boreholes. These aquifers are usually far from settlements. Occasional rainfall brings some relief as aquifers are partly recharged, allowing water to be drawn from wells. Another arrangement provided by concerned partners working for the development of the community is trucking water from distant sources [23,24]. This situation underscores the critical need for sustainable water management strategies to ensure the resilience of water supply systems.

There are many gaps in the institutional arrangements in Turkana County, as documented by a study that identified many factors that impact water supply to communities [25]. These include unplanned settlements, recurring conditions of drought, high trucking costs, many administrative units with no water source, businessmen’s commercial priorities, and the absence of a long-term investment strategy for adequate and dependable water supply. The exploration of alternative options for in situ water supply is essential, as illustrated in a study [25], including the development of water harvesting pans (or ponds) to provide water to livestock during the rainy seasons and alternatively to households trained in basic water treatment methodologies such as the use of appropriate water filters. These methods would provide sustainable solutions to water scarcity and could be adopted by Turkana communities alongside other strategies.

Recent research studies highlight several challenges in the implementation of water treatment solutions in Turkana County, including the imbalance between water demand and supply, public acceptance, testing costs, and financial constraints [26]. Additionally, the quality of treated water may not always be suitable for domestic use, and there is a lack of comprehensive regulation to monitor treatment effectiveness [27,28,29,30]. Despite the potential advantages of water reuse to address the water crisis and reduce stress on aquifers, low literacy levels (82% are illiterate) heighten the risk of community members consuming untreated water from open water harvesting structures. Water reuse entails many components [31]. By the use of storage such as tanks and water pans to recharge aquifers, distribution using pipes reduces waste and enhances re-use applications such as in small-scale kitchen gardens irrigation. The treated water is used for drinking and cooking. By integrating water reuse into alternative water supply strategies, communities can enhance their water security, promote sustainable water resource management, and hence mitigate the impacts of climate change and population growth on water resources [32,33,34]. This practice could lead to health issues, particularly when water is consumed directly or given to livestock without proper treatment. Hence, addressing both the technical and educational aspects of water treatment and consumption is crucial for ensuring the well-being of the community and their livestock in Turkana County. It may be noted that most organizations in Turkana offer water trucking as the only option for water supply. When the companies managing trucking leave, the communities will have to search for other alternative options. In Nakukulas and Lokicheda villages in Turkana’s east, where an international oil exploration company is located, water trucking was prioritized. This obtained water for their own field operations, but also, through catering to the local community, ensured the company’s license to operate. Once the water trucking ceases to function, water distribution through a piped arrangement shall be required (water reticulation system).

2.2. Orangi, Karachi

After the creation of Pakistan in 1947, Karachi experienced continued population growth and expanded from 435,000 people in 1947 to over 20 million people in 2017 [35,36,37]. Large-scale migrations and re-location of people at different points in time caused several challenges for the authorities, and the scarcity of land and housing remains unparalleled [38]. The absence of an adequate institutional response to the housing issue resulted in the emergence of informal settlements (or katchi abadis in Urdu). These settlements were regularly bulldozed during the 1950s and 60s, a practice that was greatly reduced during the 70s and 80s. In 1987, the government devised a policy to examine these settlements and to approve the regularization and upgrading of those settlements that fulfilled certain criteria. Residents of katchi abadis in Orangi town were relieved by the potential for secure tenure.

Orangi, in the west of Karachi, was initially developed as a planned location to accommodate working-class people due to its proximity to Sindh Industrial and Trading Estate (SITE)—an important industrial location. Starting in the 1960s, it developed into an expanded low-density low-rise residential development. However, after the secession of East Pakistan in 1971 as Bangladesh, a large number of residents from Dhaka and other places opted to relocate to Pakistan, mainly to Karachi. Many of these people squatted in Orangi, which, in a few years, became a large informal settlement accommodating hundreds of thousands of people. During the 1970s and 1980s, Orangi locations that were informally developed included Sector 11 ½ (L Block), Urdu Chowk, Shah Wali Ullah Nagar, Chisti Nagar, Rais Amrohvi Colony, Sector 14, Gulshan-e-Bihar, Mansoor Nagar, Yaqoobabad, and Ghaziabad.

