Finding Strength in Times of War: A Systematic Review of Resilience and Adaptation Among Arabs Exposed to War

Abstract

Across the world, war and armed conflict continue to disrupt lives and have a profound impact on individuals. This is particularly evident in Arab countries, many of which have experienced repeated conflicts in recent decades. In these contexts, resilience and psychological adaptation are essential for maintaining well-being, yet social and cultural factors significantly shape how resilience manifests. Despite growing recognition of resilience’s importance, limited synthesis exists regarding the cultural and psychosocial factors that promote adaptation in Arab populations during wartime. This systematic integrative review provides a comprehensive overview of empirical findings on resilience, adaptation, and their associated factors during times of war in Arab countries. A screening was conducted following the PRISMA guidelines. Content and thematic analysis of 52 selected studies revealed five key themes: demographic factors, community resilience, personal resilience and growth, coping strategies, and religion and spirituality. The review highlights the effect of factors like religiosity, social support, and active coping strategies, among others, in promoting resilience and adaptation among Arab people exposed to war. The findings also suggest the value of leveraging existing cultural strengths, including strong social networks, communal practices, and religious beliefs, in interventions designed to promote resilience and adaptation during times of conflict.

1. Introduction

Across the world, war leaves more than physical destruction; it disrupts lives, displaces communities, and significantly impacts people psychologically. Particularly in the Arab region, prolonged exposure to armed conflict has led to widespread psychological distress (Amsalem et al. 2025).

Arab societies have gone through years of armed conflict and violence. Lebanon experienced a 16-year civil war (1975–1990) along with recurrent Israeli incursions and conflicts, including wars in 2000, 2006, and 2024 (Nuwayhid et al. 2024). Its neighboring country, Syria, has faced a civil war between 2011 and 2024, which has displaced roughly half its population (Hassan et al. 2016). In addition, the ongoing war in Yemen, since 2015, has fragmented and displaced its population (Alhariri et al. 2021); and Gaza has endured several military conflicts, most recently the 2023 war that led to approximately 40,000 Palestinian deaths and a mass displacement of 90% of Gaza’s population (Aldabbour et al. 2025). These conflicts, along with other turmoil in Iraq, Libya, and other Arab countries, showcase the fact that the Arab region has long faced chronic violence.

Among conflict-affected populations, many develop posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and anxiety, among other psychological concerns (Aldabbour et al. 2025; Charlson et al. 2019). A study on the ongoing war in Gaza found that 68% of displaced Palestinians met PTSD criteria, with 85% showing depressive symptoms and 79% having clinically significant anxiety (Aldabbour et al. 2025). Furthermore, studies of Syrian refugees and internally displaced populations show similar pervasive PTSD, depression, and anxiety (Hassan et al. 2016). Similarly, in Lebanon, after the 2006 war, a national-level study found that 44% of young adults met the criteria for a psychological or trauma-related disorder (Karam et al. 2014). In line with this data, a recent meta-analysis indicated that depression and PTSD affect roughly 1 in 4 conflict survivors (Ahmed et al. 2024).

While war and armed conflicts undoubtedly contribute to psychological trauma and sustained stress, they can also, paradoxically, catalyze intrinsic strengths and adaptive behaviors among individuals. Indeed, not everyone exposed to war necessarily experiences psychological breakdown; on the contrary, many demonstrate resilience, adapting and recovering while maintaining mental health despite severe adversity (Thompson et al. 2018). Resilience can be defined as the outcome of successfully adapting to difficult or challenging life experiences, especially through mental, emotional, and behavioral flexibility and adjustment (APA 2018). Beyond being an outcome, resilience is often understood as a dynamic process that occurs over time as individuals respond to and adapt after adversity (Luthar et al. 2000; Masten 2015), and involves both internal and external resources (Tarquinio and Spitz 2012; Rothschild 2000). It is a sort of trajectory for adaptation, from immediate coping responses, the usage of resources to help with adaptation, to long-term adjustment and growth.

Resilience has been conceptualized in multiple ways within the psychological literature. At the individual level, it involves internal resources that enable people to adapt to adversity (Thompson et al. 2018; Tarquinio and Spitz 2012). Ecological models view it as a dynamic process that emerges from interactions between individuals and their surrounding systems, including families, communities, and broader sociocultural environments, rather than as a fixed personal trait (Bronfenbrenner 1979; Ungar 2011). Building on this perspective, the community resilience framework emphasizes the collective capacities of groups to adapt and recover from adversity through shared resources, social networks, and collective efficacy (Norris et al. 2008), which can help individuals adapt and recover from severe adversity (Wang et al. 2021). In this sense, resilience comprises both internal and external factors that enable the individual to adapt, recover, and bounce back from adversity.

According to research, a number of factors contribute to how well people adapt to adversities (Thompson et al. 2018; Tarquinio and Spitz 2012). For instance, active coping strategies, such as problem-solving or cognitive reframing, are often associated with more favorable psychological outcomes, while avoidant strategies tend to exacerbate distress (Chaaya et al. 2025). Additionally, support from family, friends, and one’s community can buffer the impact of traumatic experiences and facilitate adaptation (Wang et al. 2021).

Cultural factors also play a key role in shaping how resilience and coping are ex-pressed. Numerous studies suggest a close connection between culture and resilience. Studies reveal that cultural values provide meanings and strength for individuals in the face of adversities (Xie and Wong 2021; Pertek 2022). Cultural identity, values and practices have been found to foster resilience. For example, ethnic identity and the value of family and traditions were found to provide strength and a sense of purpose for three generations of Alaska natives (Wexler 2014). Additionally, cultural differences often influence how people respond to the extreme stress, particularly in times of war (Eshel et al. 2024).

Digard (2003) explains that Arab societies are largely collectivist, and that strong family bonds, close-knit com-munity networks, religious faith, and a shared sense of identity are often sources of psychological strength. Research has shown that these cultural elements are often linked to resilience in the context of trauma and conflict (Foussiakda et al. 2025; Hamadeh et al. 2024; Abboud Mzawak et al. 2025a). Other researchers, such as Harb (2016), Rabasa et al. (2004), or Behrens-Abouseif (1999), have additionally argued that countries of the Arab world share, to a large extent, a common culture, traditions, language, and history that give the region a distinct identity and distinguish it from other parts of the world. For this reason, researchers in psychology and social sciences often study Arab populations together, taking into account these similarities, while remaining attentive to national and contextual nuances (Fekih-Romdhane et al. 2025; Alnunu et al. 2022). Moreover, as previously mentioned, the fact that many Arab countries have experienced recurrent armed conflicts and collective trauma provides an additional shared context that influences resilience processes across the region. Nevertheless, it is important to note that societies across the Arab world are also characterized by considerable cultural diversity, as well as being marked by pronounced social and economic inequalities, both within and across countries (Harb 2016). Conclusions regarding effects of cultural diversity or inequalities on resilience could not be drawn in this literature review, which is limited by the relatively small number of publications available, and our own focus here will therefore rather be on commonalities.

