Continuity Amid Commercial Buildings in Yeonnam-dong, Seoul

Abstract

This study tracks changes in commercial buildings in Yeonnam-dong that have undergone commercial transformation, examining these shifts within the context of urban organization and their relationships with economic and socio-cultural flows. It also analyzes the architectural elements that reflect the placeness characteristics of an area. On-site surveys were conducted to assess the continuity and discontinuity in the characteristics of 62 renovated and 40 newly constructed buildings. Additionally, shifts in social perceptions regarding physical changes were explored through an analysis of commercial districts and interviews with visitors, store owners, and architects. Yeonnam-dong has a distinct physical environment, as well as economic, social, and cultural characteristics that distinguish it from mainstream areas, such as large apartment complexes and typical commercial zones. The area, with its winding alleyways from the pre-modern period and low-rise housing—marginalized from large-scale development—evoked nostalgia and created a distinctive sense of authenticity or placeness, which was further enhanced by the presence of exotic restaurants, cafés, ateliers, and creative activities of early gentrifiers. However, rapid commercialization has led to the displacement of these early gentrifiers, an influx of new investments and construction, and shifts in commercial flows. Consequently, the area’s authenticity has become diluted, and visitors’ perceptions of it have changed. Despite this, architectural elements observed in renovated buildings are preserved and incorporated into newly constructed ones. Features such as semi-basements, exterior straight stairs, and brick façades continue to reflect the locality. Detached and multi-household homes from the 1960s to the 1990s have evolved into a new hybrid commercial–residential form designed for commercial purposes. This is a response to small plot sizes in Korean residential areas and reflects the current economic and cultural demands of commercial gentrification. The urban and architectural characteristics of this area are not only a unique physical environment but also hold socio-cultural significance as ordinary heritage. Therefore, this study proposes institutional measures to preserve urban and architectural continuity while controlling the ongoing commercialization.

1. Introduction

1.1. Background and Purpose

Since 2010, Yeonnam-dong has undergone commercial gentrification, with many low-rise residential buildings being renovated for commercial use as neighborhood living facilities. Yeonnam-dong has transformed into a typical district of cultural consumption in the Gangbuk region of Seoul [1]. As commercialization expanded, a series of displacements by gentrifiers occurred [2], followed by ongoing commercialization in which new investments were made to construct additional buildings in the district [3]. The unique gentrified landscape, formed by residential buildings renovated for commercial purposes, has further evolved with the introduction of newly constructed commercial buildings. These new buildings take on a hybrid form that differs from general residential or commercial buildings, reflecting various urban and social contexts, as well as the regional specificity of Korea’s modernization [1]. This suggests that the physical layers of these buildings have shifted in both urban and socio-cultural contexts. Therefore, it is worth examining the value and transformation of buildings in Yeonnam-dong over time as an architectural type, one that has evolved while incorporating the everyday lives of its inhabitants. These buildings represent a regional example, encapsulating the historical and cultural contexts of Korean society (Figure 1).

The buildings in Yeonnam-dong have evolved within the context of pre-modern urban organization built on the foundations of historical residential forms, amid the economic, social, and cultural changes that have occurred since modern times. This evolution culminates in the contemporary trends of global and Korean commercial gentrification and cultural consumption. Hence, these buildings hold historical socio-cultural contexts as ordinary architecture. The winding alleyways and the old, low-rise residential buildings attract visitors due to their historical, social, and cultural significance. These spaces possess the characteristics of cultural heritage, as they are products of the interactions between people and the environment over time. While the alleyways and buildings are tangible elements, the histories, memories, skills, practices, aesthetics, value systems, and perceptions they hold are intangible elements [4,5]. The combination of these elements create the unique placeness of the area. The Faro Convention on the Value of Cultural Heritage for Society (2005) introduces the concept of “ordinary heritage,“ which differs from extraordinary monuments that are typically valued for their aesthetic or historical significance [5,6]. Yeonnam-dong embodies ordinary heritage characteristics, while continuing to evolve today through new activities. Sustainable development, therefore, is needed to prevent the loss of placeness through over-commercialization and to protect its locational value for future generations. A development policy focused on cultural sustainability is necessary to analyze the daily lives of local residents, consider the environment from various perspectives, and reflect the priorities of the community [5]. The integration of cultural heritage with new economic activities aligns with the UN 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) (2015), which consist of 17 goals and 169 specific targets [7]. Regarding cultural heritage, the SDGs address issues such as preventing gentrification, excessive tourism, and social exclusion, while maintaining the lifestyle and placeness of local communities, and preserving heritage for future generations. Despite El Faouri and Sibley’s assessment that the social and cultural aspects of sustainability are underrepresented compared to economic and environmental aspects, the SDGs remain the primary platform, given they are policy documents established by the UN [8]. In relation to cultural heritage, Goals 8, 11, and 17 of the SDGs are relevant: promote inclusive and sustainable economic growth, employment, and decent work for all (8); make cities inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable (11); and revitalize the global partnership for sustainable development (17) [7]. These goals emphasize the need for governance involving multiple stakeholders to sustain the cultural heritage of cities alongside economic growth.

In light of these considerations, this study aims to explore the meaning and value of tangible and intangible dimensions by using the buildings in this area as texts and examine their local context, framed by the goals and targets of the SDGs. More specifically, the study aims to identify and analyze the architectural elements that have changed or remained unchanged and trace the process through which residential buildings have been renovated or newly constructed for commercial use. Furthermore, to understand the intangible background that brings forth such changes, we interpret the significance of these commercial buildings in Yeonnam-dong within economic, social, and cultural contexts. Ultimately, this paper highlights how the physical features of urban architecture play a critical role in shaping the placeness of an area, embodying the value of ordinary heritage that carries both historical and socio-cultural significance.

1.2. Methods

This study analyzes three dimensions— historical, socio-cultural, and architectural—to comprehensively investigate past and present elements as well as tangible and intangible aspects. The historical analysis in Section 2 draws on reference literature to describe the urban development of Yeonnam-dong and explain the process of commercial gentrification. The socio-cultural analysis in Section 3 examines the role and characteristics of Yeonnam-dong’s buildings within Korean society, using literature and interviews with visitors and store owners to explore local perception of the area. The architectural analysis in Section 4 empirically investigates the evolution of the buildings and statistically analyzes architectural elements that influence placeness.

Renovated and newly constructed buildings in the research site were considered. A block of Yeonnam-dong with winding alleys where commercial gentrification has occurred was selected for this study. This includes Yeonnam-dong and parts of Donggyo-dong, based on administrative districts. The block was chosen for its high degree of commercialization. Buildings were selected through a site survey, which was followed by a review of building management ledgers for verification. Key data, such as construction date (date of approval for use), site area, building coverage ratio, floor area ratio, number of floors, and ownership, were gathered from these records. Renovation years were confirmed by comparing historical road view from a portal site (https://www.daum.net/, accessed on 15 April 2023) with the construction details in the building management ledgers. The survey of renovated buildings took place from January to February 2019, and the survey of newly constructed buildings was conducted from January to February 2023. After witnessing the increasing number of construction sites for new buildings in the area, 62 renovated buildings and 40 newly constructed ones were surveyed (Figure 2). The distribution of renovated buildings by year shows that there was rapid commercialization between 2015 and 2017, while new construction has been ongoing since 2014 (

Table 1. Years of construction of renovated and newly constructed buildings.