Water supply and sanitation remained chronic issues. In the beginning, informal settlements in proximity to planned areas such as SITE or North Nazimabad benefited from their piped water supply. As water demand increased, the supply could not keep pace, and people relied on water vendors. Many people could not afford this expenditure, which increased over the following years. Through the efforts of local municipal councilors in 1984 and local welfare organizations, the Karachi Water and Sewerage Board (KWSB) began to deliver one tanker load of water on a daily basis to local mosques. Later, it increased this to two tanker loads per mosque per day [39]. Mosques hired a person to distribute this water to area residents for Rs. 25 (USD 0.088) per 16-liter plastic container. This arrangement lasted for a few years, and people continued to demand piped water supply from local and provincial authorities, which is considered the standard mode of water supply by the utilities and people.

2.3. Comparison

The Turkana and Orangi contexts are clearly very different. Turkana’s low-density population is spread over a vast territory. Orangi is a gradually densifying squatter settlement. Land use in Turkana is largely rural, while Orangi, an urban area, is becoming more diverse in terms of activities. The common and institutionally endorsed option for Turkana is to draw water through boreholes from aquifers, where present. In Orangi, the piped water supply, planned and sanctioned by the utility, is the accepted mode. However, institutionally preferred options are inadequate in both cases and fail to serve all consumers according to their needs. In both cases, alternative arrangements have been regularly employed. In Turkana, the provision of treated water through pipes is accepted and supported by the water utilities and other concerned government agencies. However, such arrangements continue to exist as informal alternatives in Orangi, serving a wide range of consumers. The water utility and other concerned government agencies maintain the status quo, neither moving in to stop these practices and replacing them with acceptable options of piped water supply nor providing any plan or program for the future.

3. Methodology

The main aim of this research was to investigate whether alternative water supply arrangements in Turkana County and Orangi were sustainable. For Turkana County, the study was conducted between January and June 2020 and aimed to find out the impact of water trucking on the communities of Turkana East Sub-county and to assess their ability and preparedness to sustain this alternative water supply project. Nineteen community members, drawn from the nine villages with community water access points, were interviewed on the effectiveness of the trucking and distance to alternative sources. There were also ten focus group discussions on alternative water supply options. From observation, there was also the implementation of the water reticulation project as an alternative water supply option to trucking. This study also aimed at determining the level to which the communities were prepared to operate, manage, and sustain the alternative water access projects following the experiences they encountered with water trucking. This study did not investigate the water quality parameters at the point of collection due to COVID-19 travel restrictions. Given the peculiar rural context, the contribution of key informant interviews and focused group meetings was found to be effective in generating useful data for research.

In Orangi, the research began in June 2022 and concluded in May 2023 and used qualitative methods, including informal discussions with community members and KWSB staff members and a review of KWSB records to examine the status of the water supply [40,41,42]. Members of local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and community-based organizations (CBOs) were also interviewed to help connect with the affected communities and households. Twenty-eight key informants were interviewed in fourteen locations in Orangi to assess the piped water supply and various alternative means of water supply in Orangi. Six sessions of open conversation with community members and silent observations were also carried out to acquire information around water supply installations such as pump houses. Given the fact that Orangi is a settlement with Urdu-speaking Mohajirs, Biharis, ethnic Pashtuns, and other communities with a history of violence, the interviews from informal community leaders and open conversations at designated locations—including public places—were found to be appropriate for producing dependable information for this research. This paper first discusses Turkana, followed by the Orangi example. Discussion and conclusions from both contexts are presented in the final part of this paper.

4. Alternative Water Supply Arrangements in Turkana

4.1. Status of Water Supply

Areas of intervention are identified through this research where water supply can be ensured for communities and the company can focus on its main goal of exploration of gas and oil. Kochodin Water Resources Users Association (KWRUA) was formulated with the collaboration between the Government of Turkana County and Water Resources Authority (WRA). This association was responsible for effective governance to meet the community’s water demands as well as examining trucking impacts in Lokicheda Villages. Findings and deliberations in a study state that governance systems need to be efficient in order to provide equal and sustainable water access [43].

This research found that the economic and social impacts of water trucking would not affect the implementation of a sustainable reticulated water supply scheme. The tri-partite collaboration in the implementation of a water reticulation project model influenced by the multi-sectoral approach to water project management would trigger further research and assure the inclusion of all parties and hence sustainability of water supply systems.

