A Case Study of Story Mapping, Neighborhood Change, and Community Assets of Ballpark, Salt Lake City

Abstract

Gentrification and displacement of low-income and minority families is a frequently discussed phenomenon when it comes to community planning. To best address and redistribute resources for these neighborhoods, needs assessments are often conducted to identify the problem areas, such as crime, poverty, and abandoned infrastructure. Although needs assessments are a great starting point, they often neglect the hand of valuable community assets that should be preserved when engaging with gentrifying neighborhoods. To engage in these neighborhoods, researchers, governments, non-profits, and redevelopment corporations are more often turning to an asset-based community development approach (ABCD) pioneered by Kretzmann and McKnight (1993). This ABCD approach utilizes an asset mapping technique to identify and better understand the present strengths of a community. This was an approach taken by researchers to assist in the Salt Lake City’s (SLC) initiatives to document the city’s transformation and potentially preserve assets for their plan, called “Thriving in Place: A SLC Anti-displacement Strategy”. Asset mapping includes surveying and plotting resources both physical and non-physical, such as sustainable food sources, churches, schools, relationships, social networks, and individuals. The product of the asset map was an ArcGIS StoryMap—which is a GIS-based map that can be used for storytelling.

1. Introduction

This article addresses the pressing issues of redevelopment and displacement that profoundly affect urban landscapes and communities, intersecting with key areas of urban planning, land system science, and social-ecological research. During the process of redevelopment, low-income and minority families are often displaced [1,2,3]. The frequent occurrence of this displacement due to higher rents and home prices is referred to as gentrification [4,5,6]. Through 23 interviews with residents, this project looked to document the city’s transformation for a city plan called “Thriving in Place: A Salt Lake City Anti-Displacement Strategy”.

The call for proposals for an “Anti-Displacement Plan” from the SLC Community and Neighborhoods Department emphasized the need to conduct asset mapping of potential neighborhood assets that could be lost, like places of worship, non-profits, and business. This study aims to answer the following research questions: (1) What does the loss of affordable housing or the corner store because of rising rents mean to low-income long-term residents? and (2) How do long-term residents view the changing neighborhood?

This study seeks to fill gaps in the literature by focusing on the preservation of community assets in gentrifying neighborhoods. While much of the existing research on gentrification and displacement has concentrated on quantitative socioeconomic and demographic analyses or qualitative interviews focused on needs assessments, there has been limited attention on asset-based community development (ABCD) approaches, specifically asset mapping. This project provides a valuable case study on the use of asset mapping to document and preserve community assets at risk of displacement.

The project documents the city’s transformation and gives voice to long-term residents’ memories and attachments to the city, its legacy, and their feelings and experiences of change by putting their stories on a StoryMap. A StoryMap is an interactive web-based tool from ArcGIS (geographic information system) that combines maps with narrative text, images, and multimedia content to tell a story. Researchers collected and mapped long-term residents’ perspectives on change in at-risk of displacement neighborhoods or pockets (if neighborhoods are relatively wealthy) and combined residents’ stories with other contemporary and historical data such as a redlining map and socioeconomic data to better tell a story.

In collecting stories of neighborhood change, this study hopes to gain valuable information from the people most affected by the current development and displacement trends in Ballpark—a neighborhood that served as a case study for the many neighborhoods we investigated. Named for its main landmark and social hub, the Ballpark neighborhood has recently undergone changes, transitioning from a sleepy and overlooked blue-collar area near Salt Lake’s urban core into a hotbed of redevelopment—according to our informants. The neighborhood population has grown, and the character has changed. Some longtime residents provided insight into this corner’s history but are concerned about whether Ballpark’s future involves them or not. New threats involving safety and housing are now constant concerns for many.

This article discusses these concerns as expressed by Ballpark’s own residents and workers, as well as the neighborhood assets they identify. This case study demonstrates how this methodology can be used in other cities doing an anti-displacement plan. The authors outline some of the successes and pitfalls of the asset mapping technique for identifying community assets at risk of displacement. The article concludes with policy implications that arise from the case study findings.

2. Materials and Methods

Authorization was granted by an Institutional Review Board (IRB), a committee responsible for ensuring the ethical treatment of human subjects in research. The IRB approval number is 00099240, titled “Gentrification and Neighborhood Change: Index and Affordability Strategies for Salt Lake City”. In total, 23 interviews were conducted with individuals in the Ballpark neighborhood, representing both longtime and new residents, as well as workers and business owners.

The interview subjects included a diverse mix of residents who both owned and rented their homes, business owners, and nonprofit directors. Most of the subjects had lived in the area for five years or more, although we also included several people who were new to the neighborhood. The interviews represented a variety of income levels, ethnicities, and relationships to the neighborhood.

The geographic scope of the interviews included several people from the northern part of the Ballpark neighborhood, along 900 South, extending south through the community toward Jefferson Park. Many interviews were conducted with individuals encountered while walking their dogs, reflecting the everyday life and accessibility of the research process.

Researchers approached potential interviewees in various ways to ensure a representative sample. They initiated conversations on the sidewalk, in commercial properties, and during neighborhood events. A typical approach involved introducing themselves as students from the University of Utah’s City and Metropolitan Planning Master’s Program and explaining that they were conducting short interviews about neighborhood changes as part of their Community Engagement in Planning course.

