Female Public Sculptures: Visibly Invisible

Abstract

Monuments and public sculptures embody collective memory, values, and identity. This study analyses the representation of women in public sculptures in Ibarra, Ecuador, and evaluates citizens’ recognition of the historical figures depicted. A mixed-method, cross-sectional design was employed. An urban inventory was conducted (N = 124 sculptures), and questionnaires were administered in situ to 1200 adult residents using non-probability intercept sampling (100 surveys at each of the 12 female monuments). The results reveal a marked disparity: 55.6% of the sculptures represent men, compared with only 9.7% representing women. Recognition is minimal: 98.6% of respondents did not identify the person represented, and 95.1% reported no knowledge of her history. These findings suggest that the underrepresentation of women in public art reflects enduring structural and cultural gender inequalities. The limited presence of female monuments contributes to the erasure of women’s legacy from collective memory and perpetuates the perception of public space as historically male-dominated. Framed within the literature on gender and monuments as devices of social memory, the study advocates for inclusive commemorative policies and interpretive strategies. Limitations include the non-random sampling and single-city scope; future research should expand comparisons across cities and assess potential interventions.

1. Introduction

Gender Inequality

The issue of gender inequality in Latin America is a persistent, multifaceted, and multidimensional problem; it is a structural problem that negatively influences all areas of everyday social, cultural, educational, and economic life. Recent statistics and studies demonstrate that, despite some progress, women continue to encounter significant barriers in accessing employment, education, and political representation (Urquidi et al. 2023). The ongoing and pervasive nature of gender inequality in Latin America is evidenced by the exacerbation of existing gender disparities in the aftermath of the global pandemic, the consequences of which have been felt acutely by women (Bustelo et al. 2021).

The educational situation, which exerts a significant influence on all areas, reflects considerable disparities. A global analysis indicates that the gender gap in education remains substantial, especially in low-income countries, and this negatively impacts the economic growth of these nations (Ouali Fernández 2024). However, the issue is not confined to the educational sector. In all contexts, gender inequality in Latin America is a multifaceted problem that requires urgent attention so that the perpetuation of stereotypical gender roles is eliminated by implementing effective public policies that address these disparities and promote gender equality (Vera Canelo 2021). Social norms and gender stereotypes exert a profound influence on expectations regarding the behaviour and opportunities of men and women, thereby contributing to the perpetuation of inequalities (Loor et al. 2024).

Feminist scholarship has long explored the gendered nature of visibility in the public sphere. (Beauvoir [1949] 2011) conceptualised women as the “Other,” historically excluded from domains of recognition and authority. Building on this tradition, Judith Butler ([1990] 2006) demonstrated how gender is performatively constructed through cultural and social practices that both reproduce and contest structures of inequality. Within the context of public art and commemoration, these theoretical perspectives emphasise that the absence of women from monuments is not a neutral omission but a reflection of broader systems that marginalise female agency in history and culture.

The research utilised a quantitative-descriptive approach, commencing with a technical inventory of public sculptures in Ibarra. A series of on-site surveys was conducted among residents in order to ascertain the proportion of public sculptures of women in comparison to those of men. In addition, the visibility and public awareness of the women represented in the monuments were analysed. This analysis combined direct observation, typological classification, and statistical analysis.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Public Monuments and Narrative

It is a commonly held view that public monuments are physical structures composed of stone or bronze. However, it is important to note that their function extends beyond mere aesthetic or decorative elements, as they serve as tangible testimonies to the history, identity and values of a given community. It is important to acknowledge that monuments do not merely serve a decorative or aesthetic function within the urban landscape. As demonstrated by Kevin Lynch (1960) in The Image of the City, they function as landmarks that contribute to the legibility of cities, reinforce identity, and anchor collective memory. These monuments are designed to commemorate significant events, characters, or ideas, and as such, they function as points of reference that influence the way a society understands itself.

Furthermore, monuments have been theorised as active devices of cultural memory, rather than passive artefacts. Alois Riegl’s ([1903] 1982) seminal work The Modern Cult of Monuments articulated how monuments embody both intentional and unintentional values that shape collective remembrance. Walter Benjamin ([1940] 2003) similarly argued in his Theses on the Philosophy of History that history is often narrated by the victors, thereby obscuring the experiences of the oppressed. In this sense, the marginal representation of women in public monuments is indicative not only of gender inequality but also of broader dynamics in which selective historical narratives serve to reinforce dominant power structures while subverting the voices of those who have been marginalised.

As indicated by their symbolic narrative, public monuments play an essential role in the construction of collective identities and in the configuration of social memory. These monuments serve as reflections of our collective identity, mirroring the narratives we choose to remember and the ways in which those narratives continue to influence our present. In this sense, their presence in the urban landscape serves not only to honour the past but also to encourage dialogue and reflection on the meaning of our cultural heritage.

These spaces serve a dual purpose; they act as symbols that reflect and shape the cultural identity of a community, whilst also commemorating historical events and significant figures. The significance of monuments lies in their capacity to engender a sense of belonging and continuity in a society’s historical narrative. They serve as potent instruments for collective memory, a function that involves the imposition of a permanent memory on the landscape within which we order our lives (Frei 2019).

Studies indicate that monuments in the Americas have often been associated with narratives that prioritise dominant groups, frequently overlooking the contributions and experiences of women and African American communities (Evans 2021; Boldrick et al. 2022). From another perspective, monuments function as speech acts, and although they rarely speak for an entire body politic, they play a critical role in shaping historical narratives and cultural recognition of racist and violent pasts (Murphy 2021). In this sense, the monuments have been interpreted as instruments through which existing gender and racial hierarchies are reproduced and legitimised. Their presence in the urban landscape serves not only to honour the past, but also to encourage dialogue and reflection on the meaning of our cultural heritage.