	2012	2013	2014	2015	2016	2017	2018	2019	2020	2021	2022	Sum
Renovated buildings	1	2	5	14	12	20	7	1				62
Newly constructed buildings			2	6	4	4	4	6	3	3	8	40

).

After identifying the characteristics of the buildings through the site survey, the commercial district was analyzed by examining the number and types of stores. Interviews were conducted with store owners, visitors, and architects in May and June 2023. The aim was to interview owners of various store types in newly constructed or renovated buildings. Interviews were conducted with three store owners in renovated buildings (two restaurant owners: a woman in her 30s and a man in his 30s, and one café owner, a man in his 40s). Additionally, three store owners in newly constructed buildings were interviewed: one interior accessories store owner (a woman in her 20s), one café owner (a man in his 30s), and one restaurant owner (a man in his 40s). The six shops were evenly distributed within the research block. Additionally, 20 visitors were interviewed: 10 from stores in renovated buildings and 10 from those in newly constructed buildings. Since this is a cultural consumption area for young people, each group consisted of 10 individuals including two men and two women in their 20s, two men and two women in their 30s, and one man and one woman in their 40s. Interviews were conducted at three locations: Yeonhui-ro 1-gil, which has the highest foot traffic; Donggyo-ro 38-gil, located centrally; and shops located on the northernmost part of Donggyo-ro. All interviewees were informed that the survey was being conducted for a research paper and that their data would be anonymized. Furthermore, store owners and architects were notified that they could review the paper’s contents before its submission if they wished.

Interviews were conducted with store owners and visitors between 5 and 8 p.m. The interview questions were formulated by the author after investigating the physical characteristics of the buildings and consulting with four nearby real estate agencies regarding the local commercial district, building features, and the preferences of store owners and visitors. The questions were designed to gather information about changes in the area, perceptions of the buildings, and qualitative insights into interviewees’ views. Store owners were asked about their motivations for opening a store in the area, their impressions of the environment, any observed changes, commercial strategies, reasons for selecting specific floors, and their choices for interior and exterior design. Visitors were asked about changes in Yeonnam-dong and the characteristics of the renovated and newly constructed buildings. Two architects were also interviewed about the utilization of stairs, semi-basements, overall layout and form, and the use of exterior materials (

Table 2. Interview questions.

Questions for store owners	· What is the age range of the shop’s visitors? · Why did you choose to open a shop in Yeonnam-dong? · What was your first impression of Yeonnam-dong, and what is your current impression? · What are the characteristics of the physical environment of Yeonnam-dong? · How do you think Yeonnam-dong is changing? · What do you think are the defining characteristics of the buildings in Yeonnam-dong? · What are the advantages and disadvantages for the commercial viability of this building? · What is the focus of the building’s interior design?
Questions for visitors	· Why do you often visit Yeonnam-dong? · What do you think of the alleyways and the atmosphere of the neighborhood? · How has the atmosphere of Yeonnam-dong changed after its commercialization, compared to the past? · What do you think of the exterior and features of the building you are visiting? · What are the characteristics and atmosphere of the shop you just visited? · Do you think there are unique spatial charms and characteristics associated with each floor (basement, first, and second) when using the shops?
Questions for architects of new buildings	· Why was the semi-subfloor included in the design? · Why were the straight staircase chosen in the design? · What are the characteristics of the overall massing plan? · What is the concept behind the facade design, and how is it related to the atmosphere of the Yeonnam-dong area? · How was the arrangement and form of the building planned within the narrow and irregular site?

).

Among the responses from visitors, the majority opinions were adopted. In cases of varied responses, the diversity of opinions was preserved. The perceptions of real estate agents, store owners, and architects regarding the commercial character and physical environment of the area were largely aligned. Their consistent views were informed by their professional observations. For instance, store owners who moved into renovated buildings emphasized the building’s atmosphere, while those in newly constructed buildings highlighted their clean image and other advantages. To provide a comprehensive picture, key quotes representing the primary perceptions and responses regarding the changes in the area’s physical characteristics were selected and cited.

This study begins with an exploration of Yeonnam-dong’s urban tissues and building formation process. Urban tissues comprise all physical elements, including the site, road network, the interaction between built and unbuilt spaces, building size, shape, and style [9]. Analyzing the urban tissues help clarify the physical environment that shapes the region’s characteristics. Understanding the streets and building types is essential for perceiving the region as a place. This study comprehensively examines the urban tissues across physical, social, and cultural dimensions.

2. Residential and Commercial Buildings of Yeonnam-dong and Other South Korean Cities

2.1. Urban Organization and Housing Development in Yeonnam-dong

The streets and lots in Yeonnam-dong were shaped by the Yeonhee and Seongsan land readjustment projects during 1967–1971, which were among the various projects implemented around the nation to create new residential areas in the process of rapid modernization and urbanization that commenced in the 1960s. The projects continued until they were rejected by the government in 1983. This decision was made in response to rising housing demand and excessive land speculation resulting from land preoccupation, which had been common in Seoul and six other major cities. A survey conducted in late 1989 showed that the area targeted by this project accounted for 39.9% of Seoul’s total land area. In short, the region developed through these projects was characteristic of typical residential areas of the six major cities, including Seoul [10]. The dense urban structure created by the land readjustment projects divided lots for detached houses between grid-like streets. These lots were primarily used for detached housing until the 1980s. In 1984, the legislature approved the construction of multi-household housing in response to government plans to increase the housing supply [11]. Yeonnam-dong, which is laid out in a grid pattern, except for the research site, has a block with winding alleys—an urban form with traditional streets frequently seen before the land readjustment project; the neighborhood was preserved as it was partially excluded from the grid-type land readjustment project [12]. The area is characterized by irregular alleys, known as the “urban archetype” of Seoul. In this layout, single-story houses are relegated to the backstreets, while commercial activities take place along the main roads [13]. Various in-between spaces are created between alleys and buildings in this urban structure [14]. In other words, Yeonnam-dong is a neighborhood with blocks developed both before and during the era of modernization and urbanization in the 1960s and 1970s.

After the land readjustment project, the district became a typical middle-class residential area in Seoul, with detached houses built in the 1960s and 1970s. One prevalent style from the 1970s, popularly known as “French housing”, features a yard, a semi-basement used as a boiler room or garage, and one or two floors (Figure 3). This housing type also combines elements found in traditional Korean houses (hanok), such as courtyards and central living rooms (called “maru”), with Western architectural influences [15]. This eclectic housing form was a typical detached housing style at the time.