The questions asked during the interviews were designed to capture the interviewees’ relationships with the neighborhood and their perspectives on its changes. Some of the questions included:

• Relationship to the neighborhood: How long have you lived or worked here? Did you grow up in the area?
• Neighborhood strengths: What makes this neighborhood great? Which places are important to you?
• Changes and losses: Which places were important to you but are no longer there? How has the neighborhood changed in the last 10–15 years?
• Community connections: Which people, community groups, community leaders, and business owners are important to this neighborhood?
• Future vision: How would you envision the neighborhood’s future? What would you like to see?

Researchers also collected demographic information such as race, ethnicity, age, and income and ensured that they had permission to record the interviews. If recording was not permitted, detailed notes were taken instead (

Table 1. Participant demographic data. Source: authors.

Interview	Name	Age	Race/Ethnicity	Long-term/Short-Term Resident	Years in Neighborhood
1	Mahana	NA	Pacific Islander	Long-term	Entire life
2	Tracy	34	N/A	Short-term	9
3	Garrett	28	N/A	Short-term	1
4	Jenny	44	N/A	Long-term	12
5	Ron	75	N/A	Long-term	50
6	Matt	NA	N/A	Long-term	20
7	Dex	36	N/A	Short-term	1
8	Steve	48	N/A	Short-term	6
9	Rosa	NA	Hispanic	Long-term	20
10	Caitlin	27	N/A	Short-term	<1
11	Ava	20	White	Not a resident (works in Ballpark)	N/A
12	Andrea	20	White	Not a resident (works in Ballpark)	N/A
13	Mike	44	White	Not a resident (works in Ballpark)	N/A
14	Cori	36	White	Not a resident (works in Ballpark)	N/A
15	Pamela	38	White	Short-term	2
16	Mark	49	White	Long-term	20
17	Tony	50	White	Long-term	25
18	Sandra	80	White	Long-term	60
19	Dan	37	Native American	Long-term	15
20	Charles	40	African American	Short-term	3
21	Alicia	50	African American	Long-term	30
22	Jesse	48	White	Long-term	10
23	Amy	35	White	Long-term	15

N/A = Not Available.

). Additionally, researchers took photographs during interviews and asked interviewees for consent. This methodical approach allowed the researchers to gather rich, qualitative data that offered insights into the community’s dynamics and the impacts of gentrification and neighborhood changes.

3. Results

3.1. Neighborhood Overview

3.1.1. History

After arriving in the Salt Lake Valley in 1847, Latter-day Saint pioneers began irrigating the land near the Jordan River as the area’s first non-native inhabitants [7]. The place that would become the Ballpark neighborhood was first home to farmers and eventually artisans like shoemakers, weavers, and carpenters. The area’s residential stock is mostly older than 50 years, with many post-World War II developments, including bungalow communities, cul-de-sac residential streets, and inner court complexes [8]. The city’s original ballpark, Derks Field, initially opened in 1915 but was replaced with the construction of Smith Ballpark in 1994 [9]. This modern facility brought renewed development to the area, resulting in new businesses and hospitality amenities.

The Federal Housing Administration’s redlining actions impacted the Ballpark neighborhood adversely. Two of the designated housing zones within the district received red ratings, and one was given yellow, indicating “hazardous” and “definitely declining” conditions, respectively [10]. Some of the consequential notes from the redlining map include mansions becoming rooming houses, the presence of working people, business and industrial uses, railroads, poorly kept houses, and truck gardeners [11,12]. It is impossible to separate federal redlining from an area’s development history, and we see here how these classifications would have challenged Ballpark neighborhood investment, homeownership, and continual improvement (Figure 1).

3.1.2. Socioeconomic Profile

The Ballpark neighborhood is just south of Downtown Salt Lake and the Central Business District. The neighborhood’s extents are generally from 900 South to 2100 South between State Street and Interstate 15 (Figure 2). The area derives its name from Smith’s Ballpark at 1300 South and West Temple. The stadium is home to the Salt Lake Bees minor league baseball team. Smith’s Ballpark is located at the intersection of 1300 South and West Temple.

As shown in

Table 2. Table of Ballpark neighborhood demographic data. Source: community engagement in planning course at the University of Utah.

Year	1970	1980	1990	2000	2010	2015
Population	4121	3306	2744	3283	4500	5293
% Race (White alone)	96	76	72	79	55	66
% Ethnicity (Latino)	7	14	19	33	29	32
% Children under 18 years old	30	27	26	26	22	17
% Over 65 years old	16	18	15	7	5	7
% Female-headed families with children	7	13	17	9	22	15
% Family households	94	55	55	54	44	42
% Renter-occupied housing units	51	54	61	55	70	74
% Owner-occupied housing units	44	37	40	38	23	16
% College education (college degree or higher)	5	6	9	9	12	9
Median House Value (adjusted to 2019 inflation)	14,280	43,687	49,374	114,426	189,853	244,000
Median Family Income (adjusted to 2019 inflation)	8872	13,354	22,649	45,645	36,731	51,534
% Persons Below Poverty	22	25	32	26	43	31
% Managerial Occupations	7	9	5	3	5	7

, according to Census data, Ballpark’s population was about 4100 in the 1970s, but the population declined to about 2700 in the 1990s [13]. However, the population grew again in the following decades, and the neighborhood had a population of about 5298 as of 2019. The neighborhood’s poverty rate has also increased over those decades, and as of 2010, was about 42.5 percent. That rate is about twice as high as Salt Lake City’s overall poverty rate. In the late 2000s, a developer razed a block of businesses near 2100 South and Highland Drive in preparation for redevelopment. As a result of the economic recession at the end of the decade, the land sat vacant for years. In 2012, as a response to this event, the City Council passed an ordinance banning a building’s demolition unless the owner had a legitimate plan to build in its place. In conjunction with Ballpark’s high poverty rate, this policy has led to an increase in blight and boarded structures in Ballpark. In 2019, City Council District 5, which Ballpark primarily lies within, had the highest number of boarded buildings in the city, accounting for about 27 percent of the entire city’s total [14]. Some blame the blight as contributing to a spike in violent crime in the last few years. In the 12 months preceding September 2019, the neighborhood experienced four homicides [14], and May 2021 saw two homicides in less than a month, as well as a shooting and carjacking [15].