Clarifying the definition of a monument is necessary; it refers to a sculpture situated in a public space intended to commemorate or pay tribute to an important person, event, or idea. In contrast, a public sculpture may be situated simply as an artistic expression, independent of any specific narrative or commemoration. The design of sculptures in urban spaces may be driven by various objectives, such as the improvement of the environment, which differs from the intentionality behind monuments (Montoya Herrera 2023).

It is evident that public monuments and sculptures have a tendency to suppress narratives that depict women’s participation in armed conflicts and their prioritisation of the masculinisation of the armed forces (Åse 2020). This is one of a number of pieces of evidence suggesting that women’s representation in public space is limited and that their contributions to history are often invisibilised. The representation of gender in public monuments has emerged as a subject of mounting interest in academic research, given that these spaces serve as reflections of a society’s history and culture, and also as conduits for the perpetuation of narratives that may favour certain groups over others, particularly with regard to gender.

The significance of these monuments in the context of social memory is predicated on their capacity to construct narratives that facilitate critical reflection and reconciliation in diverse settings. It is noteworthy that visitors’ interaction with these spaces reveals a profound comprehension of the memories that shape their social identity, thereby illustrating how monuments can facilitate the process of mourning and the management of collective trauma (Mirkin 2024). These structures serve dual purposes: they act as commemorative spaces for the fallen or tragic events, and as forums for debates on justice, memory recovery, and identity (Martínez-Rodríguez et al. 2022; Mendoza-Pulido 2023). Discourses surrounding monuments frequently address issues of legitimacy and the visibility of historical voices that were subject to scrutiny during their respective eras (Urrutia et al. 2023).

The recent shift in the public interpretation of statues must be understood within the wider phenomenon of the global “statue wars” of the 2010s–2020s, a socio-political context characterised by the re-evaluation of symbols representing national histories. Statues, which have traditionally been regarded as neutral urban ornaments, are now being contested as symbols of controversial historical figures whose legacies are associated with slavery, colonialism and patriarchy. Movements such as Black Lives Matter in the United States and the toppling of the Colston statue in Bristol (UK) illustrate how grassroots mobilisations have challenged the symbolic authority of monuments, turning them into focal points of broader struggles for social justice and reconciliation with the past. As Paul B. Preciado (2020) has observed, these protests demonstrate the transition of statues from mere public decorations to contested sites of meaning, thereby calling into question dominant power structures and historical narratives (Higgs and Gilleard 2020). This transformation highlights the necessity of redefining the symbols that shape the collective identity of contemporary societies.

2.2. Monuments and Gender

The representation of gender in public monuments is indicative of the historical narratives that predominate in each society. A survey of most cities’ monuments reveals a conspicuous absence: the scarcity of tributes to influential women. This conspicuous absence can be attributed to the long-standing exclusion of women from the official historical narrative, where their contributions have been systematically diminished or marginalised.

The failure to acknowledge the full extent of women’s contributions to history results in a limited and partial representation of the past, wherein they are often depicted as secondary figures. However, historical evidence demonstrates their role as protagonists in numerous struggles, advances and social transformations. The rectification of this disparity in public spaces cannot be confined to the mere erection of statues; rather, it necessitates a reformation of our collective memory to ensure it is more equitable, diverse, and inclusive. The prevailing archetype of women in public sculpture is one that constructs a static, supposedly universal, unchanging and ahistorical image of women, reinforcing discriminatory gender stereotypes (Vega 2016).

There is a paucity of systematic accounts of women authors of monuments and public sculptures, but the available data demonstrate historical underrepresentation, with recent improvements in some commissions. The Smithsonian inventory, as cited by Artnet (Cascone 2018), revealed that in San Francisco, only 15% of registered public works were created by female artists. In contrast, reports from the United Kingdom demonstrate advancement in the allocation of commissions: A study by McMillan (2021) revealed that 53% of public art projects from 2018 to 2019 and 59% in 2020 were commissioned from female artists. From a historical perspective, Sterckx (2008) provides documentation of more than 80 female sculptors responsible for 230 sculptures in London, Paris, and Brussels during the 19th century, thereby demonstrating their presence, albeit clearly in the minority compared to men. This phenomenon aligns with the prevailing bias observed in the artistic domain, wherein a significant proportion of the artists showcased in prominent museums in the United States are male, as evidenced by research conducted by Topaz et al. (2019). It is evident that female authorship in public art has historically been structurally underrepresented, although recent policies and competitions have begun to demonstrate signs of rectification.

There is a paucity of studies in Latin America, and an absence of studies in Ecuador, that address the problem of the underrepresentation of women in monuments in public spaces. A study that employed Wikidata, an open linked-data platform, to analyse gender gaps in Ibero-American public art identified substantial disparities in the authorship and representation of monuments in cities such as Buenos Aires and Madrid, suggesting that the majority of monuments are created by men and depict male figures, thereby perpetuating the invisibility of women in public space (Obregón-Sierra and Anselmi 2023). This phenomenon has also been observed in Ecuador, where the underrepresentation of women in public monuments reflects an underrepresentation of women’s contributions to history and culture (Cortínez-O’Ryan 2018).

Public policies in Latin America have shown significant limitations in the promotion of gender equality, resulting in a lack of initiatives that address equal representation in public art (Huillca 2022). Malhotra and Aulakh (2023) rightly mention that the lack of female figures in public art can lead to an internalisation of these beliefs, affecting women’s self-esteem and self-efficacy in society. However, if monuments and other public symbols do not reflect the diversity of the population, there is a risk that public policies will not adequately address the needs of all communities, especially women (Ermert et al. 2022). The androcentric policies that predominate in Latin America have contributed to the perpetuation of inequalities that affect governance and the legitimacy of institutions (Bohoslavsky and Rulli 2020).