Over time, many of these semi-basements, used as garages or boiler rooms, were remodeled for rental housing. In the 1970s, when the housing supply rate was approximately 50%, owners typically lived on the first and second floors, supporting multiple households [16]. As residential use of the semi-basement halfway down from the ground became legalized in 1984, there was an emergence of the typical form of multi-household housing. This building style for residential spaces became commonplace in South Korea, reflecting construction trends during the late 1980s and 1990s [17]. The overall massing of these structures adhered to legal restrictions for general residential areas, including building coverage ratio, floor area ratio, and architectural slant line to ensure daylight penetration. The buildings typically had little to no yard space within the walls, consisting of a semi-basement, first floor, and second floor, with the primary goal being to maximize residential space on small lots within these designated areas. This multi-household housing type evolved from the single-family homes of the 1960s and 1970s into a form characterized by vertical expansion, replacing yard space with additional living area (Figure 3). Furthermore, it was common for these buildings to have an external staircase providing separate access to the second floor, often used for rental purposes [15].

2.2. Commercial Gentrification in Yeonnam-dong

Ruth Glass coined the term “gentrification” to describe the influx of the middle class into working-class neighborhoods, the renovation of housing, and the displacement of existing residents [18]. Gentrification in South Korea, which began in the late 1980s, emerged via state-led apartment construction projects in collaboration with large corporations amidst developmentalist thinking and real estate speculation in Korea, which was undergoing rapid industrialization and urbanization [19]. Commercial gentrification began in the 1990s with the commercialization of residential areas surrounding entertainment zones, such as Apgujeong-dong in Seoul [20]. Commercial gentrification refers to the upgrading and “boutiquing” establishments in commercial streets or areas, replacing small neighborhood shops with galleries, cafés, upscale restaurants, and clothing stores, thereby creating a unique placeness and stimulating commercial activity [3]. From the mid-2000s onward, commercial gentrification began to affect areas like Sangsu-dong, Yeonnam-dong, Garosu-gil, Samcheong-dong, and Gyeongnidan-gil; residential areas of Ikseon-dong; and semi-industrial areas of Seongsu-dong in Seoul [21]. In these regions, small business owners began opening unique stores in search of affordable rents. Neil Smith explained this trend as the rediscovery of value in urban areas through capital investment [22]. Consequently, small neighborhood stores were replaced by galleries, cafés, luxury restaurants, and clothing stores, creating a unique placeness and boosting commercial activities [21]. Currently, in areas such as Garosu-gil and Gyeongnidan-gil, large conglomerates invest their capital. Stores become franchises, and rents increase, leading to the decline of certain commercial districts, altering placeness in the region, and leading to a shift in the area’s commercial character [21,23].

Yeonnam-dong, originally a residential district with detached houses from the 1960s and 1970s, followed by the construction of multi-household residences after the 1980s, was excluded from the apartment complex redevelopment projects of the government and major corporations. Commercial gentrification here began with the influence of the expanding Hongdae (Hongik University) area. Since 2010, low-rise residential buildings have been renovated, and the district, characterized by winding alleys, gained recognition for its distinctive atmosphere. Visitors began to see it as a carefree and romantic neighborhood that was lagging in development but exuded a retro charm (Figure 1).

The area’s commercial and cultural atmosphere of this area originated from its proximity to the Hongdae shopping district, a cultural hub emblematic of youthful consumerism in Seoul. With its emergence in the mid-1990s, Hongdae became known for its “indie culture”, attracting young artists, bohemian intellectuals, and hipsters. However, rapid commercialization from the mid-2000s led to their displacement to the outskirts [2]. Artists, musicians, chefs, design office workers, publishers, and media workers moved to Yeonnam-dong, a remote area on the outskirts of the Hongdae commercial district. However, due to continuous displacement, the early gentrifiers moved again to the outskirts of Yeonnam-dong or left the district altogether. According to Park, by 2013, commercial activities in the area included cafés, restaurants, pubs, design offices, publishing houses, and ateliers [24]. However, by 2022–2023, the district had transitioned into a food and entertainment hub. Western restaurants, clothing boutiques, and cosmetic stores increasingly dominated the district and offices and ateliers nearly disappeared [25].

With the arrival of early gentrifiers, new shops were set up, buildings were remodeled, and a unique landscape of the area emerged. This transformation is referred to as the “gentrification landscape” or “gentrification aesthetics” [3]. It reflects the collective efforts of gentrifiers to distinguish themselves from other social groups through social and spatial means [3]. Zukin argues that authenticity is constructed through the history of a specific area or its goods. She defines the consumption of authenticity as the activities of artists, who possess aesthetic discernment and reject mainstream consumption culture, as they frequent cafés, restaurants, and boutiques that cater to alterative tastes during gentrification [26]. However, as commercialization progresses, the authenticity of the area is called into question as it no longer reflects its original form. This questioning of authenticity signifies changes in the area’s commercial activities, its physical appearance, and the experiences that individuals have within it, depending on their perspective.

Although Yeonnam-dong is losing its authenticity due to commercialization and generalization, it retains its unique atmosphere with exotic restaurants. At the same time, there are complex relationships between authenticity and commerciality. Guillaume Sirois argues that behind cases of gentrification, which create places through a global aesthetic of authenticity and sell local commodities, lies a commercial aspect inherent in neoliberal globalization, which he refers to as “selling authenticity” [27]. Yeonnam-dong, too, had no choice but to embrace commerciality early on in the gentrification process. The authenticity that was initially formed continues to be both created and sold. Furthermore, it is difficult to distinguish this authenticity from “staged authenticity” [28], which is created for commercial purposes. People with an exclusive anti-gentrification stance, driven by their desire for authenticity, left Yeonnam-dong a long time ago. However, a more pragmatic explanation for this displacement is the economic factor of rising rent, rather than the moral authority of authenticity [29]. Today, with new small business owners constantly replacing one another, there is a need to reassess the relationship between authenticity and commerciality.

Furthermore, due to the commercialization of the Yeonnam-dong area, there has been a migration of local residents. Since 2012, the population of Yeonnam-dong has decreased (

Table 3. Population changes in Yeonnam-dong (source: Ministry of the Interior and Safety, Resident Registration Population Statistics).

Year	2012	2013	2014	2015	2016	2017	2018	2019	2020	2021	2022
Sum	19,095	19,092	18,636	18,047	17,488	16,742	16,315	15,849	15,605	14,914	14,614

). Notably, the decline in the population of age groups 0–9, 10–19, 20-29, 30–39, 40–49, and 50–59 indicates that families with children have left the area as residential spaces have been commercialized (Figure 4). A two-sided perception of gentrification exists in Korean society [30]. As real estate prices rise in areas undergoing gentrification, some residents are optimistic about the prospect of enjoying a new cultural space in an improved environment, with higher rent or by selling their homes and moving to other areas [31]. By contrast, negative perceptions include the reduction of residential facilities in the area, the displacement of tenants or shop owners, and the loss of authenticity and placeness in the locality [2].