4.2. Access to Water Sources

During focus group discussions undertaken for this research, boreholes and protected springs emerged as the common water supply arrangements. Boreholes in Nak 9 and 10 yielded 200 cubic meters and 170 cubic meters of water per day, respectively. Lokicheda’s borehole yielded 30 cubic meters of water per day. Many communities depended on the alternative of water trucking. A brief review of the community trucking points is mentioned in

Table 1. Community trucking points in Turkana County.

S. No.	Location	Beneficiaries of Water Supply from Trucking				Daily Average No. of Livestock Accessing Water from Water Point					Feedback of Beneficiaries about the Alternative Option of Service
		Domestic Use		Livestock Use
		M	F	M	F	Goats	Sheep	Camels	Others	Total
1.	Lopii 36 N 819866, 288327	1	124	37	4	102	73	2	10	190	A portion of 84% of the respondents agreed to access alternative water sources situated 4–15 km apart while 16% disagreed.
2.	Katamanak 36 N 814509, 234298	18	15	18	15	38	22	2		62	The alternative water source is 0.5 km to 3 km away from the village. The water is used for both animal and human consumption.
3.	Lopuroto 36 N 809922, 240262	0	0	76	0	1484	406		2	1892	The alternative sources of water are located 7–8 km from away from the village.
4.	Lotimaan 36 N-805915, 247	0	0	54	21	469	490	3	2	974	The alternative sources of water are located 2 to 10 km away from the village.
5.	Kalouchelem 36 N-804048, 249980	33	7	28	28	672	217	3	2	894	The village’s alternative sources of water are situated 6–9 km away.

NB: The water trucking schedule was three times a week on Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday for the villages being studied.

below.

According to the Turkana County government, attempts to provide an alternative water source were underway to minimize the effects of trucking water to 23 water points in the community that were installed along the major roads in the operation area. Figure 1 illustrates the demand for 180,780 L/day. The water reticulation project is serving 5275 of the population and 2434 livestock units, as shown in Figure 2.

4.3. Community Water Demands

For this research, the respondent size was 100 people, and 5300 people were making up the target population [44]. The Slovin formula was considered, with the error or margin being 10%. The analysis showed that 98 respondents perceive water trucking as an alternative, whereas only 2 respondents lacked knowledge of trucked water being an alternative or not. Two respondents moved to the area recently, not knowing about the water points in the community. However, the majority of 98 respondents were local residents with complete awareness of water trucking being a supplementary method to obtain water from alternative water points. This study further showed that due to the given nature of the pastoral community, 98% of the trucked water becomes utilized for the livestock units, and only 2% of it remains for domestic consumption.

4.4. Community Perceptions on Performance of Water Supply Options

Members of the committee are elected by the community for three- to five-year terms. However, since 2017, committee members usually leave before their designated time. The community does not usually intervene in committee matters until the community’s water points stop functioning. Also, there was a lack of communication between the committee and the community, which is why most people were not aware of the committee. However, the people recognize the user association of the water resource management committee. The research also shows how people were not satisfied with the logistical procedures of trucking water but continued to obtain water from this mode due to the lack of other options. Moreover, 70% of the people showed serious concerns about the trucking alternative as unstable since Tullow, the oil company, ceased its operations in 2018 and demanded a long-term sustainable arrangement. Moreover, 30% of the people also suggested that boreholes can be an alternative for each community, while the other 70% wanted a water reticulation project.

Further, in light of supply and demand, borehole Nak 10 is required to operate fully to fulfill the community’s demand instead of just 8 h. This called for a system with a combination of fuel-run power supply and solar (please see Figure 2).

4.5. Local Water Management Committees

During the research, it was found that some people in Lokicheda village have attempted to form committees/community-based organizations to manage the water supply system but failed as they did not include all groups of the community. Boreholes were also not drilled before the presence of Tullow. In the case of hand-dug wells, elders of the village belonging to different kraals would manage the wells following a traditional leadership mechanism. When deeper digging of wells was required due to water depletion, contributions such as animal slaughter were demanded from every community member. Those who would refuse were then prohibited from using the well’s water. Those people then resorted to building their own wells, which resulted in the presence of numerous wells on the same dry river beds and causing unstable formations. In 2017, a water study around the areas found that it was unsustainable to continue trucking. This situation led to the development of a water management strategy and the communities’ involvement in the management structure, which embarked on sensitization in collaboration with the Water Resources Authority (WRA) and the formation of the Kochodin water resources users’ group.