The scope of this transformation extends far beyond isolated acts of demolition or vandalism; rather, it represents a deeper process of reclaiming historical memory. The removal of statues of controversial figures can be seen as an embodiment of grassroots demands for the recognition of past suffering and the re-evaluation of narratives surrounding individuals historically celebrated but also implicated in oppression (Walker et al. 2023). In South Africa, for instance, student-led movements such as Rhodes Must Fall revealed how the symbolic presence of certain statues perpetuated exclusion, while their removal opened up new avenues for inclusive cultural practices. This process is congruent with an emergent critical awareness of inequality in contemporary societies, where perceptions of meritocracy and social status influence beliefs and behaviours associated with justice and welfare (Gemar 2024). These transformations underscore the role of the re-signification of statues as a medium through which communities can renegotiate their position within the framework of collective memory.

There is a pervasive and conspicuous presence of stereotyping and discrediting of female figures in Italian monuments, compounded by an absence of adequate cultural policies, manifesting in both provincial settings and larger urban contexts (Peruzzi et al. 2024).

2.3. The Importance of the Study

It is vital to acknowledge that the incorporation of a gender perspective in urban planning and monument creation is not merely an aesthetic or symbolic concern, but rather a pivotal step towards achieving a more equitable and cohesive society. Public spaces serve as conduits for collective memory, and by incorporating a more diverse representation, they foster the recognition of individuals whose contributions to social, political and cultural development are often overlooked.

It is crucial to recognise this necessity and interrogate conventional narratives, thereby facilitating the emergence of novel forms of representation that serve to illuminate those subjects historically marginalised. In this sense, art and urban architecture emerge as powerful instruments for generating social transformations, fostering a more inclusive and participatory citizenship. The absence of female representation in public monuments in developing countries is indicative of an unfulfilled commemorative debt that impacts collective identity and social memory (Ortega 2021). It can be argued that the power of a monument has not been adequately recognised and appreciated by society. In this regard, public art installations, including monuments, can function as conduits for dialogue and reflection on pressing social issues, such as inequality and discrimination (Nyaiyonga 2024).

It is evident that when women feel represented and safe in their environment, they are more likely to participate in political and community processes. This, in turn, can lead to greater legitimacy of institutions and more effective governance. Furthermore, the study of gender inequity in monuments can serve as a catalyst for action on the part of policymakers, as the creation of spaces that promote gender equity has been shown to improve the perceived legitimacy of institutions (Córdova and Kras 2019). The importance of a study on gender inequity in public monuments lies in its ability to reflect and challenge gender inequalities in society, because by addressing these issues, greater social cohesion, more active citizen participation, and stronger political stability can be promoted.

2.4. Theoretical and Empirical Gaps

It is essential to acknowledge the existence of theoretical and empirical gaps in studies pertaining to gender inequality in public monuments and their urban and social context. This is fundamental to facilitating advancements in research and the implementation of effective policies. Incorporating a gender perspective within urban planning and monument creation is a pivotal step in fostering more equitable and inclusive societies.

In the context of Latin America, there is a paucity of empirical studies that analyse the public perception of monuments from a gender perspective. In the absence of empirical data measuring how people perceive gender representation in these spaces, it is difficult to assess the real impact of gender inequality on social cohesion and political stability. A further significant lacuna pertains to the paucity of studies that examine the intersections between gender and other social, educational and historical variables within the context of public monuments. This issue is particularly pronounced in Ecuador, where the assessment of gender ideology and the legal recognition of identity highlights the necessity of considering the diversity of experiences among different groups (Gavilanes-Rivera et al. 2024). However, within the context of monuments, this intersectionality is frequently disregarded, thereby impeding the comprehension of how diverse identities influence representation and perception within public space.

3. Materials and Methods

The objective of the present study is to analyse the proportion of women represented in public sculptures in the canton of Ibarra, as well as the extent to which citizens are acquainted with these representations, their lives, and their history.

3.1. Type of Research

The research employs a mixed approach, incorporating both quantitative and qualitative elements, and adopts a cross-sectional design, as it collects data at a single point in time. Within the framework of this approach, the research is descriptive in scope, as the study focuses on the measurement and quantification of variables, where the researcher remains a mere external observer of that which is to be studied (Hernández-Sampieri and Mendoza 2018). A comparative method has been applied as a fundamental strategy, with the aim of understanding the similarities and differences in order to confront the configuration of territorial identity through commemorative statuary (Gas 2020).

3.2. Instrument

A survey consisting of five questions was administered, which were posed in close proximity to the monument, ensuring that respondents could not see the plaque or the name of the monument. The initial three inquiries pertained to the respondents’ socio-demographic characteristics, namely gender, age (in specified ranges) and academic qualifications (primary, secondary, university, and postgraduate). The subsequent two inquiries sought to ascertain whether the population was acquainted with the female figure depicted on the monument. The initial inquiry posed whether the respondents were familiar with the depicted character. The subsequent inquiry, given the name of the character, inquired about the extent to which respondents were acquainted with the life or history of the character, with the following response options: Not at all, A Little, Moderately, and A Lot.

3.3. Participants

The canton of Ibarra, which belongs to the province of Imbabura, is located in the northern highlands of Ecuador (Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos 2024). According to the last census, the population of Ibarra is 217,469 inhabitants, distributed across five urban parishes (168,068 inhabitants) and seven rural parishes (49,401 inhabitants). The population of the canton is 47.9% male and 52.1% female. A total of 149,657 individuals within the canton have reached the age of legal majority.