To address these negative aspects, one local government intervened in the commercial gentrification occurring in several areas of Seoul, such as in Seongsu-dong. This case is quite exceptional in Korean society. Since 2015, the district mayor has intervened by establishing commercial protection zones and working to stabilize rental prices through “mutual agreements” between landlords and shop owners (tenants). However, despite some partial success, Seongsu-dong has become the area with the highest rent increase in Seoul over the past five years [32]. These policies of the district office, which target only commercial spaces and landlords and tenants of shops in their anti-gentrification efforts, have been criticized for their limitations, as they fail to include a broader range of stakeholders [33]. Research and policies from an assemblage perspective—one that consider various aspects, such as the historical geography of Seongsu-dong, the characteristics of semi-industrial areas, changes in urban planning and policies, shifts in industrial structures, existing diverse types of facilities, and social-economic organizations—are lacking. Additionally, there is a lack of thorough analysis of the area’s spatial structure and research on architectural changes within the locality [34]. These various realities suggest that the changes occurring in gentrification areas in South Korea are largely left to the principle of free markets. Therefore, proactive policies and research to address the negative aspects of gentrification are crucial.

Yeonnam-dong is an area where even minimal intervention from local governments has been lacking. Card sales, which temporarily declined due to COVID-19 pandemic from 2020 to 2022, began to rise again in 2023. According to rental data available from official surveys conducted by the Seoul Metropolitan government over the past five years, rental fees have consistently increased, even during the pandemic. By 2023, they had doubled compared to 2019. These indicators highlight the ongoing commercialization of the Yeonnam-dong area (Figure 5).

The physical environment of Yeonnam-dong reflects its historical changes, and there is a need to strengthen efforts to protect it as cultural heritage (SDG 11 (11-4: Protect the world’s cultural and natural heritage)). In terms of residential environments, the transformation of the area into a commercial district has resulted in a decline in the residential population and a deterioration in living conditions. There is a need for urban planning that balances residential and commercial uses (SDG 11 (11-1: Ensure access for all to adequate housing, 11-3: Inclusive and Sustainable urbanization)). Economically, the rise in rents has made it difficult for small-scale creative businesses, typical of the early stages of gentrification, to remain sustainable. Policy interventions are needed to support productive commercial activities, job creation, and the cultural creativity and tourism of the local community (SDG 8 (8-3: Promote policies to support job creation and growing enterprises, 8-9: Promote beneficial and sustainable tourism), SDG 17 (17-17: Encourage effective partnerships, 17-18: Enhance the availability of reliable data)) [7].

3. Place Perception and Its Changes in Yeonnam-dong

3.1. The Social Position and Spatial Heterogeneity of Buildings in Yeonnam-dong Within Korean Society

Yeonnam-dong is a residential area that has been marginalized while other areas developed, carrying a social meaning. Along with its historical significance, it has become a cultural hub, drawing attention for its cultural appeal. Numerous buildings in Yeonnam-dong have been renovated from residential to commercial use, creating a heterogeneous space that blends both residential and commercial elements. This mix contributes to the area’s cultural appeal. The two aspects of this cultural appeal —transcending of mainstream norms and the distinctiveness from mass-produced, stereotypical spaces—carry both social and cultural significance. This section explores the historical, economic, social, and cultural backgrounds of these meanings, which are linked to the memories, identities, attitudes, and value systems within society, forming the context for place perception.

Currently, Yeonnam-dong is part of Gangbuk District, not Gangnam District, which is known for its wealth. Unlike other areas in Gangbuk (e.g., Seongbuk-dong, Pyeongchang-dong), it does not contain luxury homes or apartment complexes for the middle class. Social perceptions of this district are often compared to perceptions of apartments, which are the dominant housing type in South Korea today. In Seoul, the first new apartments constructed in the 1960s were perceived as low-quality housing for low-income people. During this period of government-led modernization, industrialization, and urbanization, apartments were not initially popular. The apartments constructed by the city of Seoul at that time were of poor quality, with communal bathrooms and residents responsible for their own interior design. At the time, the general public preferred larger single-family homes with more land [35]. From the 1970s and through the 1980s, large-scale apartment complexes were developed. As awareness of the convenience of apartment living grew, public amenities such as swimming pools were introduced in large-scale complexes, cementing the image of these complexes as collective residences for the middle class [36].

Specifically, the development of Gangnam District, which originated from the establishment of large apartment complexes during the 1980s, equipped this area with exceptional modern urban infrastructure that surpassed that of the Gangbuk District in the historic city center. Consequently, Gangnam became a symbol of excellence in South Korea, excelling in the economic, cultural, and urban realms. Speculation in the local real estate market and rising apartment prices in the area significantly outpaced trends observed in other regions [36]. This development led to a cultural and lifestyle divide between Gangbuk and Gangnam (new vs. old, modern vs. traditional) [37]. The government and large enterprises continued to build large-scale apartment complexes in Seoul until the 1990s. Housing redevelopment projects, which began in the 1980s, were no longer led by the government but by “redevelopment associations” formed by residents and construction companies. This method, which persists even today, transformed unlicensed housing areas and low-income residential districts into apartment complexes, driving changes in social class that saw the middle-class families moving to Gangnam area while displacing lower-income residents [38]. By 2021, apartment complexes in Seoul had increased from 13.5% of housing in 1985 to 63.5%. Despite being standardized residential spaces, apartments came to be seen as convenient modern facilities free from the feudal agrarian society, and even as investment opportunities [35,38]. Redeveloped areas were promoted as “recent”, “clean”, and “new”, while older areas were often labeled “dirty and disordered” [38,39] (Figure 6 and Figure 7). For instance, multi-household housing, such as that found in Yeonnam-dong, was historically considered a residence for poor people [40].

To understand the changes in buildings amid this commercialization, we must first examine the characteristics of commercial buildings in South Korea. Commercial architecture occupies a unique place in Korean architecture, differing from residential buildings found in large-scale apartment complexes supported by government or large corporations, high-rise buildings in central commercial areas, and single-family homes in residential zones. Commercial architecture serves as neighborhood living facilities, contributing to the daily urban landscape of commercial areas. Kim classified this type of Korean commercial architecture as “intermediate”, where residential spaces and neighborhood living facilities are integrated into average-sized plots in secondary residential zones, which occupy the largest area in Seoul [41]. The mixture of architectural styles in areas undergoing commercial gentrification is not only related to landscape or aesthetics but also connected to the superficial features of Korean commercial architecture. Commercial and decorative elements are applied to building facades without considering the structural framework, making these buildings quickly convertible and adaptable. Ferretto has criticized Seoul for lacking distinctive architectural qualities [42]. In contrast, the principles of European modern architecture, which emphasize internal space and function, do not fit well with Korean commercial architecture [43]. Venturi, in his study of commercial streets in Las Vegas, viewed signage and display windows as elements of commercial persuasion, influencing pedestrians’ purchasing intentions [44]. Similarly, commercial buildings in neighborhoods influence the residents and visitors, reflecting specific atmospheres and meanings. These buildings, “intertwined” with surrounding structures, thoroughfares, placards, activities, and inhabitants, convey cultural and social significance [45]. The ambiance includes the urban arrangement, building exterior, and interior design, all of which communicate meaning to the observer.