3.2. Interviews

The interviews provide a detailed look at the effects of gentrification in the Ballpark neighborhood and highlight how asset mapping can be used to preserve the unique character of the community. The right side of Figure 3 shows where interviews were collected, and the left side shows an example of how each interview story is displayed on the StoryMap (only a few are visible without scrolling down).

3.2.1. Interview 1

Demolitions in Salt Lake City have significantly impacted long-time residents, including Mahana, a Pacific Islander who has lived in the Ballpark area her entire life. Her family has seen the neighborhood evolve over decades, with her mother purchasing their home for USD 40,000 before Mahana was born. As Table 2 shows, in 1980, the average median price was only USD 43,686. Despite acknowledging the positive developments like improved transit and new businesses, Mahana also reminisced about the loss of community staples. One such example is Mary’s Little Red School House, a pre-school that was demolished to make way for new development. These sentiments of losses, gains, and change were shared during an interview at the General Water Shop, a long-standing establishment in the area.

3.2.2. Interview 2

Tracy is 34 and moved to Ballpark in 2015. Her favorite neighborhood attribute is that “it’s not pretentious”. She enjoys the new restaurants in the area but spoke at length about her community’s homelessness problems. There is a significant and longstanding unhoused community. New residents have complained more, resulting in increased sweeps that displace unhoused neighbors and threaten their ‘safety in numbers’ way of survival and interdependence. Tracy noted that her rent has doubled since moving to the area. She now lives in a studio, noting that if rents continue to rise, she’s not sure where she’ll go. Tracy mentioned that the transition the neighborhood is experiencing has created an interesting culture clash, “It’s weird cause, like, I still have people smoking heroin on my front porch, but then I also have a bunch of yuppies that are like mad about it”.

3.2.3. Interview 3

Garrett is 28 and has lived in Ballpark for just over a year. Proximity to Downtown and relative quietness are among his favorite community characteristics. He enjoys walking his dogs at Jefferson Park. Garrett rents a house with three others but has recently looked at moving out of state partially to respond to the hostile rental environment in Salt Lake. He would like to own a house but doesn’t see that as a possibility in Salt Lake City. Garrett also noted homelessness as a primary threat to his community and expressed a desire to keep it affordable as more and more “not a big fan of all the luxury apartments” seem to be encroaching upon the area’s historic blocks.

3.2.4. Interview 4

Jenny is a fixture of the neighborhood near Jefferson Park. She was recommended to us as someone who knew everything about the community by another resident we met. Jenny is 44 and has lived in Ballpark since 2012. Jenny mentioned that she was partially attracted to the area because of its proximity to transit and village feel within the city. She loves how well she has gotten to know her neighbors and that “all the neighbors know each other” on her street. She also noted that it was actually affordable back then and that her “mortgage is cheaper than market rent”.

3.2.5. Interview 5

Ron remembers going to baseball games as a young child at Derks Field, the predecessor to Smith’s Ballpark. When that stadium was demolished, the city allowed residents to claim rubble and other items from the site, and some of that original structure’s concrete sits in one of Ron’s landscaped beds. Ron is 75 now and bought two adjacent properties in 1973; one is his home, and the other is the workshop and office for his business, SGO Designer Glass. He used to be in the excellent company of artisans and service businesses in the area, acknowledging the absence of a cabinetry shop and plumbing business that used to exist around his block. Many of the old homes that housed his neighbors have been replaced with apartment complexes. His house sits just about 10 feet from a four-story apartment building, and soon a 78-unit, seven-story condo building will be built just beyond his backyard fence. Ron sees this progression as the most significant change to the character of the neighborhood. With fewer and fewer historic homes remaining each year, he feels like “it’s on its last legs” and will soon be just apartment blocks with renters who are less engaged with the neighborhood. Ron lists the biggest threats to the area as homelessness, gang activity, vandalism, and crime. Ron used to wander around as a kid but now does not feel safe walking around his neighborhood by himself.

3.2.6. Interview 6

Matt, who has lived on Jefferson Street near 900 South for 20 years and grew up in Park City and SLC, noticed lots of residential development and gentrification. “We fight what we can fight”, he said of those trying to preserve the character of the neighborhood. “We’re not a NIMBY (not in my back yard) neighborhood, at least those who have been here for a long time. We’re very careful to welcome those who are going to bring services to the community”.

Matt also highlighted the lack of central educational and library services: “Some kids who live in the area go to Highland High School in Sugar House, while other kids travel all the way to east or west high schools”. Accessible places like the Spy Hop center provide education opportunities for kids who may struggle to reach schools located all over the city.

The Blue Copper Coffee Room stands out as both an asset to the community, providing a place of community and connection, and a marker of gentrification. Matt noted that “I’m a person that loves to drink coffee and I was a fan of Blue Copper before it was there. It is also a huge… landmark icon or indicator of gentrification. Truly, and I know that”.

Gentrification also threatens to remove small homes and businesses. Matt observes that “we lose that sense of community when we start getting folks that aren’t as engaged”. The prevalence of unsheltered people is another major issue, with many shelters and resource centers overwhelmed and unable to accommodate all those in need.