The research universe comprises 124 sculptures located in public spaces within the canton of Ibarra. A secondary study universe comprised the adult inhabitants of the canton of Ibarra, totalling 149,657 individuals, from which a random sample of 1200 adult citizens (aged between 18 and 84 years) who passed by or very close to the monuments was selected for the questionnaire. The respondents were required to be residents of Ibarra in order to be eligible to participate in the study. At each of the 12 public monuments representing women, 100 anonymous surveys were administered, subject to verbal informed consent.

The respondents in question can be described as follows: the proportion of male respondents was found to be 51.3%, while the proportion of female respondents was 48.7%. With respect to the respondents’ educational attainment, 6.5% had only completed primary education, 52.4% had completed secondary education, 37.4% had obtained a university degree, and 3.7% had obtained a postgraduate degree. The age distribution of the respondents was as follows: 36.1% were aged between 18 and 34 years, 28.9% were aged between 35 and 51 years, 24.3% were aged between 52 and 68 years, and 10.7% were aged between 69 and 84 years.

3.4. Procedure

As there is no updated register or catalogue of the canton’s public sculptures in the municipality of Ibarra or elsewhere, the research team first proceeded to locate all the public sculptures in situ in the canton’s urban area, in order to make a technical record of each one (photographs, name, year, author, location, dimensions, materials, and general characteristics). Following the cataloguing of the 124 existing sculptures, they were organised according to one of the most common classifications based on the commemorative function of the sculptures, i.e., those erected to honour historical figures (male and female), significant events or cultural concepts. Subsequent to this, the collated data was compiled into a tabular format. Following the collection of this data, an initial examination was conducted, with gender serving as the primary category of analysis.

A secondary process, which served to determine the visibility of the sculptures representing women, was the application of a questionnaire and the tabulation of the information, in which the following procedure was employed: following the development of the instrument (survey), it was reviewed by two experts in Spanish grammar. Then, 25 pilot surveys were administered to ascertain whether the questions and answers were concise and comprehensible.

Following the implementation of minor amendments to the questionnaire, three students (one per faculty) from the Faculty of Education, Science and Technology of the Universidad Técnica del Norte were positioned in front of each of the 12 monuments dedicated to women. These students were tasked with posing questions to passers-by of legal age, at a prudent distance where they could not read the plaque or decipher the names of the women represented. The students administered a total of 1200 surveys, with 100 being completed at each female sculpture. This task was carried out from 3 to 17 February 2025. The respondents were instructed to alternate between male and female sculptures and to be residents of Ibarra. Those who initially stated that they were not from the city were excluded from the study.

Following the administration of the initial three socio-demographic questions, the final two inquiries were posed. In the subsequent question, the interviewer sought to ascertain the identity of the individual represented by the monument, regardless of the response to the preceding inquiries. Do you know which woman the monument represents? Regardless of the answer given, the interviewer indicated the name of the woman represented in order to immediately ask the following question: Do you know her life or history? The verbal responses of passers-by were collated by the students and subsequently entered into SPSS 25.0 software.

The raw survey dataset used for the statistical analyses, entered into SPSS 25.0, is openly available as Supplementary Materials (Data_Survey_Monuments_Women.sav) via the Open Science Framework (OSF).

Notwithstanding the fact that it was not part of the study’s objective, the Mann–Whitney U test (two independent populations) was applied for the purpose of collecting sociodemographic data with a view to determining whether respondents’ gender influenced their knowledge of the woman represented in the sculpture. This approach was informed by the researcher’s hypothesis (H1): There are significant differences in the level of knowledge of the female sculpture between male and female respondents. Furthermore, in order to ascertain whether academic level exerts an influence on the knowledge of the sculpture of the woman represented, the Kruskal–Wallis statistic (four independent populations) was applied, in accordance with hypothesis H2: There are significant differences in the level of knowledge of female sculpture among respondents according to their academic level.

4. Results and Discussion

4.1. How Many Women Are Represented in Public Sculptures?

Within the geographical confines of the canton of Ibarra, a total of 124 public sculptures have been identified, with 103 of these situated within the urban area, constituting 84.42% of the total, and 19 located in rural areas, amounting to 15.57%. Of the 124 public sculptures in the canton of Ibarra, according to Figure 1, 9.67% are representations of female historical figures (12 sculptures); 55.64% are representations of male historical figures (69 sculptures); and 34.67% are representations of cultural events or concepts (43 sculptures). It is noteworthy that among the representations of events or cultural concepts, there are eight female figures, though none of these represent a specific historical figure. Six of these figures are depicted as virtues, one represents motherhood, and a sculpture entitled “The Police” features three figures: an elderly woman accompanied by a child and an officer of the law.

The 12 sculptures, which are distributed throughout the city of Ibarra and represent female characters, are cement busts standing on a brick base plastered with cement. The busts range in height from 0.70 to 1.20 m, with the bases measuring an average of 2 m in height. The twelve sculptures are distributed as follows: three are located in the Cristobal de Troya Park, five on Cristobal de Troya Avenue, one on Jaime Rivadeneira Avenue, one on Atahualpa Avenue, one on Calle de los Incas, and one on Eugenio Espejo Avenue.

The data demonstrate a marked disparity in the representation of female subjects in comparison to male subjects and other representations. This disparity is particularly pronounced in rural parishes, where a mere 12 sculptures have been recorded, none of which depict a female character. Consequently, the sculptures are exclusively present in the city of Ibarra, with a complete absence in the seven rural parishes. The crux of the issue lies in the role of surrounding images in the construction of our identity, which, as Gas (2020) asserts, not only reflect reality but also reinforce and validate inequalities and differences that contradict the principle of equality, the fundamental basis of democratic systems. This disparity between female and male sculptures occurs despite the fact that both the constitution and specific Ecuadorian laws establish measures to prevent discrimination and promote public policies that guarantee equal rights for all; unfortunately, this precept is not being fulfilled.