Despite the importance of resilience for individuals and societies affected by armed conflict, research in the Arab context has often examined solely the psychological impacts of war and the prevalence of mental disorders in Arab countries. Consequently, there remains a lack of synthesis on the factors that promote resilience and positive adaptation. Although global research has explored resilience broadly, few studies have focused specifically on how it manifests among Arab adults exposed to war. A recent review synthesized qualitative findings on coping and resilience in the region (Hamadeh et al. 2024), yet a comprehensive synthesis that includes diverse study types is still lacking.

To address this gap, the current review focuses on the following research question: What social, cultural, and psychological factors are associated with resilience and positive adaptation among Arab adults exposed to war? By drawing from a range of empirical studies, this integrative systematic review aims to provide a holistic and culturally specific understanding of resilience of individuals and its associated factors among Arabs exposed to war, and inform culturally sensitive interventions for conflict-affected communities.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Study Design

This review aimed to explore resilience and adaptation processes and did not aim to identify protective factors for trauma. In this review, resilience was defined as an individual’s ability to withstand, adapt, and recuperate from adversity and stress (Sayed et al. 2024; Rakesh et al. 2019). It focused on resilience as a process of adaptation, as well as the factors that are involved in or support this adaptation (Tarquinio and Spitz 2012; APA 2018). This encompasses numerous elements often involved in resilience, including but not limited to post-traumatic growth (PTG), which refers to an umbrella of positive adaptation (Pat-Horenczyk and Brom 2007; Rakesh et al. 2019), coping strategies, social support (Pat-Horenczyk and Brom 2007), and sense of coherence, which refers to an individual’s ability to resist and cope with stress (Currie and Morgan 2020).

Given the aim of this study, an integrative systematic review approach was used. It is a type of literature review that synthesizes findings from diverse methodologies and study designs to provide a comprehensive understanding of a phenomenon (Toronto and Remington 2020). To this end, opting for this approach allows us to present a panorama of existing findings on resilience and adaptation, thus laying the groundwork for evidence-based practices (Whittemore and Knafl 2005).

The integrative review methodology, adapted from Whittemore and Knafl (2005), followed five stages. First, the research question “What social, cultural, and psychological factors are associated with resilience and positive adaptation among Arab adults exposed to war?” was formulated to guide the scope and focus of this review. Second, a systematic literature search was conducted across multiple databases to ensure a comprehensive exploration of existing knowledge. Third, a rigorous screening process based on predefined inclusion and exclusion criteria was applied to select studies relevant to the research questions. Fourth, the methodological quality of the included studies was assessed to evaluate their rigor and to identify common limitations across the body of literature. Finally, the findings were synthesized and interpreted, culminating in a discussion of the current state of knowledge and implications for future research and practice.

2.2. Literature Search and Screening

This review sought to synthesize findings from empirical studies. These include cross-sectional, longitudinal, qualitative, experimental, quasi-experimental, and case-study designs. The literature search covered publications from 2000 to 2025, ensuring that the review captures insights into resilience and adaptation from relatively recent wars in the Arab world. Studies published in Arabic, English, and French were included, as these are the most prevalent languages used among Arab scholars (Elgamri et al. 2024; Ashoor and Chaudhry 1993).

Studies having a sample of Arab adults, defined as individuals aged 18 years or older, who were either residing in Arab countries or had been displaced due to the war, were included. Eligible samples must have experienced direct or indirect exposure to war-related events within the last twenty-five years. Here, war exposure was defined broadly as situations in which an armed conflict occurred in the person’s country and directly or indirectly influenced their lives, whether through personal experiences of violence, displacement, loss, or psychological impact, or through broader disruptions to their community and daily life caused by the war. Studies that exclusively focused on children or adolescents (n = 221), non-Arab populations (n = 70), or those unconnected to Arab war contexts were excluded (n = 3). In this review, the term Arab refers to individuals holding the nationality of one of the twenty-three Arab countries, as defined by the Arab League. It includes those residing in their country of origin, displaced across borders or internally due to war, or living elsewhere as refugees or migrants. Although the review did not aim to systematically analyze differences based on current residence status, it acknowledges displacement as an important contextual factor in understanding war experiences and resilience.

Additionally, studies examining the impact of singular terrorist attacks, political uprisings unrelated to warfare, or other forms of trauma isolated from war settings were not considered (n = 3). Non-empirical articles and analyses were excluded (n = 65). Furthermore, studies that examined only protective factors associated with PTSD or other mental disorders without addressing the actual process of resilience and adaptation were excluded (n = 36). Studies that dealt with the resilience of a society, community, or organization were excluded (n = 8), and we only included studies that focused on individuals. The remaining studies were excluded because they were not directly relevant to the research question.

All database searches were conducted in January 2025 and included Scopus, PubMed, PsycINFO, JSTOR, and Cairn.info (a French-focused database). A supplementary manual search was also performed using Google Scholar and Al Manhal (an Arabic-focused database) to identify gray literature and ProQuest Dissertations and Theses to capture dissertations and doctoral-level research (Toronto and Remington 2020). The keywords adopted for the search strategy were guided by the PICO framework. Terms were selected to either explicitly represent each component or to closely relate to them (

Table 1. Search strategy.

Search Strategy (PICO Question) a
Population: Arab adults b	“Arab*”, “Middle East”, “Syria*”, “Lebanon”, “Lebanese”, “Palestine”, “Palestinian”, “Iraq*”, “Gaza”, “Sudan*”, “Yemen”, “Libya”.
Intervention/Exposure: Exposure to war	“War”, “Conflict”, “Violence”, “Terrorist”, “Armed conflict”.
Comparator: None	Not applicable
Outcome: Resilience	“Resilience”, “Coping”, “Adaptation”, “Mental Health”, “Trauma”, “Depression”, “Anxiety”, “Dissociation”, “Mental Disorders”, “Distress”.

^a Keyword usage was adapted based on the specific database. For example, in databases that allowed country filters, country names were not included as search keywords; ^b Countries included as keywords (i.e., Palestine, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Sudan, Yemen, Libya) had experienced war within the past 25 years.

).

This initial search, broad by design to capture the largest possible number of relevant studies, yielded 4076 articles. Duplicates were detected and automatically removed. Additionally, 245 items were added through the manual literature search based on their titles. Subsequently, two researchers independently screened the articles based on the titles, then their abstracts, and finally their full-texts. Disagreements were settled by discussion, with the opinion of a third researcher required in case a consensus was not reached. The full-text access was restricted for 10 articles. In the end, the total number of included articles in the review was 52. The PRISMA flow diagram for systematic reviews was used to illustrate the screening process in all its phases (Figure 1).