The research work included interviews of office bearers of local water committees. The findings were disseminated to community stakeholders, which included local administration officials, ward administrators, elders, religious leaders, and teachers. In the case of electing officials for the committee, clan and sub-clan affiliation and popularity were found to be the key factors. The main consideration for elections became clan balance and the individual’s ability to gain the support of sub-clans. In other areas, teachers and church pastors among the elites dominated various committee positions. The perception found within Lokicheda village was that they could manage their own matters since most of the teachers, etc., were from other clans or not locally from the village. Members of the community during interviews showed concerns related to KWRUA’s transparency and accountability. They were also suspicious about the chairman for being corrupt. People believed that these factors would negatively impact the performance of the water reticulation project. Despite the various reservations, people also acknowledged the committee’s commitment to the project, no matter the quality of work in the implementation phase of the project.

4.6. Gender Representation

Women were mostly deprived of the opportunity and platform to make decisions related to the water issues. They had no opportunity to voice their opinions and concerns in the committee meetings. There was only one woman holding the treasurer’s role in the Kochodin WRUA because of a general perception of key roles being appropriate for just men. The influence of clan leadership in water management also represents that involvement in these matters was only limited to male members of the community.

4.7. External Support to the Community

During the research, the local administrative officials reported in the key interviews that organizations that are working in the region mostly focused on food distribution and showed little concern for water-related issues. It was noted that 80% of the respondents acknowledged the efforts of Tullow in improving the situation of water access in the area. They further claimed that water access was made possible in even those areas where the county government was not supplying water. Moreover, 20% of the respondents questioned the sustainability of the water trucking system despite being a quick fix for the communities. From the inception of the water reticulation system, the water resources management authority (WRMA) conducted an awareness program on water quality and the importance of forming a water resources users association, and in collaboration with Tullow, the Kochodin water resources association (KWRUA) was set up and capacity built by WRMA and is now being linked to the national government water services trust fund (WSTF) for financing support to rehabilitate water pans within the area. As this study suggested, water trucking was replaced by a project on water reticulation, which was under process for efficient water supply.

According to a key informant, Tullow was incurring a hefty cost of USD 21,000 on a monthly basis for water trucking. It added up to USD 252,000 yearly, which was extremely expensive without the assurance that the supplied water was completely fulfilling the community’s water demands. A key informant also recorded his observation about the quality of delivered water. Despite the trust in the water quality during the loading of trucks, chances of contamination during the delivery process were still there, which could harm the reputation of the organization if the community registered their complaint about the quality of water. This perception led to the company’s internal decision to conduct a water access study in 2017 that informed the decision to implement a dedicated water reticulation system. It was to be managed by the local community and with technical support from the county government of Turkana. A one-off sustainable water reticulation project estimated to cost USD 500,000 proved to be a more cost-effective alternative.

4.8. Influx and Migration

Interviews with two truck owners revealed the dispersion of the community, and people were scattered in different areas, which enhanced the requirement of more water points in close proximity to the dispersed settlements. This left a great number of people deprived of water access, which ultimately increased water demands and burdened the trucking system, which resulted in higher costs and an increased schedule.

Meetings with community members and focused group discussions informed us about the increasing numbers of immigrants from the nearby areas. The number of new immigrants was estimated to be around 1890 people, comprising 315 households. Some of the people came to areas close to the water points as their livelihood activity was dependent on water, but they were left in a vulnerable situation when the cattle raiders took away the animals. Others moved into the water area because of the common ethnic-traditional relationships as close pastoral neighbors. Another reason that attracted immigrants to the areas close to water points was the introduction of programs for community development, which led to opportunities for work, which also further led to inter-marriages. All these factors caused overcrowding near the community water points, which brought about an increase in competition for the meager water resource. The community members at times staged roadblocks against oil company operations in demand for more water supply than there before and hence disruption of activities.

5. Alternative Water Supply in Orangi

5.1. Status of Water Supply

The research found that the situation of water supply in Orangi became challenging in the 1980s. As per usual arrangements, the settlement received water supply through pipes. The source of this supply was Hub Dam, located in the west of Karachi in Hub, Baluchistan. The dam depended on seasonal rains to fill its water resources. Prolonged dry spells during the 1980s made water supply nearly impossible through the laid-down pipes in Orangi and many other areas [45].