The preponderance of this discrepancy between monuments dedicated to men and monuments dedicated to women has been substantiated by numerous studies conducted in several countries. In Europe, a qualitative and quantitative mapping study in Italy documents the scarcity of statues dedicated to women and stereotypical patterns in their treatment, highlighting the low visibility of women in public art policies (Peruzzi et al. 2024). Of the 1077 public monuments in Madrid, 156 represent women, accounting for 14.48% of the total; in the case of men, there are 451 appearances, accounting for 41.87% (Obregón-Sierra and Anselmi 2023). In Stockholm, women comprise only 32.5% of public art, and in Madrid, as indicated in another study, the figure is 22.3% (Gas 2020). A thoroughgoing analysis of the sculptural landscape confirms that in most cities, especially in Europe and North America, around 90% of public statues are dedicated to men, while women remain conspicuously absent (The Art Newspaper 2024). Globally, comparative analyses of colonial memories and commemorations also report an almost total absence of women in certain monumental ensembles. It is estimated that in the US, historical figures indicate that approximately 7% of statues are dedicated to real women (Dhondt 2025).

This phenomenon is not exclusive to one region; research in Latin America has shown similar patterns. In Chile, a survey of 516 public monuments revealed that only 67 (12.9%) of these monuments symbolically or commemoratively honour women (Ortega 2021). A comparable phenomenon has been observed in Peru, where the commemoration of independence heroes has been characterised by the representation of male figures, while women who also played an important role in these events have been marginalised (Peralta 2022). In Brazil, studies highlight that women remain significantly underrepresented in public spaces, reflecting their historical and political marginalisation (Pereira and Rebelo 2024). In Argentina, the percentage of women in public art is very low; in Buenos Aires, of the 793 public sculptures, 84 are female, accounting for 10.59% of the total. In the case of males, the total is 367, accounting for 46.27% (Obregón-Sierra and Anselmi 2023). In light of these pronounced discrepancies, feminist activism has led to the erection of new sculptures of women in several countries, including Argentina. The replacement of Columbus with the monument to Juana Azurduy in Buenos Aires illustrates this process of redressing the historical narrative and striving for a more equitable representation (Frei 2019).

The underrepresentation of women in public monuments cannot be attributed solely to cultural attitudes, levels of education, or investment in heritage. Research indicates that this phenomenon is shaped by multiple structural factors, including institutional decision-making processes, funding priorities, gender bias in artistic commissions, and the political uses of memory (Peruzzi et al. 2024; Pereira and Rebelo 2024). The absence of women in monumental spaces is indicative of a complex set of historical, political, and social conditions that have consistently privileged male figures as the embodiment of collective memory.

The paucity of female representation in public monuments is indicative of a societal and economic structure that is characterised by profound inequalities. In Latin America, and particularly in Ecuador, women face higher levels of poverty and exclusion, a reality that is also manifest in art and culture (Peralta 2022). Consequently, any initiative aimed at reducing gender inequality in public spaces must encompass more than mere visibility and address the systemic structures that perpetuate these inequalities in society.

4.2. Is It Known Whom the Sculpture Represents?

As demonstrated in

Table 1. Recognition rates of women represented in public sculptures.

Monument	Response	Frequency	%
1. Princesa Paccha	Yes	6	6.0%
	No	94	94.0%
2. Juana Atabalipa	Yes	4	4.0%
	No	96	96.0%
3. María Olimpia Gudiño	Yes	3	3.0%
	No	97	97.0%
4. María Angélica Hidrobo	Yes	6	6.0%
	No	94	94.0%
5. María G. García	Yes	2	2.0%
	No	98	98.0%
6. Hilda Pesantes Cevallos	Yes	2	2.0%
	No	98	98.0%
7. Madre Manuelita Pérez	Yes	0	0.0%
	No	100	100.0%
8. María Esther Castelo	Yes	1	1.0%
	No	99	99.0%
9. Zoila Tafur Cisneros	Yes	3	3.0%
	No	97	97.0%
10. Ana Luisa Leoro	Yes	4	4.0%
	No	96	96.0%
11. Rosita Reascos	Yes	4	4.0%
	No	96	96.0%
12. Mariana Minda	Yes	3	3.0%
	No	97	97.0%

, the proportion of respondents who are unable to identify the female figure represented by the public sculpture is a cause for concern and is not in accordance with expectations. For instance, the seventh sculpture (Madre Manuelita Pérez) has a 0% awareness rate, while the first and fourth sculptures (Princesa Paccha and María A. Hidrobo) have a maximum awareness rate of 6%.

It is a common occurrence for individuals traversing urban environments to bypass public sculptures without paying them any heed. This phenomenon may be attributed to a confluence of cultural, social, and educational factors that influence the manner in which we perceive and value art in urban environments. Specifically, the underrepresentation of female figures in public sculpture may result in a lack of identification or attraction among observers. The absence of narratives or characters with which they can identify further exacerbates this issue, leading to a greater likelihood of passers-by ignoring these works altogether (Ortega 2021). Furthermore, the fact that sculptures are often erected to honour historical figures who were predominantly male, such as military or political leaders, reinforces the idea that only men have made significant contributions to history (Monteverde 2020).

It is essential to comprehend the manner in which gender representations within the milieu of socialist societies have been instrumental in challenging conventional paradigms by integrating women into the national narrative through monumental representations. The visibility of women in public art is indicative of their participation in the construction of socially constructed national identity, emphasising the crucial role of representation. However, the percentage of works created by women is significantly lower than that of their male counterparts (Obregón-Sierra and Anselmi 2023).