2.3. Quality Appraisal

The included studies underwent a quality assessment, which evaluated the methodological rigor, without excluding any study based on low quality (Kesonen et al. 2024; Younes et al. 2024). This assessment employed the Joanna Briggs Institute’s Critical Appraisal Tools (JBI 2017). The scoring system was based on the responses: “yes”, “no,” “unclear,” and “not applicable” for each criterion. Only “yes” responses were considered as a point, as performed in previous reviews (Kesonen et al. 2024). Each study was assessed using the checklist specific to its research design. Overall, the quality was robust.

Table 2. Characteristics of the included studies and quality assessment.

Author(s) and Year	Study Design	Theoretical Underpinnings	Setting	War Event(s)	Sample Size (N)	Main Results	JBI Score
Abbara et al. (2023)	Qualitative	Adaptation conceptualized as individual coping strategies	Northwest and Northeast Syria among Syrian health workers	Syrian civil war	40	Healthcare workers relied on various coping strategies and solidarity in times of armed conflict.	9/10
Abu Bakr (2018)	Cross-sectional	Adaptation conceptualized as social support (external resource)	Palestinian prisoners’ wives	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	71	Social support is negatively associated with psychological stress.	7/8
Abuejheisheh et al. (2024)	Cross-sectional	Resilience as an individual trait (scale-based)	Palestinian nursing students from Al-Quds University	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	325	Men experience higher resilience than women.	8/8
Acar et al. (2021)	Cross-sectional	Adaptation conceptualized as individual coping strategies and PTG	Syrian refugees in Turkey	Syrian civil war	528	There is an association between traumatic experiences and PTG that is explained through coping strategies.	8/8
Afana et al. (2020)	Qualitative	Adaptation as embedded in culture	Palestinians in the Gaza Strip	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	34	Several coping strategies were identified, including creating cultural and religious meaning, individualism to collectivism, acceptance, and social support.	10/10
Afifi et al. (2016)	Qualitative	Communal coping	Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	80	Communal coping is associated with resilience.	7/10
Ahmead et al. (2024c)	Cross-sectional	Adaptation conceptualized as individual coping strategies	Palestinian university students	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	1815	Certain coping strategies were associated with increased resilience and mental health, while others were tied to decreased resilience and mental distress.	8/8
Ahmead et al. (2024b)	Cross-sectional	Adaptation conceptualized as individual coping strategies	Palestinian health professionals	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	713	Certain coping strategies were associated with mental health, while others were tied to mental distress.	8/8
Ahmead et al. (2024a)	Cross-sectional	Adaptation conceptualized as individual coping strategies	Palestinian mental health professionals working in Palestine	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	514	Certain coping strategies increased the likelihood of developing PTSD, while others decreased this risk.	8/8
Ahmed Garoon et al. (2022)	Qualitative	Spirituality as a central component of resilience	Yemeni refugee students in Saudi Arabia and the United Kingdom	Yemeni civil war	10	Spirituality and resilience play a crucial role in coping and adaptation.	6/10
Akesson and Sousa (2020)	Qualitative	Familial resilience	Syrian refugees in Lebanon	Syrian civil war	351	Parents showed distinct characteristics in their resilience and adaptation to support their children in times of adversity.	7/10
Alghamdi (2020)	Cross-sectional	Resilience as an individual trait (scale-based)	Saudi Arabians residing in the Southern border region	Yemeni civil war (Southern border conflict region of Saudi Arabia)	367	Resilience is associated with educational level.	8/8
Ali et al. (2023)	Cross-sectional	Adaptation conceptualized as PTG	Libyan population sample	Libyan civil war	300	Several factors are associated with PTG.	6/8
Arenliu et al. (2020)	Qualitative	Familial resilience	Syrian urban refugee families in Turkey	Syrian civil war	30	Numerous coping mechanisms for families in times of adversity were identified.	10/10
Arnetz et al. (2013)	Cross-sectional	Resilience as an individual trait (scale-based)	Iraqis from local community organizations in the metro Detroit tri-county area	Iraqi civil war	128	Resilience is associated with less trauma-related psychological distress.	8/8
Barkil-Oteo et al. (2018)	Case study	Resilience as an individual trait	Syrian in a large refugee camp in Turkey	Syrian civil war	1	Internal locus of control is associated with resilience.	7/8
Brea Larios (2024)	Cross-sectional	Adaptation conceptualized as individual coping strategies	Syrian refugees in Norway	Syrian civil war	96	Problem-focused coping strategy was associated with adaptation.	8/8
Diab (2024)	Qualitative	Resilience conceptualized using intersectionality theory	Lebanese, Syrian, or Palestinian members of the LGBTIQ+ community	Israel-Hezbollah conflict (2023–2024)	18	LGBTIQ+ individuals employ various coping strategies but experience a lack of social support.	7/10
Diab et al. (2018)	Longitudinal	Adaptation conceptualized as PTG	Population sample of Palestinians	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	511	PTG correlated positively with mental health outcomes.	8/11
El Masri (2020)	Qualitative	Resilience as embedded in cultural practices	Palestinians in refugee camps in Lebanon	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	10	Several coping strategies, most notably homemaking, are employed for adaptation and resilience.	10/10
El-Nabih and Firwana (2023)	Case study	Resilience as an individual trait	Palestinian university instructor in Gaza	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	1	Several factors are associated with resilience and adaptation.	2/8
Ersahin (2022)	Cross-sectional	Adaptation conceptualized as PTG	Syrian populations in Turkey	Syrian civil war	805	Coping strategies and religiosity are associated of PTG.	8/8
Hall and Werner (2022)	Cross-sectional	Adaptation conceptualized as PTG	Syrian and Iraqi living in Turkey	Syrian civil war and Iraqi civil war	832	There are mixed associations between PTG and various facets of social trust.	7/8
Hirad et al. (2023)	Qualitative	Adaptation conceptualized as PTG	Resettled Iraqi and Syrian refugees in the United States	Syrian civil war and Iraqi civil war	23	Components like tolerating uncertainty, spirituality, religiosity, and integrating into society are involved in PTG.	8/10
Hobfoll et al. (2012b)	Cross-sectional	Adaptation conceptualized as social support (external resource)	Population sample of Palestinians	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	1196	Social support negatively correlated with psychological distress.	6/8
Hobfoll et al. (2012a)	Longitudinal	Adaptation conceptualized as social support (external resource)	Population sample of Palestinians	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	1196	Social support negatively correlated with psychological distress.	9/11
Jawad et al. (2009)	Cross-sectional	Adaptation conceptualized as social support (external resource)	Lebanese community-residing older adults	2006 Lebanon war	490	Family plays an important role as a stress buffer in times of adversity.	8/8
Kangaslampi et al. (2022)	Cross-sectional	Adaptation conceptualized as PTG	Syrian and Iraqi refugees living in Turkey	Syrian civil war and Iraqi civil war	3159	Elements like discovering personal strength and redefining life priorities are involved in PTG.	6/8
Løland (2021)	Qualitative	Sense of meaning as a central component of resilience	Syrian refugees in Norway	Syrian civil war	28	Religious meaning-making plays a crucial role in resilience.	5/10
Mahamid et al. (2022)	Cross-sectional	Resilience as an individual trait (scale-based)	Population sample of Palestinians	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	437	Resilience correlated positively with quality of life, and negatively with hopelessness and depression.	8/8
Makhoul and Ghanem (2009)	Qualitative	Collective resilience	Lebanese residing in the Eastern Beirut suburbs	2006 Lebanon war	43	Religiosity and social support are associated with resilience and adaptation.	6/10
Matos et al. (2021)	Qualitative	Sense of meaning as a central component of resilience	Syrians in urban communities in Portugal	Syrian civil war	39	Personal growth and positive meaning reappraisals were associated with resilience.	8/10
Matos et al. (2024)	Qualitative	Sense of meaning as a central component of resilience	Syrian Muslim refugees in Portugal	Syrian civil war	33	Religious meaning-making facilitated adaptation.	10/10
Nashwan and Alzouabi (2024)	Qualitative	Social factors as important for adaptation	Syrian refugees in Jordan	Syrian civil war	20	Faith, social connections, and financial support are important for adaptation.	7/10
Nuwayhid et al. (2011)	Observational (Qualitative)	Collective resilience	Internally displaced Lebanese people	2006 Lebanon war	N/A	Social support networks have contributed to building up internally displaced persons’ resilience.	5/10
Pak et al. (2023)	Cross-sectional	Resilience as an individual trait (scale-based)	Syrian refugees living in Istanbul	Syrian civil war	339	Social support and self-efficacy are associated with resilience.	6/8
Renner et al. (2020)	Qualitative	Adaptation conceptualized as social support (external resource)	Syrian refugees resettled in Germany	Syrian civil war	20	Social networks played a key role in resilience.	8/10
Seff et al. (2024)	Qualitative	Adaptation conceptualized as social support (external resource)	Forcibly displaced Palestinian women in Jordan	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	28	Social networks played a key role in resilience.	9/10
Sharifian et al. (2023)	Mixed-methods (cross-sectional and qualitative)	Resilience as an individual trait (scale-based)	Syrian teachers in warzones in Syria	Syrian civil war	70	Spirituality and the sense of personal accomplishment played a major role in resilience.	16/18
Sim et al. (2019)	Cross-sectional	Adaptation conceptualized as social support (external resource)	Syrian caregivers in Lebanon	Syrian civil war	291	Social support was associated with resilience.	6/8
Şimşir et al. (2021)	Qualitative	Adaptation conceptualized as PTG	Syrian refugees in Turkey	Syrian civil war	15	Elements like coping strategies, social support, and spirituality are involved in resilience.	5/10
Sousa (2013)	Cross-sectional	Adaptation based on internal and external coping resources	Population sample of Palestinians	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	122	There is no association between religiosity and familial support, and mental health outcomes.	8/8
Sousa et al. (2020)	Qualitative	Resilience conceptualized using feminist theory	Palestinian mothers living in a context of political violence	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	32	Mothers face distinct challenges and have particular resilience experiences.	10/10
Sousa et al. (2021)	Qualitative	Collective resilience	Palestinian female teachers	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	20	Support groups and certain coping strategies are associated with resilience.	5/10
Tuzi (2023)	Qualitative	Family as a central agent in resilience	Displaced Syrians in Lebanon and Germany	Syrian civil war	19	Social networks and religiosity play a key role in resilience.	8/10
Veronese and Pepe (2014)	Cross-sectional	Adaptation conceptualized as sense of coherence	Public hospitals in Palestine	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	218	Sense of coherence was associated with positive mental health outcomes following traumatic experiences.	5/8
Veronese et al. (2023)	Qualitative	Collective resilience	Population sample of Palestinians	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	45	Resilience among Palestinians takes the form of collective resilience and shared identity.	10/10
Veronese et al. (2012)	Cross-sectional	Adaptation conceptualized as sense of coherence	Palestinian beneficiaries of local and international NGOs	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	140	Sense of coherence was associated with positive mental health outcomes following traumatic experiences.	8/8
Veronese et al. (2022)	Cross-sectional	Resilience as an individual trait (scale-based)	Palestinians living in Gaza	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	550	Resilience and social support were associated with positive mental health outcomes.	7/8
Veronese et al. (2021)	Cross-sectional	Resilience as an individual trait (scale-based)	Population sample of Palestinians	Israeli-Palestinian conflict	550	Resilience and hope were associated with positive mental health outcomes.	7/8
Wesarg-Menzel et al. (2024), Various Arab countries	Cross-sectional	Adaptation conceptualized as social support (external resource)	Arab migrants and refugees living in Germany	Several wars and conflicts	98	Social support is associated with resilience.	7/8
Zbidat et al. (2020), Syria	Qualitative	Individual coping strategies	Syrian refugees with residency in Germany	Syrian civil war	16	Numerous coping strategies were used for adaptation.	7/10