Karachi Water and Sewerage Board (KWSB), the city water utility, used to make arrangements to supply water through water tankers. This alternative arrangement was found inadequate by area residents; the demand was higher than supplies [46]. Water tankers were obtained from designated hydrants managed by the KWSB as well as from illegally operated supply points where saline water from boreholes was filled in tankers [47]. This made an expensive proposition as tankers supplying clean water cost Rs. 3000 (USD 48) for 1000 gallons. Similarly, tankers supplying saline water cost Rs. 2000 (USD 35) for 1000 gallons.

In 1999, awami (peoples) tanks were constructed under the supervision of KWSB by the government, philanthropists, and some area residents. Each tank had a capacity of about 3000 gallons and was constructed in designated open public spaces. The operational control of hydrants and tanker fleet management was handed over to Pakistan Rangers, a paramilitary force. People used to obtain water from these tanks free of charge. In 1984–1985, water was supplied via water tankers to designated homes and mosques, especially in areas like Ghaziabad, Shah Wali Ullah Nagar, Gulshan Bihar, and Gulshan Zia, from where it was supplied to the rest of the households in Orangi. This initiative was carried out by the mayor and counselor of that time, Mr. Abdul Sattar Afghani and Mr. Shamim, along with the social workers.

In 1989–1990, many large tanks were established in several areas of Orangi by KWSB, with Pakistan Rangers being the custodians of water supply through those tanks. People used to obtain water from these tanks through drums and other means. Names of some areas where this service existed include Ghaziabad, Mewati Chowk, Bilal Colony, Gulshan Zia Graveyard, near Khalilia Masjid Gulshan Bihar, Gulshan Bihar Toheed Colony, Mansoor Nagar, L Block, near Graveyard Sector 11 ½, and mosque on a mountain in Gabol Colony. These tanks operated from 1998 to 1999 until they required maintenance work, which no institution was willing to carry out. Other factors, like the deteriorating political and law-and-order situation, the attitudinal shift of elected representatives, and their unwillingness to cooperate with civil society, became the common reasons for the disappearance of awami tanks.

In the current situation, the frequency and timings of obtaining water from the piped supply are highly unreliable. A few locations, including Data Nagar, Banaras, Qasba Mor, Gabol Para, and Pakistan Bazaar, obtain water through piped connections only once in 15 days. Even this supply only delivers water for 1–2 h. Households from many other locations reported receiving water from a piped connection once every 40 days. The locations in this category included Gulshan-e-Zia, Gulshan-e-Bihar, Yaqubabad, Chishti Nagar, Shah Waliullah Nagar, and Qaddafi Chowk. Suction pumps are essentially required to pull water through the pipes when available (please see Figure 3). Without a proper piped supply, obtaining water through tankers and boreholes becomes the alternative. The usual price of a tanker load of water in Orangi from a KWSB hydrant is Rs. 3000, or USD 12. This water is saline and unfit for drinking, cooking, and other related activities. Households use this water for washing and cleaning. Those who cannot afford it are forced to use the same saline water for cooking and drinking. This causes health issues on a recurring basis. For drinking and cooking purposes, households purchase water from reverse osmosis plants (where available). These small-scale plants charge Rs. 100–150 (approximately USD 0.4–0.6) for a plastic can of 4.5 gallons. They also explore obtaining water from mosques, far-away relatives, and public buildings such as schools and health care facilities.

As obvious, it is confirmed that the water supply through the piped system is completely inadequate and restricts household residents’ dependency on it. Conversations with area residents revealed that many water tanker owners operated in the area where they stored water illegally. These tanker operators arranged huge water storage tanks to store boring water in their houses, where sweet and saline water was often mixed. This water was supplied to areas of Ghaziabad, Gulshan Zia, Gulshan Bihar, Yaqoobabad, Chishti Nagar, Orangi town, etc. at rates of Rs. 1500 to 1800 (approx. USD 6–7.5). Whereas water drawn from boreholes in some peri-urban locations, which was a little bit saline in taste, was easily available at rates of 2000 to 2200 (approx. USD 8–9.2).