While apartments became the dominant housing type, a standardized type of commercial building also emerged along the streets. Most buildings were box-shaped, an economical and efficient spatial plan maximizing interior space. This standardized and utilitarian architectural style, common along Korean city streets, replaced older brick commercial buildings with reinforced concrete rahmen buildings during rapid industrialization and urbanization in the 1960s. These buildings typically featured U-shaped stairs (switchback stairs), corridors, and bathrooms on one side or at the center of the building adjacent to the street, depending on the lot size, with the rest divided into commercial spaces [46].

The structure of commercial buildings in Korean cities, designed as “neighborhood living facilities”, can be explained through the concept of “bang” (room), a traditional term for interior spaces in a building. In traditional Korean architecture, bang refers to rooms such as an-bang (main room), gunnun-bang (opposite room), and sarang-bang (guest room). The word “bang” is also used to refer to stores offering services related to neighborhood life and leisure, such as noraebang (karaoke), PC bang (internet café), jjimjilbang (sauna), manhwabang (comics shop), and bballaebang (laundromat) (Figure 7). Kim interprets these general commercial buildings in Seoul as empty shells designed to create “bangs”—internal spaces and even infrastructure—without consideration for visual organization or architectural aesthetics and stylistic distinctions [47]. To that extent, it is a popular yet standardized urban stereotype created for the sake of utility. This landscape, comprised of this general style of buildings commonly found in urban commercial areas, is perceived as a commercial space of Korean society that is a cliché, even to the public. Despite this, the commercial buildings in Yeonnam-dong, while sharing the traditional concept of “bang”, have unique interior and exterior spaces. This difference arises when residential buildings within the urban organization of residential areas are transformed into mixed-use buildings for commercial use. In the end, the urban and architectural environment highlights the distinct character of Yeonnam-dong within the context of Korean society. This indicates that the physical environment of this area contributes to the diversity of urban space, making it essential to sustainably develop it as a cultural heritage for the well-being of both present and future generations (SDGs 11 (11-4)) [7].

3.2. Place Perception of Yeonnam-dong

Yeonnam-dong is a neighborhood that was largely excluded from development associated with commercial gentrification. Despite being a shabby and disordered district, with narrow alleys and multi-household and multiplex housing built in the 1980s and 1990s for commoners, it has come to be perceived as a relaxed, easygoing, nostalgic, romantic, and natural area due to this lack of development [1]. These perceptions were reflected in interviews with visitors, who shared their views on the neighborhood’s characteristics. Of 20 interviewees, 9 specifically mentioned aspects such as narrow alleys, low-rise buildings, and residential areas, highlighting the district’s distinctiveness compared to typical commercial areas (

Table 4. Perceptions of visitors toward the physical environment of Yeonnam-dong.

Responses (20 Interviewees)	Example Responses
Perceived a distinctive mood: 11 interviewees	- It is walkable, with streets lined with shops. Low-rise buildings create a friendly atmosphere. - I enjoy discovering the hidden spots of the city, which stand in contrast to the typical busy streets. - The alleys have a distinct atmosphere, different from the main streets. It is enjoyable to wander through them, as there are hardly any cars, just the sounds of people. Unlike Hongdae, the shops do not turn up the music, making the streets more walkable. - There are trendy stores in each alley.
Perceived as an area of cultural consumption for young people: 4	- It is a good date spot for couples in their 20s. - A young, trendy vibe with a street filled with youth!
Perceived as a busy street: 2	- The street has become busier since the establishment of the Gyeongui Line Forest Park.
No response: 3	-

).

The commercialization of this district began due to its proximity to the Hongdae commercial district and low rents. While there were other factors, the psychosocial background of its appeal is rooted in nostalgia. To understand this, we must first examine the meaning of nostalgia for alleys in social psychology. According to Kim, Korea experienced rapid modernization and a militarized pace of life starting in the 1960s, somewhat alleviated by a series of disasters in the 1990s. As future prospects became uncertain due to intense competition and pressure, there was a shift towards neoliberalism after the 1997 IMF crisis, leading to a more retrospective social perception [48]. In other words, generations that experienced the past began seeking the comfort of that time in response to an unsatisfying present and an uncertain future [49]. Along with this social psychology, the “retro culture code” that emerged across Korean society and culture in the 2010s played a critical role in commercial gentrification. This retro style reflected a consumption-oriented culture of the 1980s and 1990s, spanning music, fashion, films, animations, and film cameras, transforming past trends into contemporary ones as a postmodern phenomenon, rather than simply returning to original styles. It was consumed mainly by the younger generation, which lacked the experiences of previous generations in terms of experiencing heritage, historical tradition, identity, scarcity, uniqueness and freshness compared to mass-produced goods, and psychological stability [50]. This retro culture is also evident in gentrified districts (Figure 8). Visitors engage with the unique regional characteristics and atmosphere, distinguishing these areas from typical commercial zones or newly developed districts dominated by apartment complexes.

3.3. Changes in Commerciality and Social Perceptions

As commercialization expanded, early gentrifiers—who were the pioneers of regional change—became displaced, store types changed, new buildings were constructed, and the atmosphere and landscape of the area transformed. The early gentrifiers, who represented the new middle class with limited economic capital but elevated socio-cultural capital [47,50], or workers in the creative class engaged in various cultural industries [1,2], started leaving the district in the mid-2010s when rapid commercialization occurred. Today, micro-enterprises with some capital and young chefs entering the restaurant business are competing for space. Early gentrifiers were able to live freely without the constraints of mainstream society, and they tended to express their identities by opening stores along the streets [2]. Lee Ki-Woong argues that individuals in a group hold beliefs, attitudes, and aspirations distinct from those of the wider society; they eschew materialistic values and bourgeois philistinism, instead prioritizing unrestricted artistic expression and noble spirituality. He characterizes the early gentrifiers of Yeonnam-dong as young artists, bohemian intellectuals, and individuals focused on cultural trends. Interviews conducted for this study revealed that these gentrifiers were concerned with earning a livelihood without stable employment while trying to support themselves and pursue their dreams [2]. They were drawn to Yeonnam-dong not only because of its affordable rental rates but also because it suited their personal preferences. They perceived Yeonnam-dong as an unhurried, romantic neighborhood for the masses and remodeled its structures—both internally and externally—to align with their tastes. This trend reflects the gentrifiers’ efforts to cultivate differentiated tastes and aesthetics, as described by Zukin, who discussed the consumption behaviors of artists and consumers during gentrification. This consumption is often rooted in an aesthetic that opposes mainstream consumer culture and is visible in cafés, restaurants, and boutiques showcasing alternative cultural tastes, a phenomenon Zukin refers to as “consuming authenticity” [26].