Note: “Theoretical underpinning” refers to how resilience or adaptation was conceptualized or framed in each study. “Setting” indicates the nationality of participants and the context in which the study was conducted, including whether participants were residing in their home country, in conflict zones, or in displacement contexts, among other details.

presents details and quality scores of all included studies.

2.4. Data Analysis

Thematic and content analyses were employed to synthesize the data, as these methods align with the depth of analysis required and the diversity of research designs included in the review. For the content analysis, the researchers carefully read each article, establishing codes that captured the main results or core ideas, following procedures described by (Cameron et al. 2011). This coding process allowed for systematic comparisons between study findings, and involved stages of coding, grouping, categorization, and abstraction (Elo and Kyngäs 2008). Building on this coding, thematic analysis was then conducted to identify recurrent patterns across the studies. This process involved the recognition and refinement of commonalities across multiple sources, ultimately leading to the establishment of prominent themes that encapsulate the key dimensions of resilience in the context under study (Popay et al. 2006).

3. Results

3.1. Description of the Studies

A total of 52 studies were included in this review. Many were cross-sectional (n = 26) and qualitative (n = 21), while the remaining were longitudinal (n = 2), case studies (n = 2), or mixed-methods (n = 1). All qualitative studies, except for the observational study, utilized a semi-structured approach and included open-ended questions.