Piped water supply depends upon the efficiency of pumping. Water pumping stations have been the main installations that facilitated supply into the pipelines. Along Shahrah—Qaddafi Banaras, Qasba Mor, Peer Bazaar, Gabol, Disco Mor, and German pumping stations supply water. Banaras, Orangi Sector 3 ¾, Orangi 10, and Al Hira pumping stations supply water in areas along Shahrah-e-Orangi. The working of these pumps has been impacted due to frequent electricity failure or shortage of electricity (that results in the closure of pumps). In short, very little water was supplied through pipes.

5.2. Community Water Demands

Awami tanks were not only built by the people, but a management structure was also devised by them where mobilizing groups were supposed to oversee water distribution to individual households. Locations within Orangi where these arrangements were made included Gulshan-e-Zia, Ghaziabad, Christian Colony, Yakoobabad, Mansoor Nagar, different locations in Sector 11 ½, and many other locations (see photographs 2 and 6). While the tankers were free as per Rangers’ directives, the people paid Rs. 35 (USD 0.52) per trip to deliver, which was collected by the local community volunteers. Every house was allowed a maximum of six containers per day. This became the usual mode of obtaining water for people residing in the vicinity, although a few people from faraway locations also became part of this process.

Later, as people could not mobilize for the tanks’ maintenance works, they went into a state of disrepair.

5.3. Community Perspectives on the Performance of Alternative Water Supply Options

According to the twenty-four area residents interviewed, the water supply in most of the locations in Orangi has been completely unsatisfactory. Locations along Shahrah-e-Qaddafi, including Orangi Sector 1, Sector 8, Sector 8 ½, Data Nagar, Gabol Colony, Sector 13, Bangla Bazaar, and Sector 14 (Fauji Hotel), receive piped water supply once in thirteen days for a few hours per day. It continues for two days with substantial interruptions in between. Most of the households have constructed underground water tanks, but those with large families that do not have underground tanks face problems. People also acquire water through boreholes in the ground. The quality of this water is not up to drinking water standards. Other neighborhoods along the same street, including Sector 14 (Block 5, Block 1), Shah Faisal Chowk, Johar Chowk, Gulshan-e-Bihar, Ghaziabad, and Gulshan-e-Zia, receive piped water supply once a month for two hours. Some blocks of Ghaziabad, Christian Colony, and a few blocks of Gulshan-i-Zia do not receive piped water supply. The reason for not receiving the water supply is due to dysfunctional water valves or political interference in the routine functioning of the system. In such areas where people receive water for two hours, people obtain two water tankers of 1000 gallons per month. The price of one tanker is Rs. 2700 (approx. USD 13) from KWSB hydrants. People who obtain their tankers from slightly saline crush plants pay Rs. 1800 (approx. USD 8.69). Many people have also resorted to boring to obtain saline/brackish water supply, which is used for washing utensils or in toilets. Many philanthropists have also constructed borehole points in different areas. Using a hand pump, small quantities of water can be drawn by people themselves. People come to these points and fill their vessels. The area also has manually operated hand pumps, which are utilized for domestic use. Several settlements, including Banaras, Orangi 4 ¾, Orangi 5, and Orangi No. 4, also receive piped water supply after fourteen days. In Sectors 10 and 11, Islam Chowk, Dabba Mor, Chisti Nagar, Mansoor Nagar, Shah Wali Ullah Nagar, and Rais Amrohi Colony piped water is received after 30 days. Most of the residents obtain water from tankers. Many people have dug boreholes. This saline water is used for toilets and washing utensils. During hot weather, people also use this water for bathing. Generally speaking, people are not averse to the use of saline water for non-drinking purposes.

Areas that face severe water supply shortages start from Shahrah e Qaddafi, which is a hill range towards the east of Orangi that stretches to locations along Kati Pahari, Orangi No. 1, Orangi Data Nagar, Gabol Colony, Sector 13, Sector 14, Sher Pahar, Gulshan-e-Bihar, and the Northern Bypass. Residents of these areas do not obtain water from KWSB pipelines, and the majority of them rely on water tankers. Some residents have also dug boreholes. For drawing water, the residents charge Rs. 100 per hour from neighbors. Other hilly areas along Shahrah Orangi include some locations along Mansoor Nagar, Ghaziabad, and Yaqoobabad, which do not receive piped water supply. It may be noted that in locations where tankers cannot access due to the narrowness of streets, people obtain water through smaller vehicles such as Suzuki vans.