However, the early gentrification trend in Yeonnam-dong dissipated due to commercialization and displacement. Moreover, the inclinations of newly established stores toward change contributed to the area’s transformation, further enhancing the regionalism created by the early gentrifiers. Unlike the early gentrifiers, modern store owners have clearer commercial plans and goals. They strive for distinctiveness in their products and store ambience while placing a strong emphasis on achieving commercial success. For example, a 34-year-old owner who opened a Chinese restaurant in the Yeonnam-dong 260-39 building in 2022, majored in culinary arts and holds a master’s degree in restaurant and food service management. With five years of experience working with the menu development team of a food service company, he chose to open his restaurant in Yeonnam-dong because of the area’s many exotic restaurants. He decided to serve Cantonese cuisine instead of the more common Chinese food to differentiate his restaurant. He also appreciated the distinctive vibe of Yeonnam-dong, as opposed to the standardized buildings typical of general shopping districts. The restaurant’s interior is inspired by the streets of Hong Kong at night. Additionally, he plans to start a franchise and open more restaurants in other parts of Seoul. Today, store owners like him have launched businesses based on strategies developed from analyzing the commercial success of Yeonnam-dong, as well as the uniqueness of their own products and services, with clear commercial goals in mind (Figure 9). The six store owners interviewed included one in their 20s, three in their 30s, and two in their 40s. Five of them (all except the one in their 20s) had experience in the restaurant business or had previously run a store elsewhere. They moved to Yeonnam-dong fully aware of the considerable commercial competition in the area and had clear business objectives. Real estate agents claim that many stores open and close within a matter of months in Yeonnam-dong. According to the LOCALDATA portal (https://www.localdata.go.kr/devcenter/dataDown.do?menuNo=20001, accessed on 15 April 2023), 482 stores opened and 270 closed in the Yeonnam-dong area in 2022. Considering the unreported closures, these data highlight how quickly commercial changes occur in the area.

The increase in renovated and newly constructed buildings indicates a rise in capital investment in the district. Commercialization has led to active renovations and the construction of new buildings with exteriors that, unlike the previous structures, emphasize form. Through building management records, the owners of 99 buildings, including 62 renovated and 37 newly constructed buildings, were identified, while the ownership of three recently built structures remain unknown. Of these 99 buildings, only 12 had owners living on site. Most owners renovated or newly constructed their buildings for rental income, while residing in other areas. Furthermore, 21 out of the 87 buildings with absent landlords were owned by small- and medium-sized corporations. In other words, Yeonnam-dong has become an investment opportunity for those seeking rental income. This commercialization has altered both the landscape and public perceptions of the buildings and the district. Visitors expressed both positive and negative views regarding the changes in the district (

Table 5. Perceptions of visitors toward changes in the Yeonnam-dong area.

Responses (20 Interviewees)	Examples of Responses
Positive: 5 interviewees	- Newly constructed buildings are clean and appear to use space efficiently. - The new stores incorporate many trendy interior design elements, such as retro style or industrial interior design.
Neutral (ambivalent): 6	- Renovated buildings seem to have parts of the old brick buildings either torn down or repainted, while newly constructed buildings feature bright exteriors and full-view glass panes for openness. - Newly constructed buildings generally have stores that are clearly visible from the outside, while renovated buildings maintain a relatively cozy feel, even with full glass exteriors.
Negative: 4	- The district feels awkward and unnatural due to commercialization. Sophisticated, “Instagrammable” cafés with “Instagram vibes” continue to increase. - Commercialization is accelerating, with more people on the streets.
No response: 5	-

).

The youth express themselves by posting the interior designs and products of the stores they visit on social media platforms like Instagram. These visually appealing elements make the stores “Instagrammable.” As a result, the number of stores with clean and sleek interior designs suitable for Instagram photos is increasing. This shift is also reflected in the types of stores opened in newly constructed buildings. These buildings have fewer restaurants compared to renovated ones but feature more clothing boutiques, jewelry stores, and perfume shops. Newly constructed buildings tend to have stores that require large windows to display merchandise and a clean, open interior design (

Table 6. Type and number of stores in renovated and newly constructed buildings.

Type of Stores	Stores in 62 Renovated Buildings	Stores in 40 Newly Constructed Buildings
Type A: restaurant, pub, party room	146 (57%)	60 (39.7%)
Type B: café, bakery, ice cream parlor, rice cake shop	47 (18.3%)	31 (20.5%)
Type C: florist, clothing boutique, jewelry store, bookstore, perfume shop, vintage shop, convenience store	24 (9.4%)	27 (17.9%)
Type D: office, atelier	11 (4.3%)	10 (6.6%)
Type E: beauty salon, barbershop, photo studio, skincare shop, nail salon, tattoo parlor, tarot shop	22 (8.6%)	18 (11.9%)
Type F: gym, yoga studio, general practitioner, private academy, real estate	6 (2.3%)	5 (3.3%)
Total	256	151

).

Commercial gentrification in Yeonnam-dong progressed rapidly over approximately 15 years. While it was not on the scale of super-gentrification by “super-rich financiers, fed by fortunes from the global finance and corporate service industries” [51]—such as in Brooklyn Heights, New York—it did involve small- and medium-sized enterprises investing in the area. However, gentrification in Yeonnam-dong has not yet reached the stage seen in Sinsa-dong Garosugil in the Gangnam area, where rising rents following capital investments by large enterprises led to the decline of commercial districts [52]. Moreover, the area has not yet been overtaken by large franchise stores. According to Yoon and Park’s stages of gentrification (which outline a three-stage progression of neighborhood transformation: commercial facilities, boutique shops, and franchise stores), Yeonnam-dong is between the second and final stages, in which the number of clothing boutiques, jewelry stores, and perfume shops is increasing, and small-scale franchise stores with two or three locations are starting to appear [21]. This district has seen extensive investment in buildings for leasing, and its commercial landscape is characterized by cultural consumption. Micro-enterprises with capital strength and young entrepreneurs in the restaurant business are seeking commercial success. Newly constructed buildings, focused on plasticity, reflect a nostalgic vibe created by the area’s alleys and retro-style renovated buildings. There is also a rising number of stores with “clean” interior designs selling clothing and fashion accessories, shifting both the perceptions and consumption patterns of visitors to the area.

The commercial activities in Yeonnam-dong are evolving. Cafés, bakeries, jewelry stores, clothing shops, and small-scale franchise stores are becoming more common, and with the rise of newly constructed buildings, the area’s authenticity is becoming more generalized. Nevertheless, the district maintains its identity as a place where young entrepreneurs continue to experiment with new commercial ventures. However, many stores emerge and disappear in a short period, undermining their sustainability. To address this, policy support is needed to ensure the stable operation of small businesses (SDGs 8 (8-3, 9) [7].

4. Evolution of Commercial Buildings

4.1. Commercialization of and Changes to Buildings

Among the 62 renovated buildings surveyed at the research site, 11 were detached houses built before 1984. These 62 renovated buildings consisted of 11 detached houses, 47 multi-household buildings, and 4 other types of buildings (commercial buildings or residential + commercial buildings). For instance, the Donggyo-dong 148-12 building, constructed in 1974 and renovated in 2014, exemplifies the typical “French-style housing” popular in the 1970s, while also incorporating contemporary trends. Some features of this building include granite cladding on the second floor and concrete parapets on the roof. The box-shaped mass on the first floor was decorated with red bricks, emphasizing the exterior of a commercial building. Additionally, an external straight staircase was newly installed to connect the yard to the second floor (Figure 10).