The context of the former USSR countries promoted the inclusion of women in monuments as a symbol of social and political progress. Women were represented in spaces that celebrated the history and social values of the time, as evidenced by the change in artistic representations and official iconography, which included female figures in the heroic narrative (Bustamante and Placencia 2023). This phenomenon stands in stark contrast to the experiences of women in other cultures, where their presence in public spaces has been historically constrained and artistic representations have perpetuated entrenched gender disparities.

In the absence of monuments in public spaces that acknowledge the contributions of influential women, their history and achievements risk remaining marginal within the collective memory of the community. This symbolic omission has the potential to influence both the formation of identity and the sense of belonging, while concurrently limiting opportunities for recognition and participation in civic life. Consequently, women’s voices are often less visible in the formulation of policies that affect their daily realities, which contributes to reinforcing existing asymmetries in decision-making processes (Bauman et al. 2022). The incorporation of women into commemorative spaces serves to augment the visibility of their historical contributions. Moreover, it functions as a pedagogical and cultural resource that fosters social recognition and promotes more inclusive practices within the public sphere. Rather than distorting memory, such omissions constrain the diversity of collective memory and reduce the plurality of historical narratives in public spaces.

As demonstrated in Figure 2, the survey results indicate that 98.6% (1162 respondents) of the 1200 participants were unaware of the identity of the represented female subject, while only 3.2% (38 respondents) provided the correct response. This finding may be indicative of a historical narrative that appears to favour men, although this requires further research into whether viewers similarly recognise male figures. This phenomenon is further compounded by the historical and political context in which these sculptures were created.

This phenomenon is exacerbated by a paucity of education and culture to help contextualise these sculptures. In the absence of an understanding of their history, significance or importance, many people perceive them simply as part of the urban landscape and not as valuable cultural expressions (Higgs and Gilleard 2020). The urban environment in which these sculptures are situated exerts a significant influence on their recognition. In many cases, they are located in places that are not very accessible or have low visibility, which reduces their impact on the public.

In the absence of forums for discourse and appreciation, interest in these works is diminished, which may, in the long term, have ramifications for the funding and support of new artistic projects in the city (Ortega 2021). The consequences of this lack of recognition are profound. To elaborate, this oversight contributes to a myopic interpretation of history and culture, effectively excluding the invaluable contributions of women and other marginalised groups. This has the effect of distorting collective memory, as well as denying society the valuable opportunity to learn and reflect through public art. Consequently, the sculptures depicting women who are part of history lose their potential as educational and social awareness tools, thereby reducing their impact on building a more inclusive and diverse society.

It is important to note that, in the twelve cases of monuments to women investigated, using the Mann–Whitney U test, an asymptotic significance (p-value) greater than 0.05 was found, so the researcher’s hypothesis (H1) is rejected and the null hypothesis (H0) is accepted: There are no significant differences in the level of knowledge of female sculpture between male and female respondents. The assumption that there are no significant differences in knowledge of female sculpture according to gender should be accepted as a premise for analysis of the cultural, educational and social context. The results suggest the necessity for further investigation into the reasons behind the observed homogeneity, as well as consideration of the external factors that affect the commitment of different genders to artistic knowledge.

In addition, the twelve cases of monuments to women investigated utilised Kruskal–Wallis’ H test, resulting in an asymptotic significance (p-value) greater than 0.05. This finding indicates that the researcher’s hypothesis (H1) is rejected and the null hypothesis (H0) is accepted. The present study has revealed that there are no significant differences in the level of knowledge of female sculpture among respondents according to their academic level (primary, secondary, university, postgraduate). This finding suggests that the educational level of the population under study does not have a clear or statistically detectable influence on the recognition or knowledge of female sculpture. This suggests that other factors, such as cultural exposure, the media, personal experiences, or social values, could have a greater impact on this knowledge than academic level.

4.3. Is the Contribution of the Woman Represented in the Sculpture Known?

In order to analyse

Table 2. Awareness of the life or story of the represented woman.

Monument	Response	Frequency	%
1. Princesa Paccha	Not at all	93	93.0%
	A little	6	6.0%
	Moderately	1	1.0%
	A lot Moderately	0	0%
2. Juana Atabalipa	Not at all	94	94.0%
	A little	6	6.0%
	Moderately	0	0%
	A lot Moderately	0	0%
3. María Olimpia Gudiño	Not at all	97	97.0%
	A little	2	2.0%
	Moderately	1	1.0%
	A lot Moderately	0	0%
4. María Angélica Hidrobo	Not at all	92	92.0%
	A little	7	7.0%
	Moderately	1	1.0%
	A lot Moderately	0	0%
5. María Guillermina García	Not at all	97	97.0%
	A little	2	2.0%
	Moderately	1	1.0%
	A lot Moderately	0	0%
6. Hilda Pesantes Cevallos	Not at all	98	98.0%
	A little	2	2.0%
	Moderately	0	0%
	A lot Moderately	0	0%
7. Madre Manuelita Pérez	Not at all	95	95.0%
	A little	4	4.0%
	Moderately	1	1.0%
	A lot Moderately	0	0%
8. María Esther Castelo	Not at all	99	99.0%
	A little	1	1.0%
	Moderately	0	0%
	A lot Moderately	0	0%
9. Zoila Tafur Cisneros	Not at all	92	92.0%
	A little	8	8.0%
	Moderately	0	0%
	A lot Moderately	0	0%
10. Ana Luisa Leoro	Not at all	92	92.0%
	A little	6	6.0%
	Moderately	2	2.0%
	A lot Moderately	0	0%
11. Rosita Reascos	Not at all	97	97.0%
	A little	3	3.0%
	Moderately	0	0%
	A lot Moderately	0	0%
12. Mariana Minda	Not at all	95	95%
	A little	5	5%
	Moderately	0	0%
	A lot Moderately	0	0%

, it is first necessary to consider the fact that, in response to the question: Do you know the life or history of the female character represented? The response options were fourfold: not at all, a little, moderately, and a lot. With regard to the twelve sculptures of female characters, between 93% and 97% of respondents indicated that they had no knowledge of the subject; between 1% and 7% indicated that they had limited knowledge; between 0% and 2% indicated that they had moderate knowledge; and finally, none of the respondents indicated that they had extensive knowledge of the life or history of the woman represented.