In terms of sample nationality, most studies focused on Palestinians (n = 22), followed by a significant number focusing on Syrians (n = 19). A smaller number focused on Lebanese (n = 5) and Iraqis (n = 4), while a minority had samples of Yemenis (n = 1), Saudi Arabians (n = 1) and Libyans (n = 1). One study included participants from various Arab nationalities, namely Syria, Tunisia, Yemen, Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, Libya, Jordan, Morocco, and Saudi Arabia (n = 1). It should be noted that these nationalities reflect participants’ country of origin rather than study location, as many individuals were displaced due to armed conflict and residing in host countries at the time of data collection. A comprehensive description of the included studies, detailing their methodology, setting, and other relevant characteristics, is provided in Table 2. From those articles, five key themes emerged: demographic factors, community resilience, personal resilience and growth, coping strategies, and resilience through religion and spirituality.

3.2. Demographic Factors

Numerous studies have reported associations between demographic factors and resilience. First, associations were reported between sex and resilience and adaptation. Four cross-sectional studies have found that men had significantly higher resilience than women in times of war (Abuejheisheh et al. 2024; Pak et al. 2023; Veronese et al. 2021, 2022), while one study found higher resilience in women (Alghamdi 2020). Moreover, regarding variables related to adaptation, two studies investigated PTG, with one finding that women experienced higher PTG in war (Ali et al. 2023), while another found no association (Mahamid et al. 2022).

Second, the association between age and resilience was examined in three studies, with none of them finding significant correlations (Abuejheisheh et al. 2024; Pak et al. 2023; Sharifian et al. 2023). Concerning PTG, a cross-sectional and longitudinal study reported that a positive correlation exists with age (Diab et al. 2018; Ali et al. 2023), but another one found a negative correlation (Acar et al. 2021).

Third, associations with socioeconomic variables were explored. One study found no correlation between income and resilience (Abuejheisheh et al. 2024), while another found that having a job was associated with higher levels of resilience (Pak et al. 2023). Numerous studies also examined education level, with two finding a positive correlation with resilience (Pak et al. 2023; Sim et al. 2019) and one reporting no correlation (Sharifian et al. 2023). Also, a study conducted with a sample of university students found no correlation between the year of education and resilience (Abuejheisheh et al. 2024).

3.3. Community Resilience

Community resilience emerged as a key concept in times of war, as communities and support networks helped individuals adapt in the face of struggle. For starters, qualitative studies highlighted collective narratives of resistance as foundational to resilience. Palestinian refugees drew strength from shared stories of returning to lost homes, framing survival as both personal and political resistance (Veronese et al. 2023; Matos et al. 2021; Afana et al. 2020). They framed resilience as collective endurance, rooted in kinship support and pride in resistance (Veronese et al. 2023; Afana et al. 2020; Sousa et al. 2021). Similarly, Syrians and Lebanese viewed war experiences through a communal perspective (Matos et al. 2021; Nuwayhid et al. 2011). These collective narratives reinforced a sense of shared destiny (Afana et al. 2020; Sousa et al. 2021).

Social support networks, both formal and informal, also played a role in community resilience (Renner et al. 2020; Seff et al. 2024; Hobfoll et al. 2012a; Wesarg-Menzel et al. 2024). Informal networks provided emotional, instrumental, and informational assistance, particularly in settings where formal services were scarce or exclusionary (Diab 2024; Tuzi 2023). Cross-sectional studies demonstrated that perceived social support reduced psychological stress (Abu Bakr 2018) and depressive symptoms (Hobfoll et al. 2012b). However, a lack of social support was reported in several studies, which constituted a challenge in adaptation in times of war (Diab 2024; Afifi et al. 2016; Makhoul and Ghanem 2009).

Lastly, the family as a source of social support was noteworthy (Jawad et al. 2009). Studies underscored how family solidarity and spousal collaboration helped displaced populations navigate adversity. Syrian families in Lebanon and Germany, for instance, consolidated relationships and mutual support during forced separations, with mothers often leveraging school networks to rebuild social ties (Tuzi 2023; Ahmed Garoon et al. 2022). Yemeni and Syrian refugees described familial care as a place of relief (Ahmed Garoon et al. 2022; Zbidat et al. 2020). Cross-sectional studies complemented these findings, showing positive correlations between family support and resilience (Sim et al. 2019; El-Nabih and Firwana 2023). Another cross-sectional study reported that satisfaction with spousal or familial ties reduced depression (Acar et al. 2021). However, a study found no association between family support and mental health outcomes (Sousa 2013).

3.4. Personal Resilience and Growth

Resilience exists not only at the community level but also on a personal level and provides many benefits. Numerous correlations were found between individual resilience and mental health variables. For starters, resilience correlated positively with quality of life (Mahamid et al. 2022) and negatively correlated with psychological distress (Arnetz et al. 2013). Furthermore, a consistent negative correlation between resilience and depression was observed across cross-sectional studies, with higher resilience linked to lower depression levels (Mahamid et al. 2022; Abuejheisheh et al. 2024; Veronese et al. 2021, 2022; Alghamdi 2020). Similarly, resilience showed a negative association with anxiety (Abuejheisheh et al. 2024; Veronese et al. 2021, 2022; Alghamdi 2020) and PTSD (Sharifian et al. 2023; Alghamdi 2020). Resilience also coincided with reduced feelings of hopelessness (Mahamid et al. 2022). The relationship between resilience and stress yielded mixed findings, with two reporting a negative correlation (Veronese et al. 2021, 2022) and one found no association (Abuejheisheh et al. 2024). Additionally, the sense of coherence was an explored cognitive resource related to resilience. It is characterized by the ability to perceive life as comprehensible, manageable, and meaningful. Studies demonstrated a negative correlation between a sense of coherence and anxiety, avoidance behaviors, and improved social functioning, though it showed no association with intrusive thoughts (Veronese and Pepe 2014).

Based on the included studies, individual resilience is multifaceted and encompasses many psychological and social components. Overall, resilience was shaped by upbringing, social norms, and belief systems (Arnetz et al. 2013). Having a purpose in life emerged as a central theme, with studies highlighting its role in fostering resilience through work (Sharifian et al. 2023), the pursuit of hopes (Ahmed Garoon et al. 2022), and the rebuilding of life goals post-trauma (Matos et al. 2021). In line with this notion, meaning-making was identified as a critical mechanism for resilience (Matos et al. 2021; Løland 2021; Afana et al. 2020). Personal growth was another key component, manifested through work ethic, reflective awareness of gains (Hirad et al. 2023), and transformative self-change (Acar et al. 2021). Participants in qualitative studies described resilience as intertwined with evolving identities and adaptive capacities, such as rebuilding social networks or redefining life priorities (Matos et al. 2021). Resilient beliefs, often rooted in religious faith, further strengthened psychological endurance (Matos et al. 2021). Lastly, the two traits of self-efficacy and internal locus of control were correlated positively with resilience (Pak et al. 2023; Barkil-Oteo et al. 2018). Self-efficacy refers to an individual’s belief in their capacity to act in the ways necessary to reach specific goals (Bandura 1978), and the internal locus of control is the degree to which people believe that they, as opposed to external forces, have control over outcomes in their lives (Rotter 1954). On the other hand, external or social factors, namely the prolonged siege conditions in Gaza, in Palestine, weakened resilience (Veronese et al. 2021, 2022).