5.4. Local Community Organizations

In the time around the 1980s, the whole city and specifically Orangi witnessed various ethnopolitical armed groups that exercised their influence to control the water supply along with other service areas [22]. Those groups had complete control over which area would receive water supply, and many areas remained deprived of essential quantities of water supply. Households in such areas resorted to tankers, borings, and other ad hoc alternatives that were not dependable. In 1999, water supply arrangements were controlled by the Pakistan Rangers—a federal paramilitary force—and sanctioned a certain number of free water tankers for areas in Orangi where piped water supply was completely inaccessible.

5.5. Gender Representations

Table 2. Lifestyle alterations due to scarcity of water in Orangi. Based on feedback from area respondents, most of whom were women.

No.	Lifestyle Activities	Remarks
1.	Staying awake until late at night	The unpredictable timings of water supply through pipes force male family members to stay awake on expected dates and are informed of running water in lines by a community member who bangs light poles as a signal. This activity causes enormous fatigue and mental pressure on the entire household. Some people reported anger management issues and an increase in incidents of domestic violence, especially towards women.
2.	Forced reduction in water usage	People are forced to adjust water usage according to availability. Light soapy water is separately collected and often used for washing floors and small-scale horticulture. Water usage is dependent on the supply, and people have reduced bathing to only once a week or in ten days, which severely impacts their personal hygiene. Women and children usually use water after male members of the household.
3.	Water quality	Water from pipelines is often mixed with impurities, including sewerage. The usage of pressure pumps to suck up water often causes this problem as waterlines pass through open sewers. Water from boreholes is brackish and saline. It is not fit for drinking. This water is used for non-drinking or cooking uses. It increases the expenses on soap and detergent. People purchase drinking water from vending shops or wait for pipe water (when the appearance and taste are approvable). KWSB officers and staff are completely ignorant towards the questionable water quality and the absence of a piped system. A few tankers are sent occasionally and only after protesting on roads.
4.	Cost of electricity	People operate water pumps that consume substantial electricity. When the breakdown of electricity or load-shedding happens, people use diesel pumps. Both are very expensive options.
5.	Impact on domestic space	Most houses, which are very small (20 sq. m), must allocate space for water storage on a priority basis. Plastic buckets, drums, and other handy vessels are kept storing water for various purposes. Living space in houses becomes limited due to abounding pipes and pumps. People purchase drinking water from vending shops or wait for pipe water (when appearance and taste are acceptable).

Source: Based on the interviews conducted in Orangi with various residents, 2023.

discusses the lifestyle alternatives and challenges faced by the concerned residents, predominantly womenfolk.

5.6. External Support to the Community

Residents claimed negligible support from both institutions and individuals to resolve water supply issues in the area. Media teams, journalists, and researchers record the situation, but it does not result in a positive change. Residents are left to protest in scorching heat in front of the KWSB head office only to receive water supply for a few days through tankers or piped networks.

5.7. Economics of Alternative Water Supply

It is important to note that from a comparative perspective, the cost of acquiring water from designated hydrants through tankers is highest. It is followed by the cost of water from illegal hydrants and then from boring. The quality of water, in comparative terms, is better from KWSB tankers, followed by tankers from informal tankers and boring; in many cases, the latter mode is completely unfit for drinking. However, in terms of access and convenience, boring is the best option, as people can obtain water according to their own choice of timing and quantities (please see

Table 3. Cost of water from an alternative arrangement in Orangi (in USD).

No.	Location	Tankers from KWSB Hydrants (1200 Gallons)	Tanker from Informal Hydrants (1200 Gallons)	Boring (1200 Gallons)
1.	Ghaziabad	13.58	8.69	5.81
2.	Gulshan-e-Zia	13.68	8.52	5.82
3.	Gulshan-e-Bihar	13.78	8.32	5.82
4.	Chishti Nagar	14.02	9.04	5.82
5.	Shah Walliullah Nagar	15.02	8.76	5.82
6.	Qaddafi Chowk	13.58	8.75	5.66
7.	Yaqoobabad	13.64	8.94	5.66
8.	Data Nagar	13.74	8.61	5.66
9.	Mansoor Nagar	13.84	8.69	5.66
10.	Banaras	13.74	8.64	5.74
11.	Qasba Mor	13.64	8.64	5.73
12.	Pakistan Bazaar	13.72	8.58	5.43
13.	Gabol Para	13.42	8.42	5.54
14.	Disco Mor	13.42	8.56	5.64

Source: Authors’ interpretation based on responses of the area residents, review of the KWSB records, and feedback from tanker operators and water hydrant staff, 2023. These are average costs. These figures rise during the summer months.