Overall, Matt wishes for the future of the neighborhood to be safer, with more accessible educational resources, parking, and services “so that people can live and thrive”. He hopes that developers will build well-designed, denser projects that fit better with the neighborhood instead of maximizing profits.

3.2.7. Interview 7

Dex, 36, has lived in the Ballpark area for 13 months with his wife and child. His family loves proximity to TRAX and local businesses such as Lucky 13 and Fisher Brewing. He moved to the area because it was one of the few areas of Salt Lake City where he was able to purchase a home for under USD 500,000.

“The prevalence of homelessness in the neighborhood is a downside of living in Ballpark, and there is a sense from neighbors that the City is dumping all of its homelessness issues on the neighborhood, leaving the area to deal with more than its fair share”, Dex said.

“But there is a feeling that we are getting everything dumped on us in Salt Lake City. Like there’s two homeless shelters within, you know, a walking distance of here. They’re talking about getting a third. So, it’s a little disappointing how the City treats this neighborhood, how the City is interacting with this neighborhood and its residents”, Dex said.

Dex added that he likes the gritty feel of urban living that is present in Ballpark. “There are lots of local businesses and that keeps the area feeling urban, since there are no chain restaurants or fast-food places that would be present in suburbs or other areas of the City”, he said.

If he had to move, his family would most likely relocate to somewhere along the east bench of the Salt Lake Valley, Dex said. In the year that he has lived in Ballpark, he hasn’t noticed major changes in the area, but there have been some small shifts.

“It doesn’t feel like cultural changes. But the nice thing is, my block feels like there’s some younger families, newer families moving in, which is nice”, Dex said.

He added that he likes that the community is attracting some younger people, and there are gathering places for young adults.

“I’d like to see a younger community, I think the direction it’s going, I like. I like that there’s bars and cool places for 21- to 26-year-olds to go hang out and kind of make a community. There’s coffee shops, where you get to meet people. There’s a lot of community spots, so just keeping it up”, Dex said.

3.2.8. Interview 8

Steve, 48, has lived in the Ballpark area for 6 years. He said the area needs a lot of help, but the proximity to public transit is a major perk. “It is cool having TRAX accessibility. The park right there is good except you’ve got to be careful of needles and drug paraphernalia”, Steve said. The businesses along 900 South, such as Monty’s Cafe, are good to see coming to the neighborhood, Steve added.

“The overall demographic and socioeconomic level of the neighborhood is fairly poor, so people wouldn’t have many places to go if they moved away”, Steve said. “A lot of people are subsidized; all the structures are pretty beat. You know, the property’s worth something and it will be with all the development. You see all the housing projects popping up everywhere, but yeah, we’re all renters”, Steve said. “The neighborhood used to be more giving and welcoming, but the COVID-19 pandemic meant that people separated from each other”, Steve said.

“I haven’t really been here that long to really see some gigantic changes, I just got here when there were a lot of bad things going on”, he said. He said the future of the area will probably include a lot of new housing development and a few commercial properties.

3.2.9. Interview 9

We talked to Rosa briefly outside the Central Water shop that she owns on 900 South. She did not want to be recorded. Rosa has been in the area for 20 years and owns the shop with her husband. Her daughter owns a salon next door to the water shop, which is in the same building. The two businesses are now the only businesses on the block.

The Central Water shop is surrounded by new developments being built. Rosa was the only holdout on the block who did not sell her property to the developers in the area, so the shop is surrounded by construction. “I said I was going to be like the movie ‘Up’ with all the balloons on the house”, Rosa said. “900 South is getting improved which will be good for business, but also brings a lot of new development to the area”, Rosa said. “Lots of new people will be coming to the neighborhood because of all the new development”, she added.

3.2.10. Interview 10

Caitlin, 27, is a very new resident of Ballpark, having moved to the area in September. She had lived in the Downtown Salt Lake City area for about two years before moving to Ballpark, which was more affordable. “Having Jefferson Park next door is a great asset, but crime in the area has been a pain point”, Caitlin said. She and her neighbors have had packages and bikes stolen, she said. “That was something we didn’t realize when we moved in that has been now kind of a concern”, she said.

She said the safety of the area and the access to resources for unsheltered people can both be improved. She spoke about being followed one night when she was walking home and said her neighbors wonder if they are safe to be walking around at night. “We need to, like, improve as a City what access we have to shelters and places that are, like, safe. But don’t have maybe so many clustered in one area”, Caitlin said. She said she enjoys having businesses like Lucky 13 and T.F. Brewing within walking distance and said she would like to see more of those in the future. “It could turn into something like, where Sugar House is, just like super friendly. But I think we’re 10 years off from that. So, I think the biggest thing is just, like, making it a comfortable place for like people to exist and be in places to go”, she said.

3.2.11. Interview 11

Ava, a 20-year-old who works at Fillings and Emulsions bakery on Main Street in Ballpark, discussed the area’s transformation. Although she resides in Midvale, she frequently visits Ballpark for work and sees Smith’s Ballpark and local businesses as valuable assets. Ava appreciates the influx of new, younger residents, though she is concerned about gentrification. She believes the neighborhood’s older homes add character, contrasting with the newer apartment developments that she fears could displace long-term residents.

3.2.12. Interview 12

Andrea, also 20 and employed at Fillings and Emulsions, echoed Ava’s concerns about gentrification. She noted the displacement of local businesses by new apartment complexes, such as the relocation of K9 Behavior. Andrea is worried that the increasing number of wealthier residents could alter the community’s fabric, displacing those who have lived there longer. She emphasized the need for more single-family homes to preserve the neighborhood’s character.