A type of resilience commonly emerged in the literature, which is the resilience of parents, particularly mothers. It is a resilience type shaped by caregiving responsibilities and protective behaviors. Qualitative studies emphasized the love of children as a cornerstone of maternal resilience (El-Nabih and Firwana 2023), with mothers modeling resilience for their children and prioritizing caregiving despite personal hardships (Sousa et al. 2021). Parents often hide their pain to shield children from distress while providing moral guidance to instill stability (Akesson and Sousa 2020).

Regarding growth and adaptation, PTG was frequently examined in studies. PTG broadly refers to “an umbrella of positive adaptation” (Pat-Horenczyk and Brom 2007), distinct from resilience in that it arises from attempts to adapt to highly adverse circumstances, such as major life crises, which typically provoke significant psychological distress (Tedeschi and Calhoun 2004). Studies revealed nuanced relationships between PTG and mental health outcomes. While it showed a negative correlation with depression (Diab et al. 2018; Ali et al. 2023) and PTSD (Diab et al. 2018), it correlated positively with anxiety and demonstrated no association with substance use (Ali et al. 2023) or social trust (Hall and Werner 2022). Furthermore, qualitative and cross-sectional research identified core components of PTG in times of war, including prosocial behavior, awareness of context, tolerance of uncertainty, purpose, and managing loss (Hirad et al. 2023). Participants reported transformative outcomes such as discovering personal strength (Kangaslampi et al. 2022; Ali et al. 2023), redefining life priorities (Kangaslampi et al. 2022), and identifying new possibilities (Ali et al. 2023). Strengthened relationships with others also emerged as a hallmark of PTG (Ali et al. 2023), though this did not extend to broader societal trust (Hall and Werner 2022).

3.5. Coping Strategies

People affected by war employ diverse coping strategies, which are defined as conscious or voluntary thoughts and behaviors mobilized to manage internal and external stressful situations (Algorani and Gupta 2023). For starters, problem-focused coping was frequently associated with reduced psychological distress. Cross-sectional studies demonstrated a negative correlation between problem-focused coping and depression (Brea Larios 2024), while active coping reduced the probability of developing depression and anxiety (Ahmead et al. 2024c) and mitigated burnout (Ahmead et al. 2024b). PTG was also positively linked to problem-focused coping, with studies showing its correlation with strategies like planning and active engagement (Ersahin 2022; Acar et al. 2021). However, planning yielded mixed outcomes, as it correlated positively with PTSD symptoms (Ahmead et al. 2024c) and anxiety (Ahmead et al. 2024c) but showed no association with burnout (Ahmead et al. 2024b). Furthermore, cognitive reframing strategies, such as optimistic reappraisal, appreciating survival (Sousa et al. 2021), and acceptance (Afana et al. 2020; Zbidat et al. 2020), were tied to resilience and PTG. Qualitative studies show that individuals who reframe their experiences in more positive ways tend to adapt better to difficult circumstances (Matos et al. 2021). Additionally, maintaining optimism and hope plays a crucial role in building resilience (Ahmed Garoon et al. 2022; El-Nabih and Firwana 2023; Arenliu et al. 2020). As a matter of fact, joy and future-oriented planning can provide significant psychological relief during hard times (Zbidat et al. 2020; El-Nabih and Firwana 2023). On the other hand, emotional coping strategies were frequently reported and yielded inconsistent outcomes. Emotional coping showed no correlation with depression (Brea Larios 2024) and was negatively associated with PTG (Ersahin 2022).

Furthermore, maladaptive coping, including avoidance, self-blame, and substance use, often exacerbated distress. Self-blame correlated positively with PTSD (Ahmead et al. 2024a), depression (Ahmead et al. 2024c), anxiety (Ahmead et al. 2024c), and burnout (Ahmead et al. 2024b), while denial and behavioral disengagement showed strong associations with PTSD, depression, and anxiety (Ahmead et al. 2024a, 2024b, 2024c). Substance use was linked to burnout (Ahmead et al. 2024b), and passive strategies like sedatives and dark humor negatively correlated with resilience (Abbara et al. 2023). Maladaptive coping strategies like denial and substance use were also negatively correlated with PTG (Acar et al. 2021).

Other used strategies included acceptance, which reduced anxiety (Ahmead et al. 2024c) and correlated with resilience (Afana et al. 2020) but showed a weak negative association with PTSD (Ahmead et al. 2024a). Humor reduced depression (Ahmead et al. 2024c) and burnout (Ahmead et al. 2024b) but correlated positively with PTSD (Ahmead et al. 2024a). Self-reliance showed no association with mental health or PTSD (Sousa 2013), while venting correlated with anxiety (Ahmead et al. 2024c). Qualitative studies emphasized learning skills as a critical adaptive mechanism, with displaced individuals acquiring new competencies to navigate hostile environments (Nashwan and Alzouabi 2024) and education-based coping fostering resilience (El-Nabih and Firwana 2023). Homemaking or caring for one’s home was also associated with resilience, particularly among women (El Masri 2020). Avoidance behaviors, such as leaving the country to evade war, provided some relief (Zbidat et al. 2020).

3.6. Resilience Through Religion and Spirituality

Considering that Arab culture is known for its religiosity, multiple studies have examined the association between religious or spiritual variables and resilience. Three qualitative studies and a case study highlighted the relation between religious coping, or adapting to struggles through religiosity, and resilience (El-Nabih and Firwana 2023; Løland 2021; Arenliu et al. 2020; Makhoul and Ghanem 2009). In addition to that, a qualitative study reported the substantial effect of spiritual support on resilience in times of war (Nashwan and Alzouabi 2024). Cross-sectional studies investigating the correlation between religious coping and mental health outcomes found no correlation with overall mental health or with PTSD (Sousa 2013), a positive correlation with depression and anxiety (Ahmead et al. 2024c), and no correlation with substance abuse (Ahmead et al. 2024a). Similarly, religious coping, religiosity, and spirituality were consistently shown to be associated with PTG (Ali et al. 2023; Ersahin 2022; Kangaslampi et al. 2022; Şimşir et al. 2021; Acar et al. 2021).