). However, drawing excess water through boring causes a subsoil vacuum, which may lead to the weakening of the housing structures.

6. Discussion

The research shows that the status of water supply through the common options, including aquifers, wells, and boreholes, is entirely inadequate in Turkana. People are compelled to opt for water trucking despite the various operational and financial challenges. In many locations, the formal water supply system is absent. The legal and administrative arrangements, as they exist for Lokicheda, are not adequate to serve the residents in accessing dependable water supply. This limitation also hinders the implementation of sustainable solutions by organizations doing business in the county. Resultantly, undependable and unsustainable options like water trucking are always preferred by the organizations in order to obtain a company license. As access to water is a fundamental need of life, people have come together to address this issue through collective efforts. The creation of a user association and its efforts to effectively negotiate with concerned stakeholders to ensure proper water supply arrangements are evident from this study. It is vital that the concerned oil company engages with the user association to enable them to find an appropriate solution to the water supply problem, at least until the time the company operations continue. Poor participation by women causes an incomplete understanding of water challenges since women manage household- and livestock-related tasks. Assistance by the government can certainly help in making these negotiations meaningful and effective, especially in finding a long-term solution. Investments by the government in Turkana are essentially needed to fill the possible gap that shall arise when trucking may not exist.

In Orangi, piped water supply has not become the sole option for accessing water for domestic use. KWSB and other concerned government agencies continue to make ineffective commitments to the residents. This has been continuously evidenced since the 1990s in Orangi. Despite the fact that Orangi is a vast settlement, the status of water supply through utility pipes is negligible. The present research showed that the frequency varies from once every thirteen days to over thirty days. In some places, no water is received, although a piped network by the utility or the local councils has been laid down. It is believed that no change is expected in the near future given the relatively low priority of supply assigned to Orangi and other low-income settlements.

Awami tanks and underground tanks in the mosques proved to be useful options. When the community members actively participated in the management and distribution tasks, the residents benefitted by receiving drinking/domestic use water in small quantities. The drive for mobilization disappeared when local politicians and utility staff gave false hopes of dependable water from pipes. Consequently, the tanks were left to decay.

The cost of accessing alternative sources of water supply is a constant drag on household budgets. In some cases, households have to spend on both drinking and non-drinkable water. The situation becomes severe in the summer when water from tankers is difficult to access. Prices of tanker supplies also go up in these time zones.

The quality of water remains a challenge. Most households access at least two types of water supply options. For drinking and cooking purposes, water from vending shops, tankers from KWSB hydrants, and piped (when available) is obtained. For non-drinking purposes, water from boreholes through hand pumps or electric motors as well as tankers from informal sources is acquired. Households make adjustments in the domestic space to store the two types of water separately. A sizable loss of already scarce livable space is caused due to these rather unavoidable arrangements.

7. Conclusions

The whole effort to acquire water causes an enormous psychological impact on the area’s residents. Conversations reported common incidences of inability to manage anger, feuds within the community, violence, and abuse of women and children. Almost all the family members are affected. It also affects the overall lifestyle of people. A sizable time of multiple members of the household is spent in acquiring water. Such households that comprise single women, the elderly, special people, and those with meager income suffer more. While neighbors and younger people do reach out, it does not happen on a regular basis.

The water utility does not seem to recognize the alternative arrangements as an existing mode through which residents of low-income neighborhoods such as Orangi acquire water. It recognizes piped mode, which has a practically negligible role in the water supply for Orangi residents. It also recognizes water tankers from its own hydrants, which are prohibitively expensive for these residents. Unless the state of present water supply arrangements is understood for their prevailing status and reforms introduced for this service-deprived population, little benefit will accrue for the users.

Water supply alternatives evolve very fast in settlements, as life without water is not perceivable. Due to the urgency of the need, stakeholders and users often come to agreements that may not be legally viable or administratively desirable. However, the users generally desire a format of service that is common in the context and believed to be dependable. Water utilities and other concerned agencies do not possess the capacity to evolve context-specific solutions when conventional approaches fail to deliver. Hence, the alternative arrangements fill this vital service delivery gap.