3.2.13. Interview 13

Mike, 44, and Cori, 36, co-owners of Watchtower Comics and Coffee on Main Street, shared their mixed feelings about the changes in Ballpark. While they see the potential for business growth with the new developments, they also recognize the challenges posed by gentrification. Mike believes the new housing could attract a more diverse clientele, but both are concerned about the impact on the neighborhood’s existing residents, particularly those who are long-term and low-income.

3.2.14. Interview 14

Pamela, 38, who is experiencing homelessness, provided perspective on the area’s challenges. She recalls the neighborhood’s assets, such as Walmart and Liberty Park, but notes the closure of places like Coachman’s Diner as a loss for the community. Pamela expressed concern that the ongoing developments might further displace vulnerable populations, pushing them into shelters or motels.

3.2.15. Interview 15

Mark, 49, and Tony, 50, who work at the Utah Lighthouse Ministry bookstore across from Smith’s Ballpark, discussed the dual impacts of neighborhood changes. While they see benefits in the new businesses and housing, they are also wary of the increasing crime and the potential for further gentrification. They suggested that zoning laws could be adjusted to mitigate displacement and expressed concern about the city’s plans to increase density in the area.

3.2.16. Interview 16

Sandra Tanner, 80, the owner of the Utah Lighthouse Ministry bookstore, has lived next door since 1964. She has witnessed the neighborhood’s transformation over the decades. While she acknowledges the benefits of proximity to amenities like Smith’s Ballpark and local restaurants, she is critical of the new housing developments, which she feels cater to outsiders rather than the existing community. Sandra expressed a desire to move away from the area as the city’s new plans take shape.

3.2.17. Interview 17

Dan Hampton, 37, an executive assistant at the Urban Indian Center of Salt Lake, highlighted both assets and challenges in Ballpark. He pointed to Smith’s Ballpark and the small businesses as key community assets but also raised concerns about the slow city processes, such as the lengthy permit approvals for demolitions, which contribute to blight. Dan emphasized the need for a more coordinated, statewide approach to housing and growth.

3.2.18. Interview 18

Charles, a bouncer at Lucky 13, briefly discussed his observations on gentrification in Ballpark. He pointed out specific developments, such as condos and luxury apartments, as indicators of the neighborhood’s changing landscape. Charles is concerned that historic homes might be replaced by mid-rise apartments, leading to a loss of the area’s historic character.

3.2.19. Interview 19

Alicia Daniels, 50, a property manager for low-income housing in Ballpark, described the neighborhood as a crucial area for affordable living, particularly for older residents who rely on public transit. Alicia has not seen much gentrification yet but is concerned about rising rents and the potential impact on homelessness. She advocates for rent control measures to protect vulnerable residents.

3.2.20. Interview 20

Jesse, 48, a principal at Atlas Architects and Vice-Chair of the Central 9th Community Council, discussed the neighborhood’s potential and the importance of preserving its character. He sees Ballpark as a community with great assets, such as SpyHop and the TRAX stations. Jesse is worried about the loss of “Mom & Pop” shops and single-family homes, suggesting that downzoning could help prevent displacement and maintain the neighborhood’s charm.

3.2.21. Interview 21

Amy J. Hawkins, Chair of the Ballpark Community Council and a recent candidate for the Salt Lake City Council, provided a detailed analysis of the neighborhood’s challenges. She noted the high homicide rate and the growing dominance of rental units over owner-occupied housing. Amy is concerned about the political disenfranchisement of the community and the difficulties in implementing neighborhood improvements, such as pedestrian-level lighting, in a predominantly rental area. She advocates for more owner-occupied housing to strengthen the community’s voice and stability.

3.2.22. Interview 22

Jesse, 48, a founder and principal at Atlas Architects, has been deeply involved in the Central 9th and Ballpark neighborhoods, contributing to significant projects like SpyHop and Blue Copper. He highlights the community’s assets, such as the TRAX stations and local businesses, but is concerned about the potential loss of single-family homes and small commercial buildings due to new developments. Jesse believes that the city should focus on preserving these assets to maintain the neighborhood’s unique character and prevent displacement.

3.2.23. Interview 23

Amy J. Hawkins, the Chair of the Ballpark Community Council, has been actively engaged in the neighborhood’s development. She is particularly concerned about the increasing rate of homicides and the shift toward more rental units, which she believes undermines community stability and political engagement. Amy emphasizes the need for more owner-occupied housing and improved city policies to better address the unique challenges faced by the Ballpark neighborhood.

3.3. Community Asset Mapping

Through interviews, participants identified several community assets and indicators of gentrification.

Table 3. How interviewees perceive the impact of gentrification on assets.

Asset	Impact (Positive/Negative)	Comments
Smith’s Ballpark	Mixed	“Great for the community but draws outsiders too”.
Local Coffee Shops	Positive	“They help maintain the community feel”.
Affordable Housing Availability	Negative	“Rents are rising, forcing people to move”.
Public Transit (TRAX)	Positive	“One of the best things about this area”.
Jefferson Park	Mixed	“Great for families, but sometimes there’s drug use and paraphernalia”.
Lucky 13	Positive	“A local favorite, adds to the neighborhood’s character”.
Spy Hop	Positive	“Provides essential creative education for local youth”.
Japan-Sage Market	Positive	“A unique amenity that attracts a diverse clientele”.
Urban Indian Center of Salt Lake	Positive	“Provides crucial health services to the community”.
Local Small Businesses	Positive	“They are the backbone of the community, keeping the local economy vibrant”.

could provide a summary of how interviewees perceive the impact of gentrification on specific community assets.