In qualitative research, the effect of religiosity on resilience and adaptability was often explained through the notion of faith (Hirad et al. 2023; Sharifian et al. 2023; Ahmed Garoon et al. 2022). For instance, faith helps individuals accept their situation in war, which facilitates their subsequent adaptation (Zbidat et al. 2020). In Abrahamic religions, which are the prominent ones in Arab countries, faith involves a personal relationship with God. This relationship with God helped people find comfort and trust that their situation will improve through His help (Matos et al. 2021; Ahmed Garoon et al. 2022). Additionally, religiosity provided meaning to individuals’ suffering (Afana et al. 2020).

Lastly, qualitative research consistently showed that religious practices, particularly prayer, provided comfort and aided people in adapting to their struggles in war (Matos et al. 2021; Hirad et al. 2023; Tuzi 2023; Ahmed Garoon et al. 2022; Arenliu et al. 2020).

4. Discussion

This review aimed to synthesize the understanding of resilience and adaptation among Arabs in times of war, from a sociocultural and psychological perspective. It explored the literature on these constructs in wars that occurred in the last 25 years in Arab countries. Five main themes emerged from the included articles. First, demographic factors, such as age, gender, socioeconomic status, and educational level, were explored. Most of these factors showed no clear association with resilience, and there were mixed or contrasting findings. Second, community resilience constituted an important form of cultural resilience among Arabs. Third, personal resilience and growth during wars in their various facets were explored, showcasing the key roles of meaning-making, purpose, and self-efficacy. Fourth, the adaptive nature of various coping strategies was examined. Lastly, spirituality and religiosity, being central aspects of Arab social and personal life, seemed to play a role in promoting resilience.

It is clear that several areas remain underexplored and warrant further investigation. For instance, the evidence regarding demographic factors is limited and inconclusive. More research is needed to establish robust correlations between resilience, adaptation, and demographic variables. In addition, certain variables related to war, trauma, resilience, and adaptation appear to be largely overlooked. For example, constructs such as collective trauma and the sense of safety were not addressed in the included studies. Considering that measurement tools related to these concepts have only recently been developed for Arab culture, future research should aim to incorporate and examine them (Mahamid et al. 2025; Obeid et al. 2025).

Concerning the review’s findings, research on demographic correlates of resilience has yielded mixed findings. Concerning gender, it seems that there are higher resilience levels among women. This may be explained by the higher level of social support networks that women often have (Bedrov and Gable 2023). Additionally, biological differences between men and women with regard to resilience can also provide an explanation for this difference as some factors make women more prone to resilience (Bourzac 2025).

There does not seem to be a significant relationship between age and resilience among the individuals and groups reported on in the studies that were included in the present review. This does not align with a previous systematic review of studies worldwide, which showed that younger individuals demonstrate greater resilience (Schäfer et al. 2024). However, other bodies of research, especially cross-sectional studies conducted worldwide, have found no significant associations between age and resilience levels (Pulido-Martos et al. 2020). The absence of correlation with age can reflect the overwhelming impact of war across all age groups, potentially diminishing typical age-related differences in resilience.

The associations between resilience and socio-economic status or education level also remain unclear, with included studies reporting inconsistent findings. Previous research in other cultures has reported that lower socioeconomic status is tied to lower resilience and a higher risk of trauma (Folayan et al. 2024). While such an association can be hypothesized in Arab populations, the review could not confirm any conclusive findings. This highlights the need for further research targeting associations between these variables.

Importantly, the findings frequently demonstrate the collective nature of resilience in Arab cultures, where community bonds and social networks serve as fundamental protective factors for the individual against severe adversity and shared tragedy. Collective resilience refers to the ability of a group to adapt and collectively cope with crises in adversity (Liu et al. 2022). This collective aspect is particularly salient in contexts of shared trauma, as seen in Palestinian, Lebanese, Syrian, and Iraqi populations, where entire communities develop resilience mechanisms through shared narratives of resistance and mutual support (Hammood et al. 2025). This perspective aligns with ecological models of resilience, which emphasize the dynamic interplay between individuals and their social environments (Bronfenbrenner 1979; Ungar 2011), as well as resource-based and communal approaches, which view social capital, shared identity, and collective resources as central to adaptation (Norris et al. 2008). In line with these models, the strong association between social support networks and resilience emerges as a particularly consistent finding, though expected given the well-established protective role of social connections in mitigating psychological distress. Notably, familial support stands out as a significant and beneficial form of social support. These findings are unsurprising since they align with cultural values in Arab societies that emphasize family cohesion and collectivism (Digard 2003). This result shows how cultural aspects shape resilience processes in the Arab region, with collectivistic orientations fostering resilience through shared identity and communal coping strategies rather than individualistic approaches.

Moreover, the studies explored resilience on a personal level. It consistently had a protective effect on mental health outcomes. In fact, it had this effect with regard to trauma, depression, and anxiety, among others. The content analysis reveals three aspects of personal resilience among Arabs in times of war: (1) meaning-making through cognitive reframing of traumatic experiences, (2) self-efficacy as belief in one’s coping capacity, and (3) personal growth through developing new competencies. This beneficial effect of resilience on mental health can be explained using (Frankl 2006) existential framework, which views purpose as central to resilience. Similarly, this aligns with the previously mentioned importance of internal resources, as meaning functions as a key internal mechanism that supports adaptation (Rothschild 2000). According to this perspective, individuals are more likely to endure suffering when they are able to find meaning despite the struggles. In the context of war, many participants demonstrated this ability, not simply surviving hardship, but transforming their trauma into a source of strength or finding a source of meaning and purpose in spite of the struggles. This finding can also be explained using (Janoff-Bulman 1989) Cognitive Adaptation Theory, also known as the “Shattered Assumptions” theory, which proposes that individuals cope with traumatic events by adjusting their fundamental beliefs about the world, themselves, and others. These beliefs, known as world assumptions, are often shattered by trauma, prompting individuals to re-evaluate and reconstruct their understanding of reality. In this context, meaning-making becomes essential, as it helps individuals restore coherence and purpose in their lives despite the disruption (Edmondson et al. 2011; Abrutyn 2024; Abboud Mzawak et al. 2025a). In Arab cultural contexts, this process of meaning-making was often expressed through religiosity and spirituality; to reconstruct the realities disrupted by trauma, individuals often turned to faith as a source of meaning reconstruction and strength.

Conversely, despite its clear mental health benefits, PTG did not have a similar consistent effect. While resilience protects against psychopathology, PTG appears to coexist somewhat with psychological distress rather than eliminate it. This suggests that these two constructs represent different adaptation pathways. This difference between resilience and PTG as distinct adaptation processes has been confirmed in previous studies (Elam and Taku 2022; O’Brien and Taku 2023), and seems to also be the case in Arab culture.