Historically, public sculpture has been linked to the commemoration of national heroes and significant events, reflecting the cultural and political identity of society (Montoya Herrera 2023). This form of representation serves two functions: firstly, it serves to commemorate, and secondly, it serves to educate future generations about the history and values of the community (Monteverde 2020). As Donlaská (2023) asserts, it is imperative to comprehend and internalise the significance of monuments as invaluable repositories of culture, which, in turn, serve as a reflection of cultural diversity. As demonstrated in the research conducted by Malhotra and Aulakh (Malhotra and Aulakh 2023), perceptions of public spaces are significantly influenced by gender.

In the survey of 1200 respondents, despite the fact that all had been informed of the name of the woman depicted, Figure 3 demonstrates that 1141 people (95.1%) had no knowledge of the life or history of the woman depicted in the sculpture; 52 (4.3%) had limited knowledge; 7 (0.6%) had moderate knowledge; and no one had extensive knowledge (0%). This lack of recognition of women’s contribution to education, culture, and history is not an isolated phenomenon, but rather the result of a series of structural, cultural and educational factors that have maintained gender inequality over time. This invisibility is not a fortuitous occurrence, but rather a response to intricate and interconnected dynamics that have systematically marginalised women within the official narrative. Consequently, women are deprived of the recognition and acknowledgement they deserve, and society as a whole is denied the opportunity to learn about and value their contributions. This dearth of representation has a deleterious effect on the development of female role models, thus perpetuating a social model in which the contributions of women are systematically undervalued.

The notion that women are detached from culture and education is not an arbitrary one; rather, it is the consequence of a social construct that has historically maintained this perception. As Otero (2023) emphasises, structural violence perpetuates a gender hierarchy that devalues women’s contributions, hindering their visibility and recognition. Consequently, symbolic and material barriers are reinforced, impacting women’s access to these spaces and the acknowledgement and celebration of their achievements in society.

Education has been identified as playing a fundamental role in the construction of collective knowledge about historical figures and their legacy. Nevertheless, as Torregrosa (2019) demonstrated, there is frequently an omission or diminution of the contributions of women to the history of art and culture within educational institutions, resulting in a paucity of recognition of their achievements within the public sphere. This oversight has the effect of reducing female representation in historical narratives and reinforcing the idea that their role has been secondary or irrelevant.

In her contribution to the discourse, feminist historian Joan W. Scott, as cited in Narváez and Jurado (2022), posits that hierarchical power structures exert a determining influence on the interpretation and representation of cultural symbols, thereby directly impacting the visibility of women in historical discourse. In this sense, the weight of patriarchal norms not only conditions what is taught but also how knowledge is valued and transmitted, perpetuating a model in which female achievements are relegated to the background.

Furthermore, the contemporary discourse on cultural heritage has underscored the necessity to re-evaluate the significance of the monuments that surround us. This reflection is the consequence of a more critical and conscious examination of the narratives that have been both perpetuated and disregarded, thereby prompting a re-evaluation of existing monuments.

It is commonplace for monuments to be observed without consideration of their significance. The dearth of information surrounding these monuments often results in their presence going unremarked, even those that symbolise women who have made significant contributions to society. As Narváez and Jurado (2022) observe, most cities lack explanatory plaques or educational materials that would facilitate the public’s understanding of the individuals honoured and the reasons for their recognition. Furthermore, media and cultural institutions have devoted little effort to disseminating these stories, resulting in the legacy of numerous women who deserve to be remembered being consigned to oblivion.

Contrary to popular belief, women in Latin America have played an active role in their countries’ historical processes and have been key drivers of essential transformations (Heringer 2024; Dos Santos 2024). Similarly, in other countries around the world, women have been active participants in their nations’ history and catalysts for fundamental changes in the pursuit of equality and social justice (Hertz 2016; Virkki 2017; Tohidi and Daneshpour 2025).

4.4. Women Represented According to Ethnicity

Figure 4 provides a comprehensive analysis of the ethnicity of the women represented in the sculptures, categorising them as indigenous, Afro-descendant, and mestizo. Two of these sculptures are unambiguously identified as indigenous: Princesa Paccha and Juana Atabalipa. The former is recognised by historians as the wife of the Inca Huayna Capac and mother of Atahualpa, while the latter is known to have been the granddaughter of Atahualpa and was instrumental in the donation of land for the establishment of the city of Ibarra in 1606. The hypothesis that one of the sculptures represents a woman of African descent (8.33%) is also substantiated by the evidence that she is a leader of the Afro-descendant people of the canton of Ibarra who died recently, in 2017. The remaining nine individuals are identified as mestizo-white women, constituting 75% of the sample. This categorisation as mestizo-white is attributed to the inability to ascertain whether these individuals belong exclusively to the mestizo or white ethnic group. It is noteworthy that, given their ancestry, these women may be considered as potentially belonging to either of the aforementioned ethnic groups.