A total of 47 out of the 62 renovated multi-household buildings were constructed after 1984, accounting for a significant portion of the buildings. These were built between 1988 and 1997 and renovated between 2015 and 2019, during the period of rapid commercial gentrification. Forty-two of these buildings have a semi-basement and one or two floors. These are small houses, with an average lots size of 129m² and an average building area of 7.4m² per floor. The lots typically have dimensions of 10–15 m in width and depth.

In some cases, buildings were renovated into styles significantly different from their original forms. For example, the Yeonnam-dong 390-39 building had three floors added to the semi-basement and the first and second floors. The third and fourth floors were rented out as housing, while the floors below were rented as stores. The building’s extension combines both the original housing layout and the typical commercial building form. To maximize the use of space, straight staircases were added to both sides, extending the existing exterior stairs to the third floor, turning this small building into a more functional commercial space (Figure 11). Additionally, brick was used for the exterior to maintain continuity with the surrounding buildings and structures in the area.

Newly constructed buildings demonstrate how the district’s landscape and atmosphere are becoming increasingly commercialized. These buildings were planned for commercial use from the outset, and their shape and dimensions for commercial use are neater and more sophisticated than those of renovated buildings. However, straight stairs are commonly used to maximize the commercial space available within the small urban lots. Additionally, the commercial practices of older buildings remain, such as utilizing the semi-basement for stores. The Yeonnam-dong 390-24 building exemplifies these characteristics. Comprising a semi-basement and four floors above ground, this building has straight stairs going upstairs and other stairs going down to the semi-basement. The latter stairs directly connect the semi-basement to the street. The area of the third and fourth floors is reduced not to limit the neighboring building’s access to sunlight, which directs the overall building form. The exterior shows consistency, with light gray and beige facial bricks and black windows. There are nine small stores in an interior area of 326 m². This building is owned by a small corporation and is a newly constructed commercial building used for rental income (Figure 12).

Buildings with exteriors designed for a commercial effect are also present. The Yeonnam-dong 390-35 building features a semi-basement and five floors, with the semi-basement and the first and second floors rented out as stores, and the third, fourth, and fifth floors used as a guesthouse. The Hongdae District, known for its cultural consumption, contains many guesthouses catering to foreign tourists, which clearly indicates investment aimed at generating rental income. The building’s exterior is painted blue, a color choice that emphasizes its commercial nature, which is uncommon in this area. Other buildings, such as Donggyo-dong 113-29 and Yeonnam-dong 228-58, feature glass and shiny façade panels, while buildings like Yeonnam-dong 383-41 and 387-13 have angular shapes (Figure 13). These buildings stand out in the district with exteriors that use enhanced commercial design to increase rent, resulting in a break from the area’s previous character as commercialization progresses.

4.2. Continuity Amid Changing Buildings

Although old buildings still exist, many have been renovated since commercialization, and the number of newly constructed buildings has skyrocketed. Renovated buildings have adopted architectural features of commercial buildings while retaining elements of their original residential structures; these are hybrid buildings. Openings have been enlarged, and exterior decorations such as facial bricks, panels, and steel railings reflect the typical form of commercial buildings. Exterior stairs have been added on the side where interior stairs could not fit, creating a secondary pathway connected to the alley. The front walls of the buildings were dismantled to open up the façade, and the ground floor and semi-basement have been transformed into commercial spaces, with large windows displaying the interiors of the stores.

The form of renovated buildings is echoed in newly constructed buildings. The urban condition of small lots and the divided use of floors for small stores encourage the use of straight stairs. The integration of semi-basements in commercial buildings, which evolved from multi-household housing in the 1980s, continues to be popular in contemporary construction. The benefits of the semi-basement, such as its accessibility and visibility connecting to the alley, have led to its continued use in newly constructed buildings. Of the 40 newly constructed buildings examined in this study, 28 had straight stairs on the sides, and 15 had a semi-basement. Twelve buildings featured both straight stairs and a semi-basement (

Table 7. Application status of straight stairs, semi-basements, and basements (others: interior not identifiable).

	Straight Stair			U-Shaped Stair (Switchback Stairs)			Others	Sum
	Semi-Basement	Basement	No Basement	Semi-Basement	Basement	No Basement
Renovated multi-household buildings	28	-	4	14	1	-	-	47
Newly constructed buildings	12	-	16	3	-	7	2	40

).

Moreover, the use of bricks, stones, and beige and gray coloring as finishing material aligns with the existing mood of the neighborhood, which is made up of masonry residential houses. The most commonly used exterior materials among the newly constructed buildings are decorative brick, followed by cement mortar, stone, and exposed concrete (

Table 8. Exterior materials of newly constructed buildings.

Exterior Materials	Decorative Bricks (Decorative Brick + Stone)	Cement Mortar	Stone	Exposed Concrete	Glass (Glass + Stucco, Glass + Panel)	Artificial Stone	Panel	Others	Total
N	17	6	4	4	3	2	1	3	40

). The retro mood created by the renovated parts of old buildings has also influenced the design of newly constructed buildings.

The continuity of architectural features (e.g., straight stairs, semi-basements, and exterior wall materials) in this area was confirmed by the testimony of the architect at 387-5, Yeonnam-dong (Figure 14):

“Straight stairs were placed on the exterior side to maximize the use of the interior space for the shops. The utilization of semi-basements is cost-effective in terms of construction, and their easy access from the road has made them a popular choice for commercial use in this area. The overall form was designed to optimize the volume ratio within the constraints of the site. Regarding a façade, it would be inappropriate for the building to appear entirely commercial, given that this is a mixed residential and commercial area. Therefore, the design incorporates both residential and commercial elements, reflecting the character of the street (Figure 14).”

Building 387-5 is a typical example of a small commercial building that aligns with the context of the area. The semi-basement and first and second floors are used for commercial purposes, while the third and fourth floors are reserved for residential use. This new building type reflects changes in the history of pre-modern and modern Korean cities and housing. Buildings within small plots of land, designated by the land division project in the 1960s and 1970s, had to be set back from the property boundary to allow sunlight and prevent fire hazards from neighboring buildings. This layout ensured adequate spacing between the buildings. The renovated buildings in the area originated as single-family and multi-household dwellings from the 1960s and 1990s. The single-family house combines traditional Korean hanok and Western architectural styles, while multi-household houses differ in several ways. For example, single-family houses often have yards, which is rare for multi-household homes. A multi-household house is a vertical extension of a single-family house designed to maximize space within a parcel, with stairs often placed on the exterior to rent out the second floor [15]. Today, multi-household housing has evolved into commercial–residential buildings, like the 387-5 building in Yeonnam-dong. This transformation illustrates how commercial–residential housing types have historically evolved within the urban context and legal regulations for small-scale plots. This new type of urban architecture emerged from working-class residential forms, responding to the temporal and cultural shift toward commercialization in residential areas. This type can be an adequate form of housing encouraging a balance between residential and commercial uses in the area (SDG 11 (11-1)) [7].