Parental resilience, particularly maternal resilience, has emerged as a noteworthy and distinct form of resilience rooted in Arab cultural aspects. Arab mothers seem to demonstrate an adaptive capacity that involves suppressing their own distress to provide moral guidance and emotional stability for their children. Mothers seem to draw strength from fulfilling socially valued caregiving roles. However, given that these findings mostly stemmed from self-reports in qualitative studies, more robust research methods should be used to confirm whether this is a true form of resilience that helps in successfully adapting to challenging life experiences or an illusory sense of resilience simply involving suppressing their feelings to care for their children (Foley and Timonen 2015).

Regarding the coping strategies, the review’s findings reveal that they operate along a spectrum of adaptive utility. While problem-focused strategies like active coping and skill-building promoted resilience, emotional approaches yielded inconsistent results, mitigating depression in some contexts while hindering post-traumatic growth and resilience. Maladaptive strategies, particularly self-blame, denial, and substance use, emerged as consistently harmful, exacerbating PTSD, depression, and burnout. Paradoxically, even ostensibly adaptive strategies like humor and acceptance showed dual effects: humor alleviated depression yet correlated with PTSD, while acceptance fostered resilience but was weakly linked to trauma symptoms. These findings align with the worldwide literature on coping strategies (Ghafouri et al. 2022; Onieva-Zafra et al. 2020) and echo the results of a recent study in Lebanon by (Chaaya et al. 2025), which found that adaptive and active coping strategies are associated with psychological well-being in times of severe crises, whereas maladaptive ones are associated with higher levels of psychopathology.

Additionally, cultural practices, such as homemaking and communal meaning-making, were particular forms of psychological adaptation. These practices highlight how resilience is often strengthened by strategies that align with culturally valued roles and shared social meanings. This observation also resonates with the “Shattered Assumptions” theory, as individuals rebuild a sense of normalcy and purpose by grounding themselves in familiar and meaningful roles. Indeed, cultural practices and beliefs have often been shown to play a role in offering sources of meaning and stability in situations of psychological struggles (Edmondson et al. 2011; Solomon et al. 2015; Raeff et al. 2020). However, further research is needed to explore how such culturally specific coping mechanisms contribute to long-term resilience in war-affected Arab populations.

Finally, religiosity and spirituality were consistently shown as factors in promoting resilience, adaptation, and post-traumatic growth among war-affected Arab populations that were reported on in the reviewed studies. In this social context, religiosity refers to the degree of individuals’ religious beliefs, practices, and commitment, often rooted in monotheistic traditions (predominantly Islam, Christianity, Druze, Jewish, among others) that shape their worldview and coping processes. This relation with resilience was expected, as religious faith can provide individuals with a profound sense of purpose, especially amid extreme adversity. This aligns with findings that religious meaning-making facilitates adaptation (Abboud Mzawak et al. 2025a). In fact, religiosity and spirituality constitute a source of meaning for people in times of war, which facilitates resilience and adaptation. Furthermore, this effect was amplified by the fact that religion is deeply embedded in Arab culture (Abboud Mzawak et al. 2025b). For this reason, prayer, rituals, and trust in God were all tied to resilience.

4.1. Limitations of the Review

Despite the strengths of this review, particularly its systematic approach and its synthesis of the findings, it has some limitations that should be acknowledged. For starters, while the review examined processes of resilience and adaptation among Arab populations in times of war, it did not explore the protective factors that may buffer against the psychological toll of such circumstances. These factors, though central to adaptation, were outside the scope of this review. Similarly, many of the included studies did not provide detailed information on the type or intensity of war exposure, and exposure itself was defined very broadly in this review. This limits the extent to which the findings can distinguish how different forms of exposure shape resilience processes.

Additionally, the review’s scope is limited by the selected keywords and databases, meaning that some relevant studies may have been missed due to limitations in the search strategy (Salvador-Oliván et al. 2019).

Furthermore, the review is limited by the broad assumption of a shared “Arab culture,” which, while useful for identifying common values and contexts, may overlook the cultural, historical, and social differences that exist between and within Arab societies (Harb 2016).

Lastly, an important contextual factor that was insufficiently addressed in the review is the experience of displacement. Forced migration, whether cross-border or internal, introduces additional layers of vulnerability, uncertainty, and stress that can significantly influence resilience. Displacement can disrupt social networks and support systems while simultaneously fostering new adaptive strategies and forms of collective coping in host contexts (Ekoh et al. 2023). Previous systematic reviews have explored the relation between resilience and various forms of displacement (Lane et al. 2025; Siriwardhana et al. 2014). Also, ongoing uncertainty surrounding future return, secondary migration, or family reunification may have an influence on adaptation, meaning-making, and long-term resilience outcomes (Kienzler et al. 2025).

4.2. Social and Intervention Implications

The findings of this review have implications. First, the effect of community resilience alludes to the benefits of developing community-based responses in times of war and humanitarian crises (Mukherjee and Mandal 2022). Strengthening networks of mutual support and communal coping practices was shown to be an important adaptation factor in times of adversity. Effective interventions may include the creation of safe communal spaces for healing, the promotion of grassroots leadership, and the implementation of culturally grounded, group-based initiatives that leverage existing social and relational structures (Seff et al. 2024). Securing adequate funding for such task forces is essential to ensure their sustainability and impact (El Masri et al. 2024). Additionally, given the centrality of the family in Arab culture and its role as a source of social support, initiatives that engage and strengthen family systems may be particularly effective. Family-focused interventions can constitute a particular form of support system in times of war (Miller et al. 2020).

Second, since religious and spiritual coping stood out as important protective factors, faith-based responses in contexts of crisis may have some relevance. Thus, it may be beneficial to integrate spiritual components into psychosocial care, such as psycho-spiritual interventions, meaning-centered therapeutic approaches, or trauma-informed counseling adapted to religious worldviews. Interestingly, studies have supported the effectiveness of psycho-spiritual approaches both in cases of trauma and adverse situations in Arab countries (Rahme 2020; Khoury et al. 2025). In parallel, the consistent benefits associated with problem-focused coping strategies point to the value of equipping individuals with practical, adaptive skills during times of war and crises (Bode et al. 2007; Slone et al. 2013).

At the individual level, interventions should focus on the key factors of individual resilience found in this synthesis, including meaning, purpose, and self-efficacy. Approaches like existential therapy to promote meaning and resilience (Rahgozar and Giménez-Llort 2020) or cognitive-behavioral therapies for self-efficacy hold the potential to foster these internal resources (Neacşu 2013).

5. Conclusions

This review synthesized the factors associated with resilience and adaptation in Arab populations exposed to war. It highlights the effect of factors like community support, purpose and meaning, as well as religiosity and spirituality, on psychological and psychosocial resilience in conflict contexts. If this review has one overriding message, it is that numerous aspects of Arab culture shape resilience and adaptation, and incorporating these cultural components into interventions may be beneficial in countries affected by conflict. Future research in Arab contexts should address underexplored areas in research, such as collective trauma, intergenerational resilience, and the sense of safety.