Figure 4 shows the combined neighborhood assets and gentrification map of Ballpark.

3.3.1. TRAX/Public Transit

Ballpark’s proximity to public transit was one of the most frequent neighborhood perks and was mentioned by multiple interviewees. The multitude of transit options appears to be a major draw for the neighborhood. All three of Utah Transit Authority’s TRAX light rail lines pass through Ballpark, meaning that residents have access to the airport, Downtown Salt Lake City, and many other areas of the valley through public transit. The Ballpark TRAX station services the neighborhood, and the 900 West 200 South station is also accessible.

3.3.2. Jefferson Park

The park, located on West Temple between Goltz Avenue and Fremont Avenue, was listed as an asset to the neighborhood from multiple interviewees. Residents expressed gratitude at being able to take their dogs or children to the park. Interviewees also pointed out that the park is a frequent gathering place for unsheltered individuals, so there is sometimes drug use and paraphernalia present at the park. However, most interviewees say that despite those occasional safety hazards, they enjoy using the park and having it close by.

3.3.3. Smith’s Ballpark

The neighborhood’s namesake, home to the minor league baseball team the Salt Lake Bees, was also mentioned by several interviewees. Some of our subjects mentioned enjoying having the ballpark nearby but not being able to go to as many games over the past year due to the COVID-19 pandemic. One resident had a longtime association with the stadium’s predecessor and attended games as a child in the 1950s.

3.3.4. Lucky 13

Salt Lake’s renowned burger joint and dive bar, located just northwest of Smith’s Ballpark, was also mentioned as a community asset.

3.3.5. Spy Hop

The nonprofit education center, which provides free classes in digital media, film, music, audio, and design for kids ages 9–19, was listed as an asset to Ballpark.

3.3.6. Japan-Sage Market

A large Japanese supermarket at Kensington Ave. and Main St. This was acknowledged as a large and unique amenity to the area, attracting a faithful clientele of Asian residents and non-Asian residents alike.

3.3.7. Urban Indian Center of Salt Lake

The nonprofit community center for indigenous Salt Lake City residents. The center primarily focuses on providing health services and intends to open a comprehensive medical clinic on an adjoining property for indigenous and non-indigenous patients.

3.3.8. Local Small Businesses

Interviewees mentioned multiple local small businesses located in Ballpark, especially those on 900 South between 300 West and State Street. Businesses mentioned as assets to Ballpark included Laziz Kitchen, Central 9th Market, Blue Copper Coffee, Publik Coffee, T.F. Brewing, Central Water, Inc., Maud’s Cafe, Japan-Sage Market, K9 Behavior, Fillings & Emulsions, Watchtower Coffee & Comics, and many more.

3.4. Main Themes

Interviews reinforce the themes of community, safety, and housing challenges in Ballpark. Residents and workers express concerns about gentrification, which brings both potential benefits and risks, such as displacement of long-term residents and changes to the neighborhood’s character. The interviews emphasize the importance of preserving affordable housing and maintaining the unique identity of the area, while also highlighting the need for better social services and coordinated planning to address ongoing safety and homelessness issues.

Table 4. The major themes that emerged from the interviews and the frequency with which they were mentioned by participants.

Theme	Frequency Mentioned	Sample Quotes/Examples
Crime and Safety	18/23	“I’ve seen more needles in the park…”
Gentrification and Displacement	20/23	“The new luxury apartments are pushing people out.”
Community Assets (e.g., parks, local businesses)	15/23	“We love the local coffee shop on 900 South.”
Affordable Housing Concerns	16/23	“We need more affordable options, not just high-rises.”

helps illustrate the major themes that emerged from the interviews and the frequency with which they were mentioned by participants.

3.4.1. A Town in the City

Many longtime residents and workers in Ballpark have mentioned the charm and sense of community that the neighborhood has always represented to them. Until recently, Ballpark was a sleepy, quiet, and often overlooked part of the city. Residents who moved to the area in the 1960s and 1970s told us that it used to be a working-class neighborhood. Ballpark was where the laborers of Salt Lake City lived, including carpenters, plumbers, and masons. These residents note that most of their neighbors used to be families with children. Until recently, everyone knew each other. Ballpark was the type of neighborhood where children would play together in the street until dark and you knew all your neighbors. Additionally, the core of Ballpark still boasts many small businesses and nonchain restaurants, an asset many residents find contributes to this close-knit, walkable small community feeling.

But now, as single-family homes have been demolished in favor of apartments and condos, that is no longer the case. Recently, crime, density, and rising housing costs have threatened this enclave’s humble and interconnected character. Neighbors have left, and those that have lived in Ballpark the longest no longer feel safe or welcome in their homes and neighborhood. The Ballpark of decades past is no longer present.

Younger residents and workers like Ava and Andrea express concern about gentrification, noting that the influx of luxury apartments and new businesses is changing the neighborhood’s character. Mike and Cori, local business owners, acknowledge that while these changes might bring new customers, they also risk displacing long-term residents and altering the community’s fabric.

Sandra, a resident since 1964, sees the changes as catering to outsiders rather than preserving the needs of the existing community. Similarly, Dan from the Urban Indian Center points to bureaucratic inefficiencies and the need for better coordination in city planning, emphasizing how these issues contribute to the neighborhood’s struggles.