This continuity is also significant in terms of urban space. The setbacks required by regulations for sunlight access and fire safety create ambiguous spaces between buildings and property lines. Straight staircases are placed in these spaces, creating “in-between” areas, while small paths (exterior stairs) guide visitors into interior stores (bangs). These spaces connect the alley to the “bangs” (Figure 15). Between buildings or between alleys and buildings, various spaces resembling the remnants of old Seoul have been created [14]. The fact that the exterior staircase has become a space that attracts visitors as a public area within the site is also reflected in the testimony of the architect of 387-38 Yeonnam-dong:

“The stairwell was designed as an open space to highlight the descent into the semi-basement area. The swirling staircase spirals upwards, sparking curiosity among visitors. As visitors ascend the open staircase, they reach small shops on each floor, exposed to the street. In Yeonnam-dong, new, renovated, and old buildings coexist, and the façade creates the feeling of entering a small alley. The design scales down to a human level, with a path created through the stairs (Figure 16).”

Thus, the commercial use of exterior staircases and the semi-basements in new buildings continued in renovated buildings, demonstrating the continuity of the local context—spaces that connect surrounding buildings with alleyways.

The continuities in the architectural forms, external materials, and spatial characteristics contribute to the placeness and uniqueness of this area. These elements hold value as ordinary heritage and need to be preserved. Based on this value, it is essential to document urban architectural data and develop policies for the protection of cultural heritage (SDG 11 (11-4)) [7].

5. Conclusions

There are traces of both the past and present embedded in the urban space and commercial buildings of Yeonnam-dong, which has undergone commercial gentrification. The neighborhood’s landscape and mood reflect the social and spatial significance of these traces.

Yeonnam-dong was once a residential district for commoners. It was excluded from large-scale development and lacked the apartment complexes that served as middle-class housing in Korean society since the 1980s. As a result, it remained a non-mainstream district. Over time, perceptions of the area shifted—from a small, neglected, and impoverished area with limited parking to a romantic, carefree, and nostalgic neighborhood. This preference for and nostalgia toward the non-mainstream is consistent with the global trend of commercial gentrification, as well as the specificity of Korean society. The consumption of retro culture, popular in the 2010s, coincided with Yeonnam-dong’s commercialization. This shift is connected to Korea’s radical modernization and the broader trend of reconstructing and consuming the past, even in the face of an uncertain future.

The urban tissue of Yeonnam-dong is similar to a maze before modernization and the urban tissue of land readjustment projects conducted in the 1960s. This contrasts with the more standardized urban spaces found in areas dominated by apartment complexes or general commercial zones. The narrow winding alleys and irregular residential areas with small lots—along with low-rise homes on grid streets—offer different possibilities for urban activities compared to the large-scale apartment complexes, high-rise buildings, or “clichéd” box-shaped urban neighborhood buildings. Brick houses built between the 1960s and 1990s were renovated by new micro-enterprises. As commercialization progressed, newly constructed buildings began to appear. Many of these new buildings featured semi-basements with direct access to the alley or straight stairs on one side, designed to maximize the commercial space on each floor. Additionally, the exterior materials of these buildings, such as bricks, were selected to match the area’s context, demonstrating continuity between the renovated and newly constructed buildings. This continuity is evident in both the urban tissue characterized by narrow alleys, small-scale plots, and the commercialized atmosphere infused with nostalgia and retro culture (

Table 9. Contributing factors to the maintenance of Yeonnam-dong’s identity.

Physical Elements and Space	Urban Tissues and Space	Renovated Buildings	Newly Constructed Buildings
Contributing factors to maintenance of the area’s identity	- Narrow winding alleys, small lots, and low-rise residential spaces - Connection of the alley and semi-basements - Continuity from the alley to the interior of buildings through exterior stairs - Spaces in between buildings	- Renovation of existing semi-basements - Installation of exterior straight stairs or exterior straight stair extensions	- Application of semi-basements - Application of straight stairs - Use of external materials, such as bricks and stones, that match the surrounding contexts

). These new buildings evolved from traditional Korean houses, single-family houses built in the 1960s and 1970s, multi-household residences from the 1980s and 1990s, and renovated commercial buildings. This hybrid utilitarian architectural type, which blends elements of the past and present, residential and commercial, represents a new form of urban architecture that adapts to the commercialization of Korean residential areas and the urban organization of small parcels. Along with this continuity, new buildings reflecting the novel atmosphere brought about by commercialization have also emerged. An increasing number of new buildings emphasize plasticity using glass and metal wall panels. Currently, the newly constructed buildings in Yeonnam-dong exhibit both types: those that maintain continuity with the local context and those that exhibit discontinuity.

The renovated and newly constructed buildings in Yeonnam-dong reflect the urban, architectural, political, economic, social, and cultural changes from the pre-modern era to the present. Yeonnam-dong is a unique area of Seoul, and it is important to recognize that other regions may have distinct regional characteristics and architectural forms. Nevertheless, the commercial buildings in Yeonnam-dong undoubtedly embody a fusion of past and present, as well as local and global influences, all of which are integral to the evolution of Korean society. This comprehensive interpretation of urban architecture should be shared with local officials, residents, and architects as it highlights key considerations for the region’s development and preservation.

Commercial gentrification in Yeonnam-dong continues to expand. Many of the aging houses in commercial gentrification areas, such as Yeonnam-dong, could potentially be targeted for renovation and new construction for commercial purposes. Therefore, there is a need to establish guidelines for these new constructions. Centered around the local government, it is essential to swiftly and consistently engage in research and dialogue regarding analysis of the spatial structure, changes in commercial areas, resulting local arrangements, and changes in building usage within the governance of building owners, tenants, urban and architectural experts, and administrative personnel [53]. To that end, it is necessary to establish a district-level plan with legal authority within the statutory urban planning system [54]. The plan should establish regulations such as limiting large lots formed by merging properties and large buildings; preserving low-rise structures by regulating floor-area ratio and building heights; ensuring adequate space between buildings through lot lines and setbacks; restricting the use of materials like glass and metal on building exteriors; limiting the use of bold colors on building facades; and offering incentives for mixed-use developments that integrate commercial spaces with residential areas on upper floors. These fall under restrictions on the construction works of building owners and store owners. By implementing such guidelines, the identity of the area could be maintained. Encouraging a balance between residential and commercial uses in the area could increase the number of residents, thereby revitalizing communities where both residents and store owners coexist. Furthermore, the communities and the administrative authority should form a unified governance to control the influx of new economic activities and ensure that development efforts prioritize cultural sustainability, maintaining the value of the area’s ordinary heritage.

For the sustainable development of Yeonnam-dong’s urban architectural environment, a comprehensive approach is essential. This approach can be framed within the context of the UN 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and Targets. For implementing this effectively, effective governance must be established to foster social partnerships with stakeholders, experts, and local citizens across various fields (SDG 17 (17-17, 18)). Under this governance, participatory, integrated, and sustainable human settlement planning must be formulated and practiced to balance residential and commercial uses while preserving cultural heritage (SDG 11, (11-1, 3, 4)). Additionally, promoting new regional culture and products should be prioritized supporting young entrepreneurs seeking to open small stores (SDG 8, (8-3, 9)) [7]. In conclusion, for cultural sustainability to be achieved, both tangible and intangible elements—such as economic, socio-cultural, and physical elements—must be carefully considered and integrated into development policies.