The presence of ethnic minority figures in sculptures and public monuments should not be regarded as an artistic detail; rather, it should be considered a reflection of historical narratives and power relations in each society. In Latin America, for example, these figures serve as visual testimonies of the resistance, memory, and identity of indigenous peoples. Over time, these works have served both to perpetuate dominant visions and to challenge and reclaim marginalised cultural identities. This absence is not merely a symptom of historical exclusion; it is also a reminder that collective memory still owes debts to those who have been made invisible.

In recent years, there has been an increasing representation of specific Latin American ethnic groups, especially indigenous peoples, in public art. This development represents a departure from the conventional depiction of heroic figures imposed by official narratives, and instead, it can be argued that there has been a conscious effort to recover and give voice to historically silenced communities.

In Chile, for instance, there are sculptures and monuments that not only depict the presence of their people in public space, but also integrate cultural symbols that evoke their worldview, their spiritual relationships with nature and their history of resistance (Echeverría 2023). These works commemorate the past, but also invite reflection on the present and future of indigenous peoples within Chilean society. In Argentina, the examination of public policies directed towards the Rankülche people has exposed a significant transformation in the manner in which indigenous communities are represented. Initiatives promoting recognition, as encouraged by the provincial government, have facilitated the establishment of new monuments in more accessible and strategic locations. These monuments highlight historical figures that contribute to the recovery and reinterpretation of the collective memory of these communities (Giacomasso et al. 2019). In Colombia, the analysis of urban dynamics in Sincelejo reveals the tensions that arise in the construction of identities through public art, with the perceptions of the inhabitants regarding public space being crossed by differences and conflicts (Martínez-Osorio et al. 2023). Conversely, Miguel Baca Rossi’s sculpture El Chalán in Perú, while centred on the depiction of mestizaje, exemplifies the capacity of art to influence the formation of a national imaginary that incorporates elements of indigenous heritage, thereby contributing to a more inclusive conception of Peruvian identity (Cruz 2023).

5. Conclusions

The scarcity of monuments dedicated to influential women is a significant omission from our collective memory, conveying the message that their achievements are not worthy of public commemoration. The lack of female references in the urban landscape is therefore not merely a reflection of historical neglect. It acts as a persistent barrier shaping the opportunities and perceptions of women today. The absence of sculptures and monuments honouring women should not be dismissed as an oversight; it reflects structural and cultural inequalities that have endured over time. This erasure from the collective memory reinforces the notion that public spaces have historically been designed for, and predominantly occupied by, male figures. To overcome these inequalities, a comprehensive approach that recognises differences and fosters equal opportunities is required, thereby promoting a fairer society in which everyone can fulfil their potential.

From a feminist perspective, this omission can be interpreted as a manifestation of patriarchy in the construction of the social imaginary. A review of art history shows that women have traditionally been portrayed as passive or idealised, while the sociology of public space reveals how these omissions affect women’s sense of belonging and participation in society.

The scarcity of critical discourse on female public sculptures frequently results in their oversight and undervaluation. In the absence of adequate signage or contextual information, these elements are reduced to mere decorative features rather than being recognised as works of cultural value. This invisibility is compounded by historical, educational and cultural omissions, namely the exclusion of women from curricula, the limited dissemination of their achievements, and the existence of structures that have minimised their historical role. In Ibarra, for instance, although a small number of sculptures of women are present, the majority of passers-by are unaware of the subjects represented. In order to address this issue, it is essential to transform the education system, strengthen the dissemination of culture, and foster a more inclusive historical memory. This will enable future generations to value and reclaim the legacy of these women.

A similar analysis of ethnic representation in monuments reveals how public art reflects both social identity and structures of exclusion. Rather than being regarded as impartial embellishments, these artistic creations convey symbolic messages that underscore the dynamics of remembrance and marginalisation. Greater inclusivity in public art, achieved through equitable representations of cultural plurality, has been demonstrated to dignify historically excluded communities and enable societies to recognise themselves in all their diversity.

The capacity of art to confer visibility, to engender dialogue, and to construct bridges between the past and the present, thereby cultivating a more inclusive and enriching memory for future generations, is indisputable. In this sense, while the presence of women in monuments does not guarantee equality, it does contribute symbolically to broadening collective imaginaries, paving the way for more inclusive social and political practices by diversifying the references that shape public memory and representation.

In the Ecuadorian context, a number of realistic strategies have been proposed for addressing gender inequalities in public monuments. These include the integration of a gender perspective into heritage education, the establishment of municipal quotas for female representation in new artistic commissions, the creation of open digital catalogues with gender metadata, the design of cultural routes and signage that highlight female biographies, and the development of historical memory campaigns with a gender perspective in coordination between education, culture, and local governments.

6. Limitations and Future Lines of Research

The geographical scope of the analysis is confined to the city of Ibarra, thereby precluding the inclusion of sculptures in other locations within the province of Imbabura or other Ecuadorian cities. This restriction limits the potential for conducting regional or national comparisons. The investigation of the influence of female sculptures on societal perceptions of women’s roles, and the examination of the criteria that guide the creation, selection or conservation of female public sculptures, represent challenging and promising research avenues for the future. Furthermore, the study did not include a comparative questionnaire on male representations, since the objective was to highlight the historical underrepresentation of women; however, future research could benefit from incorporating both perspectives to enable a more comprehensive comparative analysis.

The application of a non-random sampling method in the administration of the questionnaire introduces significant limitations, including selection bias, given that not all residents of Ibarra were included with equal probability, thereby reducing the representativeness of the sample and increasing the risk of systematic errors derived from contextual factors such as location, the timing of the survey, or the profile of available passers-by, which affects external validity and limits the extrapolation of findings to other similar contexts.