Several interviewees, such as Alicia and Jesse, highlight the importance of preserving affordable housing and the unique character of Ballpark. They advocate for policies that protect single-family homes and small businesses from being overshadowed by new developments. However, the challenges of rising crime and safety concerns remain prominent, with residents like Charles and Pamela noting the ongoing impact of these issues on their daily lives.

Jesse and Amy, both deeply involved in community leadership, stress the need for more owner-occupied housing and better city policies to maintain the neighborhood’s stability and ensure that long-term residents are not pushed out by gentrification.

3.4.2. Crime and Safety

Almost every person we’ve spoken to in Ballpark has mentioned crime, safety, and homelessness in some way.

Interview subjects mentioned the prevalence of unsheltered individuals in the neighborhood and the safety issues that are present in the neighborhood. Several subjects discussed being uneasy about letting their children walk around the area because there are health and safety risks, such as encountering used needles. Several interview subjects mentioned feeling uneasy about being safe while walking around the neighborhood.

Steve, who has lived in Ballpark for six years, highlighted the proximity to public transit as a perk but also mentioned the risks associated with drug paraphernalia in the parks, which pose a danger to residents, especially those with children. Sandra, who has lived in the neighborhood for decades, expressed a strong sense of dissatisfaction with the changes that have made the area feel less safe and welcoming. She pointed to rising crime rates and the increasing presence of unsheltered individuals as significant issues that have altered the neighborhood’s character.

Charles, who works as a bouncer at Lucky 13, provided a firsthand account of the changing dynamics in the area. He noted that the luxury apartments being built are attracting a different demographic, but the persistent crime and safety issues remain a concern, especially for those who have lived in the neighborhood for longer periods.

Dan from the Urban Indian Center also highlighted the challenges associated with slow city processes, which have contributed to blight and made certain areas of the neighborhood less safe. He mentioned that the presence of abandoned buildings and long delays in obtaining demolition permits have exacerbated safety concerns in the community.

Residents of Ballpark who we’ve spoken with have mostly indicated that if people who live in the neighborhood were priced out of Ballpark, they’d have no other place to go. This could contribute to some of the issues with homelessness in the area, interview subjects have told us. Interview subjects believe the area should have more and better access to social services that benefit people who are experiencing homelessness.

The interviews emphasize the ongoing need for more comprehensive social services and a coordinated approach to addressing homelessness. Alicia, a property manager for low-income housing, stressed the importance of providing stable, affordable housing options to prevent further displacement and homelessness. Additionally, Jesse, a community leader, pointed out that while new developments are necessary, they should not come at the cost of the neighborhood’s safety and the well-being of its residents.

3.4.3. Housing

Housing has also been a common topic for the Ballpark residents we’ve spoken to. Most people live in Ballpark because it is a more affordable area of Salt Lake City, but it is becoming more expensive, and if people were priced out of the area, they wouldn’t have anywhere else to go.

Long-time residents of Ballpark have enjoyed the more laid-back, quiet neighborhood feeling of the area. However, more high-density developments have been built in the area in recent years, and residents have mixed feelings about them.

Some Ballpark residents acknowledge that the area needs more housing options for low-income people but also say they do not want higher-density apartment complexes in the neighborhood. They see higher density developments as indicators of gentrification, even though several high-density apartment complexes in Ballpark are designated for low-income residents.

Some business owners agree that the housing developments are good for their businesses, though. Watchtower Comics and Coffee owner Matt, in particular, said that some aspects of gentrification could be better for his business since higher-end housing would bring in more potential customers for his specialty store.

Interviews underscore the complexity of the housing situation in Ballpark. For instance, Ava and Andrea, both young workers in the area, expressed concerns about the impact of new luxury apartments on the neighborhood’s affordability. They observed that while these developments bring a younger, more affluent demographic, they also risk displacing long-term residents who can no longer afford to live in the area.

Pamela, who is experiencing homelessness, provided a stark reminder of the consequences of rising housing costs. She noted that as rents increase, more people like her might be pushed out, leading to a rise in homelessness and further exacerbating the area’s social challenges.

Sandra, a long-term resident, expressed frustration with the new housing developments, feeling that they cater to outsiders and do not meet the needs of the existing community. She emphasized that the new condos and luxury apartments are too expensive for most long-time residents, leading to a sense of alienation and displacement.

Mark and Tony, who work at the Utah Lighthouse Ministry bookstore, pointed out that while high-density developments can bring new residents and potentially revitalize the area, they also pose a threat to the neighborhood’s character. They suggested that a better mix of housing types, including affordable single-family homes, could help maintain the community’s diversity and stability.

Alicia, a property manager for low-income housing, highlighted the critical role of affordable housing in keeping the community intact. She noted that her building, which offers low rents, has seen little turnover because residents cannot find similarly priced options elsewhere. Alicia advocates for rent control and more affordable housing developments to prevent displacement.

Jesse, a community leader, echoed these sentiments, arguing that while new developments are necessary to accommodate growth, they should not come at the expense of the neighborhood’s existing housing stock. He suggested that downzoning could help protect single-family homes and prevent the unchecked rise of high-density apartments that contribute to gentrification.

Some business owners agree that the housing developments are good for their businesses, though. Watchtower Comics and Coffee owners Mike and Cori, for example, noted that while they benefit from the influx of new, wealthier residents, they are also aware of the negative impacts on the neighborhood’s social fabric. They recognize that gentrification, while potentially good for business, could lead to the displacement of the community that has supported them for years.

These interviews illustrate the ongoing tension between the need for new housing and the desire to preserve the neighborhood’s affordability and character. The perspectives of both residents and business owners highlight the complex dynamics at play in Ballpark, where housing developments are seen as both a blessing and a curse.

4. Discussion

The interviews collected in this project provide valuable insight into the effects of gentrification on long-term residents of the Ballpark neighborhood in Salt Lake City. All the interviewees described their experiences with the changing landscape of their neighborhood, from increased development and rent prices to the displacement of unhoused individuals caused by increased sweeps. Many of the interviewees also spoke of the cultural clashes that had arisen out of the changes, such as the conflict between new residents and those who had been living in the area longer. These interviews serve to highlight the importance of preserving the community’s existing assets and providing equitable housing for all residents to prevent displacement.

A recurring theme in these interviews is the tension between the benefits of new developments and the negative consequences of displacement. While some interviewees, particularly business owners, see the potential for growth and increased foot traffic, many long-term residents express concern about the loss of community and the affordability that once characterized the neighborhood.

There is also a strong sentiment among residents and workers about the importance of preserving the neighborhood’s character. For instance, Jesse, a community leader, emphasized the need for downzoning to protect single-family homes and small businesses from being overtaken by high-density developments. This highlights a broader concern that while new developments can bring economic benefits, they must be balanced with efforts to maintain the neighborhood’s historical and social fabric.

Interviews also underscore the complex dynamics of safety and homelessness in the neighborhood. Residents like Steve and Charles provided firsthand accounts of the increased presence of unsheltered individuals and the associated safety concerns, which have become more pronounced with the influx of new developments. These accounts suggest that gentrification is not only displacing long-term residents but also exacerbating issues related to homelessness, as more vulnerable populations are pushed out of increasingly expensive areas.

Interviews highlight the critical need for more comprehensive social services in the neighborhood. Alicia, a property manager, pointed out that affordable housing is essential for preventing further displacement and maintaining community stability. This aligns with the broader findings of the study, which emphasize the need for policies that support affordable housing and provide adequate resources for those at risk of homelessness.

The interviews also illustrate how the asset mapping technique can help identify valuable community assets that are at risk of being lost due to gentrification. For example, Matt’s story provides insight into the resiliency of neighborhood residents to preserve the character of their community. He also identifies several assets in the community, such as the Blue Copper Coffee Room, Laziz Kitchen, Maud’s Cafe, the 9 Line multi-use trail, and the Volunteers of America’s coffee shop. These assets are important to the community and should be preserved to maintain the unique character of the neighborhood. Additionally, stories highlight the need for better services for the homeless population, such as youth shelters and resource centers, and for developers to strike a balance between well-designed denser projects that do not make as much money but fit better with the neighborhood. Through asset mapping, these community assets can be identified and preserved to prevent displacement of low-income and minority families.

The interviews collected for this project provide an in-depth understanding of how residents in the Ballpark area of Salt Lake City feel about the changes that are occurring in their neighborhood. The interviews demonstrate the value that residents place on existing assets, such as parks, businesses, public transit, and local gathering places, and the impact that displacement has on long-term residents. The stories shared by the interviewed residents illustrate the importance of preserving these assets in gentrifying neighborhoods. The interviews also provide insight into the needs of the neighborhood, such as increased safety measures and better resources for the homeless population. The interviews also shed light on how the changing demographic of the area is viewed by the long-term residents, which can provide valuable insight into how the asset mapping technique can be used to identify assets that should be preserved in gentrifying neighborhoods.

Although not ideal, given that this community-based research project done by students in urban planning at the University of Utah, asset mapping looks a particular way—that is, by plotting “assets” on a physical or digital map of a geographic area. Asset mapping, in this instance, was the general process of surveying a community to identify resources such as schools, churches, businesses, non-profits, social organizations, recreational centers, libraries, green spaces, sidewalks, and healthy food sources. In addition, students in the course Community Engagement in Planning were told that asset maps can also identify non-physical assets, including relationships, social networks, and individuals within a community. However, the “maps” that students created rely less on these types of assets. Perhaps because physical assets are more reifiable and mappable.

5. Conclusions

We conducted an in-depth exploration of the Ballpark neighborhood, a rapidly transforming area with numerous passionate inhabitants. Although we spoke to people from disparate socio-economic backgrounds, most of our interviewees were White; thus, this is one of the main limitations of our study. To properly do so, a more diverse range of people would need to be surveyed. Almost all our conversations illustrated similar results. Notably, nearly everyone remarked about the area’s transportation availability through TRAX. Additionally, while they had positive feelings towards improvements such as new businesses and restaurants, they would not be so accepting of denser housing construction. There was additionally a pervasive feeling of disregard by Salt Lake City’s leadership.

The asset mapping process documented in this project reveals the importance of engaging directly with community members when developing anti-displacement plans. Through interviews with long-term residents, this project was able to uncover the valuable community assets that long-term residents identify as key to preserving the character of the neighborhood in the Ballpark area. Additionally, the interviews revealed the complex web of feelings and attachments to the city, its legacy, and the changes that communities endure when facing gentrification and displacement.

The asset mapping technique utilized in this project can provide valuable insight to city planners when developing plans to mitigate displacement in gentrifying neighborhoods. Asset mapping allows planners to identify and preserve valuable community assets, as well as provide a platform for documenting the stories and perspectives of long-term residents, giving voice to those who are most impacted by redevelopment. However, it is important to remember that asset mapping, as used in this project, only provides one, limited glimpse of community assets in the Ballpark area. Further research is needed to better understand the effectiveness of asset mapping in mitigating displacement in gentrifying neighborhoods.